Pro-democratic Attitudes Research Articles

TRADITIONAL BELIEFS AND ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR

The party system literature has generally paid little attention to whether traditional beliefs have any impact on voters’ electoral behavior and the stability of party systems. The purpose of the present study shows that the stability of party systems and the pervasiveness of traditional beliefs go hand‐in‐hand. This article is expected to advance the scholarly understanding of the political consequences of traditional beliefs by showing that voters who hold traditional beliefs or engage in traditional practices are not simply less likely to have pro‐democratic attitudes or have a greater appreciation of dictatorial rule, but also more likely to vote for ruling parties in elections. The evidence presented in the article sustains a basic claim; namely, that the pervasiveness of traditional beliefs in Togolese society should be regarded as one of the determinants of the party system's stability.

The democratic personality? The big five, authoritarianism and regime preference in consolidated democracies

Research frequently contends that support for democracy is a comparatively stable attitude. A previously neglected explanation for this finding is that regime preferences rest on deeply rooted psychological foundations. This article develops theoretical arguments about how the big five personality traits relate to democratic regime preferences in consolidated democracies, and presents empirical evidence using original survey data for six Western European countries. The results show that democratic regime support is substantively higher for more open, conscientious and agreeable individuals, but slightly lower for more extraverted and neurotic individuals. In addition, it highlights that it is important not to conflate support for democracy with authoritarianism, which the previous literature has frequently turned to for personality roots of anti-democratic sentiments. While authoritarianism also goes along with lower openness to experience, conscientiousness displays an opposite relationship, increasing pro-democratic attitudes but also individuals’ levels of authoritarianism. Thus, findings on authoritarianism should not be automatically translated to regime preferences.

Interventions reducing affective polarization do not necessarily improve anti-democratic attitudes.

There is widespread concern that rising affective polarization-particularly dislike for outpartisans-exacerbates Americans' anti-democratic attitudes. Accordingly, scholars and practitioners alike have invested great effort in developing depolarization interventions that reduce affective polarization. Critically, however, it remains unclear whether these interventions reduce anti-democratic attitudes, or only change sentiments towards outpartisans. Here we address this question with experimental tests (total n = 8,385) of three previously established depolarization interventions: correcting misperceptions of outpartisans, priming inter-partisan friendships and observing warm cross-partisan interactions between political leaders. While these depolarization interventions reliably reduced affective polarization, we do not find compelling evidence that these interventions reduced support for undemocratic candidates, support for partisan violence or prioritizing partisan ends over democratic means. Thus, future efforts to strengthen pro-democratic attitudes may do better if they target these outcomes directly. More broadly, these findings call into question the previously assumed causal effect of affective polarization on anti-democratic attitudes.

Protection against autocratisation: how international democracy promotion helped preserve presidential term limits in Malawi and Senegal

ABSTRACT This article analyses the conditions under which international democracy support contributes to protecting presidential term limits. As autocratisation has become an unwelcome global trend, researchers turned to the study of the toolboxes of would-be autocrats, including their attempts to circumvent term limits. Through a paired comparison of failed attempts in Malawi (2002) and Senegal (2012), we find that external democracy support can assist domestic actors and institutions in deflecting challenges to term limits. We offer a novel qualitative analysis that posits that international democracy support can only be effective if sustained by popular democratic attitudes and behaviours of actors in the recipient state. On the one hand, a mix of conditioning relations with the incumbent government while capacitating pro-democratic opposition is a successful strategy in aid-dependent political regimes with a minimum democratic quality. On the other, societal attitudes factor into decision-making at domestic and international levels. Our results suggest that popular pro-democratic attitudes encouraged international democracy support during critical junctures in the two countries, ie when incumbents attempted to circumvent term limitation. Donor investments had positive results when donors had directed resources towards building up civil society organisations long before any attempts at circumventing term limits were made. Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.2000855 .

Democracy and Retribution: Transitional Justice and Regime Support in Postwar West Germany

How harshly should perpetrators of past abuses be punished, to reinforce the legitimacy of a new democracy? Drawing on sociopsychological theories, we hypothesize that prodemocratic mass attitudes are favored by the perception that defendants in transitional justice trials have been punished in a way that is morally proportional to their offenses. This perception is shaped by the social categorization of defendants and the opinions about the certainty of their guilt that predominate in the mass public. When defendants are largely seen as co-ethnics and their guilt is contested, like in the West German case, prodemocratic attitudes are likely to be strengthened by lighter punishments and undermined by harsher sanctions. The analysis of subnational variation in patterns of punishment in postwar West Germany confirms this hypothesis and shows that these attitudinal effects persist in the medium term. Our findings have implications for research on transitional justice and democratization.

