Process Of Democratic Consolidation Research Articles

Tale of an ill-fated scapegoat: National security and the struggle for state regulation of social media in Nigeria

The struggle for state regulation of the social media in Nigeria today finds expression in the desperate efforts by state actors to foster a negative relationship between the platforms and national security. The ban on Twitter in the country recently is a manifestation of the grand plan to regulate social media operation, which has been on-going since the inception of the current administration in 2015, with the narrative of national security prominently featured as a key justification. Using data derived from secondary sources, this study underscores the struggle for state regulation of the social media in Nigeria and the accompanying implications. Drawing insights from two recent case studies in the country – the 2020 #EndSARS protest and 2021 Twitter ban, the study argues that attempts at social media regulation hinged on national security are counterproductive and, if actualized, will close up available spaces that citizens have at their disposal to engage in critical discourse on pressing national security issues. The study contends that social media are key tools for robust discourse towards facilitating responsive governance in the twenty-first century as experience in Nigeria recently has shown. Against this backdrop, it argues that although Nigeria is confronted with a multiplicity of security challenges at the moment, attempts at hinging this rising tide of insecurity on the social media with the aim of regulating them amount to a misplaced priority and present the platforms as ill-fated scapegoats. Arguments in the study suggest that the basic motivations for social media regulation in Nigeria are repressive in nature and portend damaging implications to the process of good governance and democratic consolidation.

Organizing Democracy: How International Organizations Assist New Democracies (by Paul Poast and Johannes Urpelainen)

Organizing Democracy: How International Organizations Assist New Democracies (by Paul Poast and Johannes Urpelainen)

The theory of the public sphere as a cognitive theory of modern society

The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere is a key contribution to political philosophy, media history, democratic theory and political economy – published almost 60 years ago – that left a deep imprint on the process of democratic consolidation of the Federal Republic of Germany. At the same time, the Habermasian model of the public sphere was used to test out the possibilities of democratisation beyond the nation-state. The theory of the public sphere was, however, mainly discussed as a contribution to normative political theory and, as such, the applicability of its normative standards remained contested. In this article, I focus instead on a second sociological reading of Habermas’ theory of the public sphere as an exploration of the cognitive foundations of modern society. The relevance of this approach can be shown in an exemplary way by discussing the functioning of publicity, which, by creating social visibility and facilitating public opinion formation, on the one hand, provides the knowledge base of a shared social world and, on the other hand, becomes the main driver of social change through critical self-reflection. The article goes on to take a look at recent public sphere transformations in the context of digitalisation and globalisation, and argues that public sphere principles are both undermined and gain new relevance when facing the challenges of new and digital media.

Media Literacy, active citizenship and sustainable democracy: a case study of Slovenia

Abstract This article shares research findings to support the case for media literacy education to facilitate robust media engagement by Slovenian citizens. It shares the outcomes of a project MELIA Observatory funded by the Interreg Danube, which brought together researchers, practitioners, professionals, civil society, and key stakeholders, including journalists, teachers, students, librarians and information professionals. The article aims to evaluate state-of-the-art of media literacy and engaged social responsibility within sustainable democracy in Slovenia. We first present public institutions involved in Slovenian where we include media regulation with a focus on media literacy and its implications for active citizenship and sustainable democracy. Secondly, laws governing all aspects of media are presented, again emphasizing the connection between media literacy and active citizenship which is most evident here. From the findings, media education requires a “reboot” to promote critical resilience through a sophisticated academic deconstructionism of media mixed with theorised production of the same media before it can be successful. Slovenia as a representative partner of the MELIA Observatory is a new democracy, and its democratic consolidation processes have been problematic, as seen by issues of political aspects, hate speech, discrimination, misinformation, and weak media freedom regimes.

Opening the box of parties and party systems under autocratization: evidence from Turkey

ABSTRACT Party institutionalization (PI) and party system institutionalization (PSI) are critical for processes of democratization and democratic consolidation, yet their impact and relationship have not been explored under conditions of autocratization. How does autocratization relate to party and party system stability, and how does that link manifest itself? To answer those questions, we draw evidence from Turkey to demonstrate that when autocratization occurs, stabilization at the systemic level can go hand in hand with declining levels of PI. We also conceptualize the process of stabilization at the systemic level alongside unit-level de-institutionalization as a form of systemic ossification. Ossified party systems appear stable but are continuously subject to the possibility of de-stabilization, or even implosion, due to the under-institutionalization of incumbent parties. Driving factors of such (de)stabilization are: (1) the increasing unevenness of party competition and (2) increasing levels of societal and political polarization resulting from autocratization.

