Process Of Political Change Research Articles

ڕۆڵی كولتوری سیاسی له‌ به‌رهه‌ڵستیكردنی گۆڕانی سیاسیدا توێژینه‌وه‌یه‌كی ڕه‌خنه‌یی شیكارییه‌

This study has tried to analyze the role of political culture in resistance to political change. It is the basic goal of the study to identify, how political culture could leave a negative impact on the political change process? is political culture has an unchangeable form to do this role at any time? To this end, the research uses appropriate methods. The method that has been used is the inductive method. The result that the study obtained, is, political culture can resist political change, and is not a static concept, does not change according to time and place, but a variable one, and in interaction with the political system and society. Political culture has many forms, and each of which has its ability that distinguished it from others, in other words, each of them has its influence on a specific society. In general, this factor could be opposite to political change in any political system, particularly in dictatorial and quasi-democratic systems, in which some values and norms are imposed itself that violate people's demands and freedom. Also In this circumstance, the new media and social networks could have their effect on political culture and share in this resistance.

The role and impact of lobbying on society (as perceived by the people of the FRG)

The article considers the modern perception of the phenomenon of lobbyism, states the influence of interest groups on political processes in the countries of the European continent. The authors emphasize the relevance of the study of lobbyism, which is determined by the processes of political change and integration of the national and international economic space of the European Union and the Federal Republic of Germany. On the basis of secondary interpretation of sociological data the researchers reveal the problems of public assessment of lobbyism, its influence on political processes in the EU countries. Attention is emphasized on the importance of society's requirements to the transparency of interest groups and lobbying. The position of the respondents regarding the maintenance of a register of lobbyists at the level of Germany and the EU as a necessary tool of public control is seen as important. Based on the results of the research, a conclusion was made about the influence of interest groups on the lobbying process. The basis of modern interpretations of lobbying is not the theory of pluralism or corporatism, but the theory of network management. According to the respondents, industrial corporations and the leading sectors of the German and EU economy, rather than politicians and political parties, benefit more from lobbying in the Federal Republic of Germany. These surveys suggest a dominance of lobbyists from the economic sphere of the industrial sectors, which, according to the respondents, gain an economic advantage when working in markets. At the same time, it is the authorities that receive a positive effect from lobbying in terms of expert information support of political activity. The authors conclude that it is necessary to further study the influence of interest groups and lobbyists on political processes and further deepen the transparency of the lobbying process, more detailed disclosure of administrative and tax reporting in order to increase public confidence in politicians, business and government.

Sineu Pinkout! Promoción turística, conflicto político y renovación festiva en la Mallorca rural

In this article, we propose to analyse the role of tourism promotion in the social and political con‑ flict in the rural municipality of Sineu (Mallorca) between 2013 and 2014 with respect to the celebration of the festivities in honour of their patron saint. In this sense, we emphasize that the emergent festival of La Mucada proposed by young left‑wingers has meant a ritual and performative practice of de‑essentialization of the tourist “otherness” as defended by the right‑wing authorities. At the same time, the inclusive nature of the new festivity and local identity has facilitated tourist participation and integration into the process of political change. This shows that tourism plays a central role in local political conflicts, beyond strict dia‑ metrically opposed stances of for or against, and can be an element of symbolic power to be conquered by various different social and political actors.

Searching for political efficacy: the Israeli Arab vote in the 2019-21 Knesset elections

ABSTRACT Arab politics experienced dramatic upheavals in the four Knesset elections between April 2019 and March 2021. First was the jump from a significant low turnout among Arab voters in April 2019 (49.2%) to the highest turnout in two decades in March 2020 (64.8%), only to be followed by a historic slump to 44.6% in March 2021. The Arab parties went through a shaky period – from a divided political system that secured only 10 Knesset seats in April 2019 to a historic achievement in the March 2020 elections, when the Joint List won 15 seats, followed by yet another schism resulting in a total of 10 seats in the March 2021 elections. As such, the Joint List’s achievements did not herald the strengthening of the Arab parties’ influence in the Arab street but rather the increasing influence of the public on the political configuration of the parties wishing to represent it. The interrelation between the public and the parties is the outcome of profound processes of political change that Arab society in Israel has undergone over the past two decades. The article discusses these processes and their impact on the political behaviour of the Arab public.

The Arab Spring a decade on: information and communication technologies as a mass mobilization tool

PurposeThe purpose of this research paper is to address the main research gap related to the lack of sufficient information regarding the role of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in second Arab Spring wave in comparison to the first one. The authors analysed the role of ICTs via data regarding the access to ICTs and its influence on organization and spread of the anti-regime protests, i.e. regime change.Design/methodology/approachCrisis situations are unpredictable, complex and unexpected. The consequences produced by the crisis situations or events may be negative for an individual, community, organization or society as a whole. In the new millennium, ICTs have an important role in deep social crises. The new technologies enable not only the rapid spread of certain political ideas, spin information, but also the spread of misinformation. The control over ICTs in the crisis situations is crucial. The aim of this paper is to indicate effect of the use of ICTs in the crisis situations, i.e. political upheavals in 11 countries of the “Arab Spring”. The contribution of this paper is based on the development of a special theoretical model of analysis that represents the combination of the theoretical considerations in the field of ICTs, as well as the analysis in the field of transitology, i.e. democratization. The first part of the paper is focussed on the development of ICT transition theory of ICTs’ impact on the process of political change, setting the hypotheses and the explanation of methodological approach of the paper. The second part is related to the review and description of data regarding ICTs use, while the third one discusses the impact of the use of ICTs in organizing and spreading protests in the Arab world, in line with the defined theoretical framework. Finally, there are given the research results in terms of confirming or refuting the hypotheses through the analysis of Arab transition cases.FindingsThe authors confirmed the main hypothesis of the paper that the factors that determined the role of ICTs in first Spring, also, have determined the role of ICTs in second Spring wave. These factors include high access to ICT tools, weak regime's control over ICTs’ use and important cross-border networking with regional and international audience. All that formed the promotional role of ICTs in regime change in 8 of the 11 countries mentioned in the paper.Originality/valueApart from the developed special theoretical model and the analysis of new wave Arab Spring cases, the significance and originality of this paper is reflected in a comprehensive and multidisciplinary approach that connects political changes and the use of ICTs in disseminating certain policies and ideas.

“Eyes Have No Border”. Presencing the Slovenian-Hungarian Border in Goričko and the Rába Valley

The article draws on the written and oral memories of people living along the border between Slovenia (Goričko in Prekmurje) and Hungary (the Rába Valley). They are presented as comments on a century-long process of political changes in this borderland and demonstrate a plethora of ways in which border shifts intrude on people’s everyday lives. People’s concern with the border is reflected in the fact that it is a topic that emerges in any conversation with individuals living next to it, whether in the context of work, family, daily errands or stories of the past and present. In this article, informed by two concepts–border and memory– we present memories and perceptions of the border as they are expressed in casual comments or observations and semi-structured conversations with interviewees in the field. Life in borderlands is always localized, and there are visible divergences in the experience of the border on the Slovenian and Hungarian side. In Prekmurje, historical events along the border, especially the post-Trianon one, and the memory of these events are perpetuated through anniversaries of the annexation of Prekmurje to the Kingdom of SCS, whereas in the Rába Valley, memories especially relate to the Iron Curtain period. In a much more poignant way, they also constitute the present Slovenian community in ethnic terms as they are mediated in their vernacular.

Los métodos mixtos de investigación para el análisis del cambio político en el Norte de África y Oriente Próximo

Democratization processes are a relevant issue for Comparative Politics. However, cross-regional proposals comparing cases from different geographical areas based on context sensitivity are still limited, whereas comparative research using mixed-method approaches such as Comparative Area Studies (CAS) and Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) are very exceptional. In spite of their scarcity, these methods present advantages both conceptually and methodologically. On the one hand, regions acquire relevance as an analytical category, not as an explanatory element. On the other hand, they help to test theories previously applied to particular regional or local contexts. This mixed approach is highly adaptable to political change studies and it is particularly useful for comparative studies. In fact, it allows for a contextual description of countries; favours classification; enables evaluating previous theories; and facilitates comparisons. However, most of QCA publications are focused on evaluating classical theories and they do not usually take into account the asymmetry of processes of political change. In this regard, this publication recommends distinguishing between types of political change processes and including new conditions that have only been covered from intrarregional and case study research on the Middle East and North Africa studies (MENA).