Restoring Rights, Restoring Trust: Evidence that Reversing Felon Disenfranchisement Penalties Increases Both Trust and Cooperation with Government

More than six million American citizens were denied the right to vote in the 2016 Presidential Election because they had been convicted of a felony crime. Beyond the effects of these laws on voter turnout and electoral outcomes, how do felony disenfranchisement laws affect the citizens who are being disenfranchised? This study estimates the effects of restoring voting rights on the level of political trust among citizens who were formerly disenfranchised. Two field experiments are embedded within panel surveys conducted before and after statewide elections in Ohio and Virginia. The survey population is composed of American citizens with a felony conviction who were once disenfranchised, but now are either eligible to vote, or are eligible to have their voting rights restored. Both experiments leverage misinformation about voting rights policies as an opportunity to estimate how people respond when they receive new information about more lenient voting rights restoration policies. Experimental treatments randomly increase awareness about restored voting rights, along with varying encouragements and assistance with registration and voting. In both experiments, treated subjects report stronger trust in government and the criminal justice system, perceive government as being more fair and representative, and report an increased willingness to cooperate with law enforcement. The results suggest that restoring voting rights to disenfranchised citizens helps those citizens develop the types of pro-democratic attitudes commonly associated with successful post-prison re-entry, reduced tendencies to commit crime, and lower rates of recidivism.

The economic impact of universities: Evidence from across the globe

We develop a new dataset using UNESCO source materials on the location of nearly 15,000 universities in about 1,500 regions across 78 countries, some dating back to the 11th Century. We estimate fixed effects models at the sub-national level between 1950 and 2010 and find that increases in the number of universities are positively associated with future growth of GDP per capita (and this relationship is robust to controlling for a host of observables, as well as unobserved regional trends). Our estimates imply that a 10% increase in a region's number of universities per capita is associated with 0.4% higher future GDP per capita in that region. Furthermore, there appear to be positive spillover effects from universities to geographically close neighbouring regions. We show that the relationship between GDP per capita and universities is not simply driven by the direct expenditures of the university, its staff and students. Part of the effect of universities on growth is mediated through an increased supply of human capital and greater innovation. Furthermore, we find that within countries, higher historical university presence is associated with stronger pro-democratic attitudes.

Analyzing the nexus of creativity, Islam, and democracy: Evidence from Turkey

ABSTRACTWhile the relationship between Islam and democracy has received considerable attention in the social science literature, very few studies have explained the dynamics of support for democracy through a micro-level, socio-psychological lens. Applying a novel perspective, this study analyzes the empirical nexus among Islamic religiosity, being open to new ideas and creativity (ONIC), and pro-democratic attitudes to probe the following two questions: Are Muslims who are open to new ideas and think creatively more supportive of democracy than those who are not? Could ONIC be an intervening factor between religiosity and support for democracy? To this end, the paper systematically (1) examines the interrelationship between ONIC and Islamic religiosity; (2) estimates the effects thereof on support for democracy; (3) assesses the mediating potential of ONIC between devoutness and pro-democratic attitudes through an illustrative case of Turkey. The findings indicate that ONIC and Islamic religiosity are not mutually exclusive. The evidence also suggests that, ceteris paribus, while religiosity is positively associated with pro-democratic attitudes, the mediating potential of ONIC is inconclusive. Religiosity and ONIC appear to have an independent effect on support for democracy. Educational reforms or policies that cultivate and support creative thinking might be consequential for building and fostering democracy in Islamic societies.

The social roots of Asian American partisan attitudes

ABSTRACTAn important question in the study of Asian American political behavior is why members of this group, who have some Republican predispositions, are strong Democratic supporters. How do Asian Americans develop preferences for the Democratic Party? This paper considers this question through a theory-building case study of political socialization in Houston, Texas, a mixed-partisan area where many Asian Americans support Democrats. Using qualitative interviews and supplemental survey data, I examine voting behavior and partisan identification, developing a socially based explanation for high levels of Democratic support. I argue that Asian Americans develop Democratic preferences through interactions within peer groups. These peer groups vary in composition by generational status, leading to different reasons for Democratic support across generations. I find that first-generation Asian Americans primarily interact with fellow Asian immigrants. Relative to their children’s generation, they develop positive attitudes about conservative ideology but vote for Democrats because they perceive contemporary Republicans as ideologically extreme. In contrast, transitional-generation and second-generation Asian Americans have racially diverse peer groups. Rarely discussing politics at home, they develop pro-Democratic attitudes through interactions with liberal friends in educational settings.