End of Transition, but Failure to Democratize: Democratic Consolidation in Albania Analyzed in the Frame of Political Elite Normative Preference for Democracy

Albania is an exceptional case study for exploring democratic consolidation as the country has a unique political history, a sui generis case. This means that the county's history during the last decades consists of various government transitions from autocratic to democratic and yet losing the democratic quality, thus it failed to consolidate the democracy. The main goal is to investigate democratic consolidation process under the frame of political elite’s role and normative preference for democratic consolidation assessment. I will use qualitative analysis involving of theory consuming engaging the questions of, if recently Albania ended a long transition, but still failed to democratize. What are the main trajectories or the path of the future of democratic consolidation? Albanian political elites have lacked good alternatives and clear policies, which has been accompanied by a systematic abuse of power, reflected in poor and ineffective governance and in the failure to implement the promised reforms. Under this assumption, strong and reliable elite’s decision-making are important in explaining the consolidation of democracies but not sufficient to guarantee consolidation. I will try to explore a few aspects of democratic consolidation in Albania, in terms of strength of democratic values represented by the ruling elites. Recently, with the historical events of present elections could be assumed the end of transition in Albania. Paradigms of changes of old elites, and establishment of state of law, could possibly open some trajectories for democratic consolidation.

Democratic Consolidation and Electoral System Change in Croatia: What Is Wrong with the Proportional Representation?

This article focuses on the politics of electoral system change and its effects on the process of democratic consolidation in Croatia. After the first decade of democratisation when electoral rules were strategically engaged in order to secure one-party domination, the consensual introduction of proportional representation in 1999 marked the start of the full-scale consolidation of democracy. However, after only a decade, when faced with strong pressure caused by a deep economic recession and omnipresent political corruption, democracy in Croatia started to deteriorate, followed by significantly lower levels of trust in representative institutions and widespread citizen disaffection with the functioning of democracy. The proportional representation system was identified as the main cause of the crisis of Croatian democracy, raising strong critical voices asking for its reform or even replacement. The Croatian case thus shows that the interplay between electoral institutions and democratic (de)consolidation is far from being straightforward.

O “quase” golpe

Historicamente, na Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais, poucos estudos mobilizaram fatores internacionais no auxílio ao processo de transição, consolidação da democracia e reação às ameaças democráticas na América Latina. Este artigo analisa o papel da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) nesses processos de proteção democrática na região. Nesse sentido, discute-se a atuação da OEA no caso da crise democrática do governo Wasmosy (1993-1996), argumentando que tal ação substantiva demonstrou uma contradição na atuação da OEA e diagnosticou limitações na Resolução 1080, instrumento institucional de proteção democrática naquele momento. A circunstância política no Paraguai demonstrou a contradição de um regime internacional de proteção democrático curativo, que age depois de um golpe confirmado, em uma situação de ação preventiva, quando o golpe não ocorreu, mas precisou ser combatido.

Economic and Democratic Consolidation of the Former Yugoslav Republics

Article analyses the processes of democratic consolidation in the former Yugoslav republics in the period since the volatile and violent breakup of socialist Yugoslavia three decades ago. Author is putting an emphasis on the notion of economic consolidation processes in all former Yugoslav republics and tests the thesis that economic consolidation is indeed the one prerequisite of democratic consolidation that suffered most direct effects of failed peaceful transformation in areas of former Yugoslavia that plunged into post-independence wars and conflicts. Author confirms that the secret to the democratic resilience is hidden in economic development – not only, as some theories claimed back in the 1960s (Lipset, 1959, p. 69–105), in various forms of undemocratic rule, but in a democracy built upon democratic institutions, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms plus the rule of law.

The Role of Political Parties in Supporting the Process of Democratic Consolidation

This study identifies the role of Jordanian political parties in supporting the process of democratic consolidation and in solving the problems and challenges that block the process of democratic transformation. It used a cross-sectional design depending on statistics and analytics, whereby 497 male and female students were selected from three departments of the recruited colleges. Data were collected through a questionnaire, with a reliability score of 0.92 (Cronbach’s alpha). Descriptive statistics, Pearson correlation coefficient, univariate analysis, and multiple contrast tests were used to analyze the data. Findings from the study indicated that the role of Jordanian political parties in entrenching the process of democratic transformation and in solving problems and challenging procedures was partially performed. The obtained p-value of 0.00 indicates that political parties play a significant role in dealing with democratic challenges at behavioral, attitudinal, and constitutional levels.

