Proactive Foreign Policy Research Articles

Indonesia-Japan Cooperation During Covid-19

The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus from the coronavirus family responsible for SARS and MERS, originated in Wuhan and quickly spread globally. International collaboration has been pivotal in the fight to achieve endemic control. Every nation has strived to acquire Covid-19 vaccines to safeguard their populations. For example, Indonesia forged a bilateral partnership with Japan to secure Covid-19 vaccines. Japan holds a strategic position as one of Indonesia's top five investors. Throughout the pandemic, the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs maintained close communication with its Japanese counterpart to request support in obtaining the Covid-19 vaccine. This collaboration was made possible by Indonesia's independent and proactive foreign policy, which created extensive opportunities for cooperation during the pandemic. This study aims to present the outcomes of the Indonesia-Japan collaboration in procuring Covid-19 vaccines for Indonesia, showcasing the implementation of an independent and proactive foreign policy that can yield substantial benefits.

TURKEY AS A NEW SECURITY ACTOR IN THE HORN OF AFRICA

Due to having unique geographical location, the Horn of Africa is one of the most important strategic regions in the world. Thanks to the geo-political and the geo-economic importance of the region, global and regional actors have continuously maintained their strategic relations with this region throughout history. Despite the existence of structural political, economic, and security crises in the region, significant political and economic transformation has emerged throughout the region after the 2000s. This study argues whether Turkey’s increasing security cooperation with the Horn of Africa has contributed to the political, economic and military transformation of the countries in the region. Since 2011, Turkey has implemented a multi-faceted and proactive foreign policy to strengthen its strategic relations with the Horn of Africa. This article found that that Turkey’s lack of a history of exploitation and active humanitarian aid policy of Turkey in Africa have paved the way for the emergence of the establishment of strong and long-term strategic partnerships with the countries in the Horn of Africa.

The Wagner Group in Africa. The sham battle of Russian mercenaries against terrorism

In recent years, the Wagner Group has significantly increased its presence in several African countries. Russian mercenaries have become involved in many conflicts in an effort to expand their influence. One of their main tasks was to fight against terrorism. The analyses carried out, in which the author used qualitative methods and sources relating to the theoretical and practical dimensions of the issue at hand, indicate that the Wagnerists have been posing as their operations in order to maintain military presence on the African continent. Intensifying the Wagner Group’s presence is a long-term strategy of the Kremlin, which pursues interests along two tracks – benefiting from cooperation at the state level and engaging mercenaries. Countries of the wider West (members of the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union) are also seeking to develop cooperation with African partners. Terrorist organisations also intend to fight for influence on the continent. In this regard, it is necessary to constantly monitor Russia’s proactive foreign policy aimed at the rivalry as it affects the presence of Poland and its allies in Africa.

Constructing Turkish Foreign Policy: From the “Grand Strategy” to the “Strategic Depth”

The Grand Strategy in the conventional Turkish foreign policy has been built on the defensive, secularism/security-based, pro-status quo and Western-oriented pillars while rejecting the Ottoman legacy since 1923. The Kemalist elite holding power in many institutions defined Turkey’s place strictly in the Western bloc in line with their identity, ideology, and quest to modernize and industrialise the country during the Cold War. However, from the 1980s onwards, several dynamics have opened new windows for change in both domestic and international politics including economic liberalisation, end of global bipolarity, new governmental initiatives abroad, de-securitization, democratization, and Europeanization. The JDP (Justice and Development Party) came to power in 2002, set a new orientation, goals, priorities, and tools for foreign policy within the guideline of the Strategic Depth Doctrine. An identity and ideology-driven, Middle Eastern-oriented, and pro-active foreign policy fuelling from the aspirations to utilize the Ottoman legacy to make Turkey a leading geopolitical actor in regional and global affairs was pursued until the collapse of the vision with the 2011 Arab Spring. In this article, firstly the characteristics of the conventional Turkish foreign policy and the factors that have constructed it, then the transition period, and finally the radical shift in JDP’s first decade will be critically assessed.