Noví mladí Masaryci? Podpora demokracie a jejích principů u českých adolescentů

This article investigates levels and predictors of support for democracy and two democratic principles (free speech and minority rights) among Czech 14- to 17-year-olds. An analysis of survey data collected in primary and secondary schools in four regions in 2014 (N = 1,959) reveals that among young Czechs general support for a democratic regime is relatively independent from more specific pro-democratic attitudes (although there is an association between general support for democracy and the abstract principle of freedom of speech). On a general level, democracy was supported by about two-thirds of adolescents in the sample. Similar or even higher levels of support were found for the two principles of democracy when presented in abstract terms. However, when these principles were presented to them in specific, less clear-cut contexts, support for them was much lower. Specifically, despite their strong support for free speech, about half of respondents supported restricting unconventional political activism. Moreover, a similar proportion of participants seemed to downplay minority rights when the majority rule was emphasised. Results of the analysis also revealed that support for different aspects of democracy was predicted by various psychological and socioeconomic factors.

Civic Activity of Ukrainians in Poland and Germany

Th e overarching goal of the research project carried out by Th e Institute of Public Aff airs (IPA, Warsaw, Poland) and the Institute for European Politics (IeP, Berlin, Germany) in 2015 was to present the various forms of engagement of Ukrainian citizens in Poland and Germany in the post Euromaidan era. Self-organization, co-operation and motivation to act by representatives of the Ukrainian community living abroad were analysed based on 88 semi-structured expert interviews. Since Euromaidan, active Ukrainians began to focus not only on initiatives targeted at their own members, but also began to represent and actively promote Ukraine in relation to the host communities in Poland and Germany. Th eir activities contributed to the popularization of topics related to their homeland in the public discourse of the host countries. Ukrainian activists abroad have contributed considerably to humanitarian aid and day-to-day assistance to people who fell victim to the war in Ukraine. In the majority of cases, the activists respect European values and try to promote them back home, thereby contributing to the development of civil society in their country. Th e Polish and German authorities should be interested in supporting their initiatives not least because of such pro-democratic attitudes among the members of Ukrainian communities abroad. Moreover, support for the civic activity of migrants helps to develop their integration potential, which can have a positive impact on the development of civil society in the host country.

Aktywność polityczna Polaków w świetle ewolucji postaw społeczno-politycznych związanych z przeobrażeniem systemu politycznego

The article analyses the political attitudes and behaviours of the citizens, and describes the content and dynamics of the changes occurring due to the evolution of the Polish political system. The analysis of political participation by Polish citizens is presented in relation to the theoretical construct of social attitudes as a foundation of democracy, as proposed by Dahl. In the context of society’s approach to democracy and trust in institutions, a comparative analysis has been presented of voter participation in subsequent parliamentary and local elections. The process of creating a civil society, including the various forms of participation in non-governmental organisations, has been presented in relation to attitudes such as cooperation, social trust and care for the common good.In order to illustrate the egocentric and particularistic attitudes, the activities of citizens involved in the politics of protest have been analysed. Recent years have seen a number of demonstrations; symbolic in nature and testimony to certain principles, which have been used here as material for the analysis of the ideological approach to political problems.To sum up the problem of political participation of Polish citizens, it can be said that the dynamics of the forms and content of political participation indicates a growing involvement of citizens in the governance process, which definitely makes a positive contribution to the development of democracy. It must be noted, however, that the political activity of a large part of society has not been motivated by pro-democratic attitudes. The high diversification, disparity and instability of attitudes translate into the forms and content of political participation.