Democratic Backsliding Amid Covid-19: The Latin American Case

The process of democratic consolidation preceded by the post-1978 wave of democratization in Latin America has been far from successful. Since the turn of the century, democratic institutions across the region have deteriorated, and in some cases, broken down. The pandemic arrived in difficult times, providing authoritarian-leaning governments with excuses to consolidate executive power and erode checks and balances. The bad news is that the negative socioeconomic consequences of the health crisis are yet to fully uncover. Real tests to the region’s democracy will come after the COVID-19 pandemic. There is every reason for concern that its outcomes will put most of fragile Latin American democracies in a danger they have not faced since democratization.

Ulnerable Consolidation of Democracy in South Korea

This research scrutinizes the process of democratic consolidation in South Korea, focusing on interactions of political actors. This study assumes that if democratization depends on political interactions, the status of the outcomes tends to be fluctuating, and examines the research hypothesis that democratic transition of South Korea was the outcomes of strategic interactions between political actors, by analyzing the political conjuncture of presidential nomination in 1992 as a crucial moment of democratic transition in South Korea, with a rational choice theory: a game theory model. The results show that strategic interaction of political actors determined the process of transitions, even after the founding election. This research also clarifies that the weakness of the political society and severe regionalism, which are derived from patrimonialism, are the vital elements for fluctuating consolidation in South Korea.
 Keywords: Democratization, Democratic Consolidation, Rational Choice Theory

Media Pluralism and Democratic Consolidation: A Recipe for Success?

The Tunisian political transition has succeeded in building a working, yet fragile governance beyond ideological and political divides. Political debate across media platforms has become open and dynamic, but the media–politics nexus thrives within a complex system of clientelism forged on shifting alliances between politicians and business tycoons, including recapture by agents of the former regime. The media–politics interplay is taking competitive and antagonistic forms, effectively exacerbating polarized conflicts. This paper reflects on the notions of hybrid media systems, agonistic pluralism, and civic culture, based on data collected in a focus group conducted in Tunis in May 2019 that brought together representatives from media, politics, and civil society complemented by interviews with leading journalists and media stakeholders. This paper argues that the relationship between media and politics is interdependent and marked by confrontation and adaption; the uncertainty of the transition is leading to a complex and volatile power struggle in which neither media nor politics have the upper hand in defining the terms of the game. This ambivalent relationship, taking place within a new system of clientelism, has had a mixed outcome on the process of democratic consolidation.

HYBRID REGIME AS BARRIER FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN PAKISTAN (2008-2015)

This study argues that hybrid regime in Pakistan (2008-2015) with changing exercise has decreased norms of democratic consolidation. Some extensive gains are made in Pakistan during this era 2008-2015 in terms of democratic norms like constitutional amendments and provincial autonomy. Important unique gain is completion of one term as civilian government of Pakistan People’s Party 2008-2013 and the second civilian government of Pakistan Muslim League (N) 2013-2018. Both the civilian regimes have worked as democratic government, but somehow autocratic trend in decision making approach was observed. Political exercise of this hybrid regime in Pakistan created weak condition of the democratic norms which made way for authoritarianism. This regime was tended to be unbalanced, changeable, or both due to weak civil liberties. The civilian control in this political regime was not stable and transparent in decision making. Further, civilian control over five-areas including public policy, elite recruitment, external defense, internal security, and military organization and was not effective. This paper help us to understand why hybrid regime arose which disturbed democratic consolidation process in Pakistan.

Postal ballot in unconsolidated democracy: Poland's case

PurposeAs the democratic world debates and in some cases replaces physical voting with postal ballots and on-line voting, it is important to refrain from advocating a generic approach to the issue and in particular to distinguish between consolidated and unconsolidated democracies.Design/methodology/approachThe paper argues that unconsolidated democracies are not fit for the introduction of non-physical (postal ballot and on-line) voting methods, which rather than broadening the scope of democracy may in actual fact be derailing it. The key reason for this distinction is the lack of political consensus for constitutional rules, the weakness of the rule of law and persistence of parochial and subject-based political cultures in many countries of the region, including Poland.FindingsReplacing physical voting with postal ballot, attempted during Presidential elections in the summer 2020 in Poland, eventually failed and was replaced with conventional physical vote. However, the Polish case demonstrates that in the system with weak checks and balances, postal ballot could be used to consolidate illiberalism not democracy.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper demonstrates that further research on defining consolidated and unconsolidated democracy is needed. In particular there is a need to factor in the research on political culture into the definitions of democratic consolidation.Practical implicationsEU membership for Poland and some other Central European states – such as Hungary – failed to prompt the process of democratic consolidation. In fact the opposite happened as the impact of EU conditionality lost relevance. It is important that any change of electoral law in Poland and other rule of law violators in the region is viewed with great care and scrutiny.Originality/valueThe paper’s conceptual approach rests on the definition of consolidated democracy as put forward by Przeworski (1991) and developed by Linz and Stepan (1996). According to these definitions, Poland is not yet a consolidated democracy and as argued in the paper, it has actually experienced an expansion of illiberalism in recent years. The paper also posits that the concept of “consolidated democracy” should be augmented to include the existence of civic political culture as a necessary condition for the maintenance of a healthy democracy.

The role of pro-reform civil society in Serbia’s accession to the EU: oppositional discourses, watchdog role and EU advocacy

This article critically assesses the role of pro-reform and pro-EU civil society in the process of Serbia’s accession to the European Union (EU). Civil society (the so-called non-government or third sector) has played a fundamental role in the democratisation of former Communist countries, including in the Western Balkans where the majority of aspirant EU members still reside. Serbia’s democratic transformation began soon after its regime-change occurred on 5 October 2000. This country’s process of democratic consolidation is ongoing and is strongly supported by pro-EU civil society actors who are key drivers of Europeanisation. Civil society organisations and actors have increased general knowledge about the quality of democratic reforms in Serbia and brought in technical expertise which has assisted Serbian society to align better with the EU’s acquis. Specific examples of civil society’s activism in this article will demonstrate some unique characteristics of Serbia’s third sector. Its evolution from an anti-war movement and loosely connected individuals and citizens’ associations in the 1990s to becoming a major advocate of EU membership in Serbia and a partner to the Serbian Government on EU accession is worthy of further academic research and analysis.

The Influence of Regional Population Demographic Changes on the Composition of Voter Cohorts and Voting Behavior during the Democratic Consolidation Process

The Influence of Regional Population Demographic Changes on the Composition of Voter Cohorts and Voting Behavior during the Democratic Consolidation Process

ПОГІРШЕННЯ ЯКОСТІ ДЕМОКРАТІЇ В ДЕРЖАВАХ-УЧАСНИЦЯХ ЄС:

На прикладі Естонії вивчається відповідність держав останніх «хвиль» розширення ЄС ліберально-демократичному інституційному та ціннісному стандарту ЄС. Аналізується якість естонської демократії, визначаються основні її дефекти. Оцінюються потенційні загрози, які можуть поглибити демократичний відступ за ситуації віднедавного переходу Естонії до більш консервативного, націоналістичного порядку денного.

El tránsito de la lucha armada a la competición democrática. Los casos del FMLN y la URNG

El artículo pretende analizar las estrategias discursivas y los marcos de interpretación del discurso político aparecidos en las organizaciones guerrilleras que transitan de la lucha armada a la competición democrática, que finalizaron con los procesos de construcción de paz y consolidación democrática en El Salvador y Guatemala, por medio del estudio de la experiencia del Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (fmln) y la Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca (urng).

Ser ciudadano: Autoconcepto y agencia en adolescentes escolarizados de la ciudad de Cuernavaca, México

En todo proceso de consolidación democrática es importante la participación de todos los actores sociales, con ello se exhibe el reto de conocer la visión de los involucrados. Por tal motivo, se presentan los resultados de un estudio no experimental, transeccional-descriptivo, que ha tenido como objetivo caracterizar el autoconcepto de ciudadano en adolescentes escolarizados de la ciudad de Cuernavaca, México. Además, se explora el nivel de agencia en función de la influencia percibida de los ciudadanos en las decisiones gubernamentales. Se contó con una muestra de n=1006 adolescentes escolarizados de nivel secundaria (46.3% hombres y 53.7% mujeres), teniendo como instrumento de recolección de datos la Encuesta de Participación Ciudadana para Adolescentes (EPCA); entre otros resultados se resalta el significado de ser ciudadano vinculado a tener derechos y obligaciones, mismo que se discute integrando marcos socio-psicológicos y se debate el papel del adolescente como agente transformador.