Entre la euforia y el desencanto: El significado de la autonomía en la construcción de subjetividades feministas en Aragón (1977-1985)

El objetivo de este artículo es explorar la construcción de las subjetividades feministas que se desarrollaron en Aragón al calor de la euforia del final del franquismo y el desencanto con el proceso de cambio político. A partir de tres historias de vida intentamos comprender la importancia de la autonomía para las feministas de la transición, así como los múltiples significados que ésta adquirió. Las subjetividades analizadas son, por un lado, una militante del Frente Feminista, grupo mayoritario en el feminismo zaragozano y que se identificó en sus inicios con el feminismo socialista. Por otro lado, una anarquista cuya expresión del feminismo fue intentar buscar una genealogía con Mujeres Libres, el pasado reciente de un feminismo de anarquistas aragonesas. Y, por último, una pacifista. Un símbolo de la Zaragoza de los años ochenta, con la base militar de Estados Unidos y el miedo a la guerra nuclear, fue el movimiento por la paz. Un movimiento que incluyó de forma trasversal el feminismo, el ecologismo y la noviolencia.

The Spanish Transition as a Model of Political Consolidation

The article analyses the Spanish Transition from a dictatorship to a democracy as a process of political change during the period from Franco’s death in 1975 until the arrival of the Socialists to Power in 1982. Over this period, the political parties had reached a consensus, which contributed to reconciliation among the Spaniards culminating in the approval of the Constitution in 1978, which in its turn resulted in the creation of a rule-of-law state. The key people of the transition were King Juan Carlos I, who supported the democratic system; Adolfo Suárez, who became an active stateman under Franco’s regime, and was appointed Head of Government by the King during the transition; and Torcuato Fernández Miranda, President of the Franco’s Courts. During the Transition the sectarianism was abandoned, and a shared idea arose that our country was a democracy similarly to other European countries around us. The transition has been defined as a “model” because it took root, and democracy quickly consolidated. It has become a historical feat with no precedents, but above all we have to understand the historical context in which this occurred. The transition was possible thanks to genuine consensus among the Spaniards. Recently, an idea has emerged from the communist far left, and some socialists, along with separatists, connected with the 2008 crisis, which calls for the repeal of the constitutional order and the monarchy. The proponents of this idea consider monarchy a continuation of Franco’s regime. However, it is evident that the Constitution ensures and guarantees Spaniards’ rights and freedoms.

Can there be a Progressive Nostalgia? Layering Time in Pride’s Retro-Heritage

Pride is notable for its dynamic treatment of time, which is key both to its appeal as a film and to its presentation of the processes of political change. By combining nostalgia, retro, and heritage, Pride manifests an artistic practice I refer to as temporal layering, which draws attention to how any single moment implies potential relationships with numerous interacting others. I use this notion to understand both the role that the 1984–5 miners’ strike assumes in cultural revisions of the 1980s, and the kind of cinematic past that Pride presents. This past can be understood as a development in the heritage genre appropriate to reimagining modern British history, especially that of the 1980s, that could be called retro-heritage. By paying attention to the varied temporal layers thus present in Pride, a new perspective is offered on how nostalgia’s presumed conservatism sits alongside the ‘left-wing melancholy’ (Traverso, 2017) that has dominated in the era of defeats since the 1980s. My ultimate aim is to ask what potential nostalgia may have when envisaging a different future.1

Political Mobilization and Empowerment in the Rural Alabama Black Belt: A Comparative Analysis of Sumter and Greene Counties

This study examines the process of political change in the rural Alabama Black Belt counties of Greene and Sumter, located in the southwestern region of the state. Focusing on the period from the early 1960s through the mid-1980s, this study compares the processes of political mobilization and empowerment in these counties to account for divergent rates of political change. The nature and pattern of leadership, organizations, and the strategies and tactics employed to achieve mobilization and empowerment are discussed. Moreover, the utility of Aldon Morris’ indigenous perspective is assessed for understanding the dynamics of mobilization and empowerment in the rural Black Belt. The results reveal that leadership monopolization in the social change process at the local level has its benefits as indicated by the relatively rapid pace with which black majority rule was instituted in Greene County. In contrast, in Sumter County where leadership monopolization was far less pronounced, the empowerment process was more arduous and delayed. However, the Federation of Southern Cooperatives, established in 1967, evolved into a local movement center proxy, thereby leveling the playing field to help propel to power by 1986 a black majority to the Sumter County government.

Water, Infrastructure and Power: Contention and Resistance in Post‐colonial Cities of the South

Water, Infrastructure and Power: Contention and Resistance in Post‐colonial Cities of the South

Passed, regulated, or applied? The different stages of emigrant enfranchisement in Latin America and the Caribbean

ABSTRACTWhen are emigrants really enfranchised? Lengthy lags exist between some reforms that de jure introduced external voting and their application. In the blooming literature on emigrant enfranchisement, these lags remain unexplained. We argue that this hampers our understanding of enfranchisement processes as having different legal and political stages. With data on Latin American and Caribbean states since 1965 until the present, we investigate why some states in this region have delayed the regulation and application of external franchise while others have implemented it right after enactment. We propose hypotheses to understand these reforms as episodes marked by different contexts, engineered by different agent coalitions and embedded into larger processes of political change. In particular, we suggest that enfranchisement processes are composed of three stages: enactment, regulation, and first application. Our findings suggest that the process of adoption of external voting is shaped by the legal mechanism of enactment and the stability of political coalitions.

Tullock and the welfare costs of corruption: there is a “political Coase Theorem”

Gordon Tullock developed an approach to understanding dynamic processes of political change and policy outcomes. The key insight is the notion that political insiders have a comparative advantage—because they face lower transaction costs—in manipulating rules. The result is that political actors can collect revenues from threatening to restrict, or offering to loosen, access to valuable permissions, permits, or services. To the extent that the ability to pay for such favorable treatment is a consequence of private activities that produce greater social value, there is a “political Coase theorem”: corruption makes bad systems more efficient. But the dynamic consequences are extremely negative, because of the inability to institute reforms resulting from application of Tullock’s “transitional gains trap.”

The Grit in the Oyster? Women’s Parliamentary Organizations and the Substantive Representation of Women

This article addresses a foundational question of political representation: how do representatives act for those they represent? In a shift away from analyses of individual representatives’ attitudes and behaviour, we identify Women’s Parliamentary Organizations as potential critical sites and critical actors for women’s substantive representation. Offering one of the most in-depth studies to date, our illustrative case is the long-standing UK Parliamentary Labour Party’s Women’s Committee. With a unique data set, and using both quantitative and qualitative methods, we systematically examine the Parliamentary Labour Party’s Women’s Committee efforts to substantively represent women over more than a decade. We find that the Committee sustains its focus on a small number of women’s issues and interacts with party leadership to advance women’s interests in a feminist direction. Our findings capture processes of political change, a frequently under-explored stage in studies of substantive representation. We close by identifying the potential for comparative research in this area.

Los últimos de Filipinas. Corporaciones locales en el tardofranquismo: reformas legales, elecciones y presupuestos precarios

Municipal government was under close scrutiny by the State in Spain since the nineteenth century, legally, financially and administratively. During Francoism scrutiny increased. Nevertheless, the reform of municipal life was debated within the regime since the 1960s, as part of a broader project of institutionalization and legitimization. The debate on reform was prolongued, yet for the most part fruitless. The new law of 1975 and the elections of 1976 are telling of the negligible results of Francoist reform. Municipal income remained insufficient. It became clear that reform of local administration was truly a Gordian knot. Municipal life was not a priority during the process of political change, its democratic renewal was delayed until the Spring of 1979. The priority were the autonomias and not the ayuntamientos.

Competitive Statehood in Libya: Governing Differently a Specific Setting or Deconstructing its Weak Sovereign State with a Fateful Drift Toward Chaos?

Libya in 2011 witnessed a real process of political change, though different from all the policy-oriented jargon equating transition with a teleological transition to democracy. Due to the resilience of the Qadhafi regime in power and with the essential role of NATO intervention, the process was eased out by a eight-month civil war. Governance in post-Qadhafi Libya was not done through the rebuilding of centralized authorities. But it took the specific form of the emergence of multiple non-state actors embedded in local dynamics and then connected with weakened central authorities that had access to the huge Libyan resources. That raised complex questions about the quality of this mode of governance, especially at a time of pressing problems for Libya and its neighbors, whether direct ones (Tunisia, Egypt, Mali) or farther countries across the Mediterranean sea: terrorism with the expansion of Da’esh into the country and flows of refugees crossing Libya’s uncontrolled borders and flowing into Italy and then Europe by thousands.

Recent Political Change in Myanmar and Its Impact on her Economic Growth

The present study estimates the causal effect of a process of political change, namely, a recent constitutional referendum, on economic growth in Myanmar. To analyze the impact of this process, this study compares the trajectories of actual and counterfactual GDP per capita after the referendum using the synthetic control method. We calculate the counterfactual GDP per capita using country‐level panel data from 2002 to 2013, with Myanmar as the treated country and a set of developing countries in East and South Asia, the Pacific and sub‐Saharan Africa as the control group. The results of the synthetic analysis suggest that the recent process of political change in Myanmar had a positive and significant effect on GDP per capita but not on per capita foreign direct investment or trade.

KONSERWATYŚCI POLSCY A REFORMA USTAWODAWSTWA WYBORCZEGO GALICJI NA POCZĄTKU XX WIEKU

Polish Conservatives and Reform of the Electoral Law of Galicia at the Beginning of XXth CenturySummaryThe democratization of the political system of the Austro-Hungary at the turn of XIXth and XXth century accelerated the process of political changes. In these circumstances Polish conservatives were seriously bothered about the possibility of weakening not only the influence of the great land owners on the political life of Galicia but also diminishing of their role in shaping „Polish policy” in the whole monarchy. Moreover they were anxious about loosing the position of the party in the political life. Nevertheless the Cracow conservatives (so called „Stańczycy”) admitted the need for democratization of the political institutions and the necessity of concessions from the side of the hitherto governing elite. At the same time they wanted to shape the planned reform of the legislation regarding election to the State Parliament of Galicia (in Polish Sejm Krajowy Galicji) in a way that it ensured the political influence, and as a consequence the protection of interests, to the land owners and other rich social groups. The conservatives also aimed at the protection of Polish interests in a multinational Galicia. They wanted to ensure to Polish inhabitants a strong representation in the State Parliament as well as to guarantee election interests to the Polish minority in the Eastern part of the country, where the majority was composed of the Ukrainians. They also anticipated the smoothing and gradual solving of conflicts of nationalist nature in the country. Therefore they were ready for concessions towards the Ukrainian national demands.Dissimilarly, the conservatives of the Eastern Galicia (so called „podolacy”) did not want the democratization of the political system. They tried to prevent the mass political movements from strengthening. They were against broadening the representation of the Ukrainians in the State Parliament. These disparities led to a crisis between the two groups of the Polish conservatives at the beginning of the XXth century. The policy of the latter group did not have perspectives therefore they had to reconcile themselves with the principles of the reform prepared during the period maybe „when a Cracow conservative Michał Bobrzyński was the deputy of Galicia”.

Disaster and Utopia: Looking Back at 3/11

ABSTRACTThis article takes the notion of the ‘disaster utopia’ as a starting point for reconsidering the impact of the Japanese triple disaster of 11 March 2011 (3/11). It has often been observed that disasters may lead to utopian longings for a better world, and that these may, in some cases, lead to long-term social and political change. Drawing particularly on the ideas of Charles Fritz and Rebecca Solnit, the article briefly surveys the history of ‘disaster utopianism’ in Japan before exploring the specific versions of the search for ‘world renewal’ that emerged from 3/11. I argue that the ideas put forward by Fritz and Solnit can help us to reassess some of the widely accepted images of the response to 3/11. The 2011 disaster generated visions of a new world which, although profoundly divergent in their social implications, shared a common vocabulary centred upon terms such as saisei (regeneration) and kizuna (bonds of community). Exploring trends in postwar Japan through the prism of the ‘disaster utopia’ can, I suggest, shed new light on the processes of political change that have affected Japan in the years since 3/11.