Social Capital, Islam, and the Arab Spring in the Middle East

To what extent do participatory civil society dynamics, rooted in self-assertive social capital, help explain the Arab Spring uprisings in 2011? How do pro-democratic Arab attitudes matter in promoting elite-challenging collective actions? Does Islam support or hinder elite-challenging, self-assertive social capital? To answer these questions, this study systematically examines the variation in self-assertive (emancipative) social capital in Egypt and Jordan from a comparative perspective. By using emancipative social capital theory, this article embarks on an individual-level quantitative analysis derived from the World Values Survey database to explore the empirical nexus between pro-democratic attitudes, elite-challenging actions, and Islamic values in order to partly explain comparatively high-intensive and persistent uprisings in Egypt and relatively low-intensive and less persistent demonstrations in Jordan. The findings offer critical insights in understanding the social capital dimension of the Arab Spring uprisings in 2011 and contribute new clues about empirical interactions between Islamic resurgence and civil society dynamics in the Muslim world.

The Role of Digital Skills in the Formation of Generalized Trust Among Latinos and African Americans in the United States

A number of scholars have noted a digital skill divide among racial and ethnic groups in the United States (e.g. Hargittai, 2002). The ability to leverage information communication technologies (ICTs) in productive ways has been linked to greater levels of prodemocratic attitudes and behaviors (Horrigan, Wellman, & Rainie, 2006; Valenzuela, Park, & Kee, 2009; Vitak et al., 2011 ). However, no work to date has explored how this relationship between digital skills and political behavior is mediated by racial and ethnic identity. Using an ordered logistic regression to analyze a 2010 PEW data set of social media use, we test the proposition that proficiency in digital skills enhances generalized trust among Latinos and African Americans. We find that the acquisition of digital skills is associated with generalized trust for African Americans but not for Latinos or Anglo-Americans. Our work suggests that ICTs in general and digital skills in particular might provide a distinct pathway to enhance generalized trust for African Americans, a key precondition for civic engagement for historically marginalized groups in the U.S. society. We discuss the implications of this research for enhancing generalized trust among historically marginalized groups in the United States.

One-party rule or multiparty competition? Chinese attitudes to party system alternatives

This article tests multifactor explanations for variance among Chinese citizens' attitudes to two related but separable party system concepts: the appropriateness of the current one-party system for China today, and the more abstract notion that multiple parties lead to chaos. Using data from The China Survey, conducted with a nationwide sample in 2008, the authors find that feelings of satisfaction with life and with the government contribute more to the explanation of support for China’s current one-party system, while more general attitudes concerning competition relate more strongly to judgments directed at the abstraction of multipartyism. The data also reveal that while a bare majority of those expressing an opinion accept the argument that multiple parties necessarily bring chaos, the vast majority support the one-party regime for China, suggesting that even if Chinese citizens were to adopt more pro-democratic attitudes, rejection of the current one-party rule would not necessarily follow.

Historical Legacies, Social Capital and Civil Society: Comparing Romania on a Regional Level

(2005). Historical Legacies, Social Capital and Civil Society: Comparing Romania on a Regional Level. Europe-Asia Studies: Vol. 57, No. 1, pp. 117-133.

Political Tolerance in Poland and the United States

Some experts say that in Eastern Europe, under the surface of pro-democratic attitudes, persists an authoritarian and intolerant political culture. Synchronic and diachronic comparisons of tolerance in Poland (1993 Polish General Social Survey, N = 1649) and the U.S. (1954 Stouffer's data and National Opinion Research Center General Social Survey, NORC GSS, data, 1972-93) do not support this view. Polish opinions appear nearly as tolerant as contemporary American opinions, and more tolerant than American opinions in the past. Education, stratification, and age predict tolerance similarly in Poland and America. Combined with findings from previous research, these data suggest that intolerance in Eastern Europe may be a transient result of recent and current conflicts rather than a primordial politico-cultural element

Why We Believe in Democracy: Testing Theories of Attitude Functions and Democracy1

This study tested different attitude function theories, as well as hypotheses democratic theorists have developed regarding the bases of pro‐democratic attitudes. Two hundred and sixty‐six undergraduates explained why they believed in democracy, rating the aptness of 40 sentences operationalizing attitude functions, as well as the persuasiveness of six arguments framed in terms of these functions. Factor analysis suggested the existence of either four or six distinct attitude functions. Functional saliences were weakly predictive of persuasiveness ratings, and regression analyses revealed semipartial correlations between functions and age, estimated parents' income, and attitude strength. Implications were drawn for both functional theory and democratic theory and practice.

Has the acceptance of the equality and freedom principles increased over 15 years? A comparative analysis of attitudes among students

The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased.

Czy w ciągu 15 lat wzrosła akceptacja demokratycznych zasad równości i wolności? – analiza porównawcza postaw studentów

The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased.