Proclamation Of Martial Law Research Articles

Brigham Young, Colonizer of the American West: Diaries and Office Journals, 1832–1871

Brigham Young, Colonizer of the American West: Diaries and Office Journals, 1832–1871

Lobbying Allies? The NSZZ Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad, 1982–1989

After the proclamation of martial law in Poland in December 1981, a Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad was set up. Led by Jerzy Milewski, the organization eliminated any internal opposition and succeeded in being recognized by most Western partners as the foreign representative of Solidarność. The Coordinating Office received most of its financial aid from trade union internationals and from the United States. Initially, the Coordinating Office was active mainly within international institutions such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the International Labor Organization. From 1984 onward, the organization sought to influence senior politicians and governments and became an important reminder to the Western world of the Polish crisis, as well as providing financial and material aid to the banned Polish trade union. However, it did not have a definitive impact on policymaking and remained largely dependent on its allied organizations.

The Transnationality of Dutch Solidarity with the Polish Opposition 1980-1989

The Transnationality of Dutch Solidarity with the Polish Opposition 1980-1989 This article examines Dutch solidarity with the Polish independent trade union Solidarność on the basis of three social movements : the trade unions, the peace movement, and Polish Solidarność exiles in the Netherlands. The major Dutch trade unions fnv and cnv were in touch with and in support of Solidarność much earlier and more explicitly than the peace movement ikv. The latter sided with the Polish opposition only after the proclamation of martial law and found an equal partner only after the foundation of the Polish peace movement Freedom and Peace in 1985. However, while approaching Eastern Europe, peace movements – just as exiles – had many more contacts with other Western European activists. By contrast, the trade unions’ transnational scope was limited to a bilateral collaboration with Poland.

The Puzzle of Martial Law

Martial law is thought to be not a complete absence of law, nor a special kind of law – a scheme of legal regulation – but, rather, an absence of law prescribed by law under the concept of necessity – a legal black hole, but one created, perhaps even in some sense bounded, by law. A.V. Dicey claimed that martial law in this sense is ‘unknown to the law of England,’ which is ‘unmistakable proof of the permanent supremacy of the law under our constitution.’ This article explores Dicey's claim against the backdrop of the legal events that followed Governor Edward John Eyre's proclamation of martial law in reaction to the Jamaica uprising of 1865 and his ruthless suppression of the uprising. It might seem that these events, as well as later experience, show that Dicey was naively wrong. But the article argues that a proper understanding of the jurisprudential issues and of that experience support his view.

THE PUZZLE OF MARTIAL LAW

Martial law is thought to be not a complete absence of law, nor a special kind of law – a scheme of legal regulation – but, rather, an absence of law prescribed by law under the concept of necessity – a legal black hole, but one created, perhaps even in some sense bounded, by law. A.V. Dicey claimed that martial law in this sense is ‘unknown to the law of England,’ which is ‘unmistakable proof of the permanent supremacy of the law under our constitution.’ This article explores Dicey's claim against the backdrop of the legal events that followed Governor Edward John Eyre's proclamation of martial law in reaction to the Jamaica uprising of 1865 and his ruthless suppression of the uprising. It might seem that these events, as well as later experience, show that Dicey was naïvely wrong. But the article argues that a proper understanding of the jurisprudential issues and of that experience support his view.

French Enthusiasm for Solidarność

France was one of the main supporters of Solidarność. The events in August and September 1980 immediately gained the interest of the French media. Trade unionists started to collaborate with their Polish colleagues, for instance by setting up exchange programs or by introducing Solidarność to international trade unions. Organisations of solidarity were founded and started to collect food, clothes and drugs. After the proclamation of Martial Law in Poland, this grew into a mass movement, involving many layers of the French population. Both workers and intellectuals were drawn to the idea of a ‘second left’: an alternative to the old and radical socialism.

Editor's Introduction

Following the proclamation of martial law and forceful suppression of Chinas pro-democracy movement in June 1989, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) propaganda apparatus set about the painstaking and protracted process of ideological remolding, described above by Chairman Mao. What can be learned about the functioning of the propaganda system in China from the official interpretation of the June 4 incident? Principally, how did Chinese Communist Party leaders and the Propaganda Department define the event and disseminate this interpretation inside and outside of China? The documents contained in this volume shed considerable light on these questions.

The "National Question" in the Peace Movement: Origins and Tendencies

The new peace movement in West Germany has been blamed for being nationalistic. At first, it appears paradoxical to link the intention of maintaining peace or securing it in a humane way with a term that commonly stands for war and expansion. The peace movement, as heterogeneous as it may be, is based on the explicit desire to ban war and the violent use of power. The ultimate aim of the peace movement is to change those political, military, and social conditions which make war and violence possible. On the other hand, nationalism is historically known as the ideology of mass mobilization directed against other nationally organized communities, and it takes the shape of legitimate power acting against outside forces, i.e., it takes the shlape of war. How is it possible then to accuse the West German peace movement of nationalism? Is such an accusation merely cheap polemics used by those people who close their ears to the arguments of the peace movement and who instead seek to bury it with reasons of internal security? Obviously such critics are dishonest who accuse the peace movement of nationalism, and who seek to act militantly against foreign powers at the same time. But, despite this contradictory criticism, which instrumentalizes nationalism and neutralism, there has indeed been a tendency within the peace movement to emphasize nationalist reasons for rejecting missiles and armnnament. This is not surprising given that the peace movement tends to place the dominant collective system of security into question. It tries to point out that there are particular interests of individual communities against supra-national blocs with their special systems and interests. For instance, the peace movement in the Federal Republic reacted out ofparticularist and geographic interests to the proclamation of martial law in Poland and the repression of Solidarnosc. On the other hand, French pro-

Muslim Separatism in the Philippines, 1972-1981: The Making of a Stalemate

Research Article| November 01 1981 Muslim Separatism in the Philippines, 1972-1981: The Making of a Stalemate Lela G. Noble Lela G. Noble Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1952) 21 (11): 1097–1114. https://doi.org/10.2307/2643996 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Lela G. Noble; Muslim Separatism in the Philippines, 1972-1981: The Making of a Stalemate. Far Eastern Survey 2 July 1952; 21 (11): 1097–1114. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2643996 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1981 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

The Philippines — Marcos´ “New Society”

After almost two and a half years of martial law rule, a question often asked to what extent has much vaunted New Society of President Marcos solved fundamental problems of Philippines, and at what cost to national polity? Among achievements, martial law regime can point to stability in country and a healthy growth in foreign investments in contrast to high crime rates, political violence, and economic stagnation of pre-martial law days. The benefits, however, have been obtained at a price ? a complete suspension of democratic process and institutions, muzzling of press, and imprisonment of political opponents. In past year question of when President's one-man rule would end has been aired more than once in international press. On this President Marcos has maintained throughout, that it an issue for Filipino people to decide and that he favoured consent by Characteristic of Marcos Adminis tration, scrupulous care has been taken to demonstrate that, unlike other dictator ship, President's power under martial law determined by will of people. And to buttress this claim are results of two nation-wide meetings of citizens' assemblies, or barangays, held in January and July 1973 at which Filipino people voted overwhelmingly for President Marcos' continuance in office and so also for his martial law reforms. There was to have been another meeting of country's 42,000 barangays on 1 September 1974 to enable people to voice their grievances against conduct of public officials (civil and military) and government to have a pulse-taking on political reforms. But nothing came out of proposed referendum, partly because of emergency situation created by August floods and partly because government had its hands full with fighting in Mindanao. Far from spelling death of democracy, proclamation of martial law or authoritarianism, according to President Marcos, is a part of democracy and in accordance with our constitution, and that the Commander-in-Chief provision in our constitution invoked temporarily for period of crisis. But how temporary what many thoughtful Filipinos would like to know. The other troubling feature of martial law rule concentration of power in hands of one man whose acts, according to a decree passed, are beyond review of courts. President Marcos' single-handed rule also a source of unease to some sectors of business community who worry about uncertainties that might ensue with sudden removal of political strongman from scene. To allay fears concerning question of succession to presidency, President Marcos disclosed in August 1974 that he had drawn up a secret presidential decree even before 21 September 1972, that would create an executive council to run government

Constitutionalism and the Supreme Court in a Changing Philippine Polity

Research Article| November 01 1973 Constitutionalism and the Supreme Court in a Changing Philippine Polity Rolando V. del Carmen Rolando V. del Carmen Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1944) 13 (11): 1050–1061. https://doi.org/10.2307/2642859 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Rolando V. del Carmen; Constitutionalism and the Supreme Court in a Changing Philippine Polity. Far Eastern Survey 31 May 1944; 13 (11): 1050–1061. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2642859 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1973 Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

The proclamation of martial law in the Philippines

(1973). The proclamation of martial law in the Philippines. Australian Outlook: Vol. 27, No. 1, pp. 73-85.