Rethinking Nigeria's External Relations: A Critical Evaluation of Foreign Policy Perspectives and Imperatives

This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of Nigeria's foreign policy and its implications for the country's domestic development and global engagements. Drawing upon a range of scholarly works and empirical evidence, the study examines the historical trajectory of Nigeria's foreign policy, highlighting its active participation in peacekeeping missions and diplomatic initiatives across the African continent. The research underscores the necessity for Nigeria to reevaluate its foreign policy orientation, emphasizing the need for a more strategic alignment with the country's economic interests and internal developmental priorities. Moreover, the study underscores the importance of Nigeria securing a more robust and equitable representation within key international organizations, such as the African Union, to effectively advocate for its interests and priorities on the global stage. The findings of this study highlight the critical role of a well-aligned and proactive foreign policy in advancing Nigeria's economic growth, regional stability, and global influence. The paper concludes with key recommendations aimed at fostering a more holistic and economically-driven foreign policy framework that bolsters Nigeria's resilience and autonomy within the international community.

Turkey-Africa Relations and Turkey’s National Role Conception as the Centre Country: Continuity or a Break with the Past?

ABSTRACT The increase in Turkey’s visibility and power in Sub-Saharan Africa has attracted great attention. The rise of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the AK Party, the story goes, engendered an abrupt shift from a cautious to a proactive foreign policy. We posit, however, that the seeds of Turkey’s opening to Africa date back decades and are an extension of its centre country (merkez ülke) national role conception. Turkey only appeared cautious prior to the 2000s because of resource constraints. Instead, Ankara’s political leaders of all stripes have shared a common conception of Turkey as something far bigger than the nation-state, and have fostered policies aimed at enhancing its agency of action (limited by structural and resource constraints) so as to resume Turkey’s role as Afro-Eurasia’s centre country. This national role conception coupled with an increase in Turkey’s national power since the 1980s have resulted in its opening to and subsequent engagement with Sub-Saharan Africa.

Ideologeme of Justice and Anticolonial Discourse as Justification for Türkiey’s Foreign Policy

The article critically examines how Türkiey justifies its proactive foreign policy through the concept of justice. The study analyzes Turkish discourse, blending Islamic teachings with an anticolonial stance, to characterize the understanding of justice. Initially used to legitimize opposition against secular elites, justice now serves as a tool for global leadership, mediation in conflicts involving Muslims, and regional focus on post-Ottoman states. It counters political opponents, gains negotiating advantages in EU accession talks, supports aspirations for a UN Security Council seat, and extends military presence beyond the region. The study concludes that justice grants moral legitimacy to Türkiye’s foreign policy decisions, particularly resonating with Muslim audiences.Rooted in Islamist principles and an anticolonial discourse, Türkiye positions itself as a just leader opposing historical oppression by the West. The concept of justice is crucial in shaping Türkiye’s foreign policy, establishing its authority as a just and moral actor internationally. By leveraging justice, Türkiye aims to assert leadership, mediate conflicts, and prioritize historically significant regions. Understanding the ideologeme of justice provides insights into Türkiye’s strategic decision-making and its aspiration for a just and influential role globally.

THE IMPORTANCE OF REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS ESTABLISHED IN EURASIA FOR TURKEY: SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION

In this study, the SCO-Turkey relations are analyzed; An answer has been sought to what are the reasons that make the SCO important for Turkey. Founded in 1996 with the Shanghai Five, the SCO was officially established on June 15, 2001. The organization has nine full members, three observer members, and nine dialogue partners. Turkey is one of the important countries with “dialogue partner status” among SCO partners. Turkey, which joined the organization as a dialogue partner at the 2012 Beijing Summit, wants to improve its relations with Eurasian countries and strengthen its position vis-à-vis Western countries with its model country mission. The gradual shift of the world's economic and financial centre to the East and the search for alternatives to the EU membership make the SCO important for Turkey. Turkey's problem of trust in Western states, whose EU membership process is in a deadlock, leads Turkey to establish relations with the SCO and to follow a proactive foreign policy. It is expected that Turkey will carry its dialogue partnership status at the SCO to observer state status in the coming years to remind that Turkey has a strategic value against Western states. Full membership status is not expected due to the reality that Turkey cannot give up its cooperation with Western institutions and organizations for many years.

The Central Asian Direction of French Foreign Policy (1992-2022)

From the moment of the collapse of the USSR to the present days France showed interest in building relations with the countries of Central Asia in a wide range of areas of interaction. France was one of the first European states to recognize the independence of the new republics. The article is aimed to expand knowledge about French policy in Central Asia and the factors that determine the interest of Paris in the Eurasian region. In the context of the transformation of the world order and global geopolitical tensions France's capabilities are narrowing which encourages Paris to pursue a proactive foreign policy on the Central Asian track. At the same time the place of France's ideological and value rhetoric in its foreign policy in the Central Asian countries is gradually occupied by economic reasonability. France's interests in the region are focused on energy resources and Afghan issues. France's efforts are aimed at reducing the dependence of Central Asian countries on Russia and China. It is concluded that France is strengthening the economic dimension of its foreign policy in Central Asia with an emphasis on expanding cooperation with the two leading countries of the region - Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan.

Influence of geopolitical and informational confrontations on Russian state policy

The geopolitical confrontation between Russia and the United States has always taken place, but now it has become particularly acute, given the transformation of the structure of international relations. Our country, which occupies one-eighth of the globe's landmass and has the second-strongest army in the world, is embroiled in a number of information and hybrid conflicts. The «collective West» has launched an open economic, sanction, technological, and information war against Russia. Combining the capabilities of electronic and cyber warfare, information operations and electronic intelligence, both for offensive and defensive purposes, is a new trend in the industry. It is important to emphasize that global sales of electronic warfare systems will grow by an average of 4.5 % per year by 2027 and reach $ 24 billion. It is expected that as a result of the wider use of cyber technologies, the tactics of warfare will change. Certainly, it is important to try to find a balance between security and proactive foreign policy of the state in the information space. In the new geopolitical conditions, various methods of information warfare, in particular fake news, represent a real ideological danger, and the development of social networks and the emergence of artificial technologies are increasingly reinforcing this phenomenon. The explosion of disinformation regarding the policy of the Russian state, which is flowing into the world media space thanks to Western political technologists, has begun to lead to concerns about the destabilization of democracy and ideological division in the country. However, Russia managed to resist and now needs to develop countermeasures. The influence of virtual space on the regional, national, and international political processes determines the desire of modern states to develop and use new technological resources. The analysis of political research on the problems of information and ideological confrontation led to the conclusion that the information war is aimed at destabilizing society, destroying its mental foundations and traditional guidelines. The main strategic goal of the information war is to lead society to an ideological split and cause an increase in citizens' distrust of the institutions of state power and the army. The authors of this article have identified the key mechanisms of information confrontation and ways of media provocations against Russia in the new geopolitical conditions.

21. Yüzyılda Yeni Bir Küresel Liderlik Paradigması

As the speed and dimensions of globalization increase, it has become more important to evaluate local and global processes in a harmonious manner in leadership processes. Having a global perspective is seen as the key to sustainability. There are many studies on the leaders who have taken place in Turkey so far. However, in the research on the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, whose leadership process is still ongoing in terms of the leadership model in the history of the Republic of Turkey, new research is needed, especially in the context of global leadership qualities. For this reason, a total of 34 interviewers, 29% of whom were experts at doctorate level or above, were reached through semi-structured interview questions. The results of the research reveal that Erdogan basically displays a proactive foreign policy in the axis of global leadership and develops an independent policy against imperialism and westernization in Turkey. Interviewers generally stated that Erdogan adopts an approach that serves world peace. In addition, among the themes discovered, there are the unifying approaches that support each of the Turkic republics and Islamic countries, the sympathy of peoples outside of Turkey, and the respectability of world leaders. Among the leading personal leadership features, such as rhetoric, charisma, hardworking, being a follower of work, taking risks, being courageous, having quick insight, and having a strong memory have emerged. It has been discovered that Erdogan's personal and value-oriented characteristics are in harmony with each other. The results support the results of previous studies.

ОСОБЕННОСТИ КОНЦЕПТУАЛИЗАЦИИ ИНДОТИХООКЕАНСКОГО РЕГИОНА ИНДОНЕЗИЕЙ И ИНДИЕЙ

The article is devoted to identifying the features of Indonesia’s and India’s conceptualization of the Indo-Pacific region at the present stage. In this research, the authors use a poststructuralist approach to international relations, namely critical geopolitics, since the Indo-Pacific is a concept based on the political construction of space. In addition, the authors use the elite theory as a second-level theoretical approach to identify the range of actors (institutions) shaping contemporary foreign policy discourse regarding IPR, as well as their role in promoting this concept. Based on the results of the analysis, the authors came to the following conclusions. The goal-setting of the ruling elites of India and Indonesia while using the concept of the Indo-Pacific region is similar: through it they project the perception of themselves as key regional players to create an inclusive and safe prosperity area. At the same time, the geopolitical discourse of the elites in two countries is different. While Indians perceive the IPR as a region in which they want to play a “natural” leader role, Indonesians concentrate on Wawasan Nusantara (the vision of the Indonesian archipelago as a single political, economic, social and cultural space), paying more attention to their own development. For Indonesia, the IPR concept allows ASEAN to remain central to its emerging vision for the region. At the same time, New Delhi’s understanding of the Indo-Pacific concept logically fits into its proactive foreign policy course, one of the main directions of which is the development of ties with Southeast Asian countries.

BERLIN EURASIAN CLUB IN PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN

Last year the Republic of Kazakhstan celebrated its 30th anniversary of independence. Over this period Kazakhstan has strengthened its position in the international relations, has established itself as a peaceful and open state, a reliable partner in global and regional affairs. Kazakhstan implements a multi-vectoral, pragmatic and proactive foreign policy, makes a significant contribution to the formation and implementation of a global and regional agenda in the field of security, cooperation and development. At the same time, the main attention is paid to the defense of national interests, constructive promotion of foreign policy and foreign economic priorities. European direction, along with Russian, Chinese and American, was initially defined as a key one. In the main foreign policy vectors, the positions of Kazakhstan in the global world are affirmed, it maintains smooth and stable relations with neighboring countries but also with European states as well. The concept of “soft power” is very relevant than ever, especially when we talk about participation of our country in the Berlin Eurasian Club.

Importance of state program documents in legislative support of proactive foreign information policy of Ukraine

Importance of state program documents in legislative support of proactive foreign information policy of Ukraine

Turkey’s Sub-imperialism in Sub-Saharan Africa

The growing economic and political roles of the so-called emerging powers in sub-Saharan Africa have attracted particular attention following the apparent decline of Western powers in the face of the global economic crisis of 2007–2008. The AKP’s “proactive” foreign policy has manifested Turkey’s burgeoning role in the region. This paper draws upon Marxism to explore the diffusion of Turkish capital and the enhancement of military relations in the region in harmony and in contradistinction with Western and Gulf countries. It discusses the AKP’s proactive foreign policy vis-à-vis sub-Saharan Africa as a particular sociohistorical form of sub-imperialism that is characterized by and reproduces economic and geopolitical rivalries and alliances among Turkey and Western and Gulf countries. JEL Classification: F5, P1, O1

A Decade Later: Taking Stock of the Arab Uprisings and Turkey’s Role

This article attempts to understand the outcomes of the crackdown on the Arab revolts and the lessons learned thereof. There is no doubt that the Arab revolts were corrupted shortly after their start and used to serve the interests of counterrevolutionaries. The economic, social, and political problems, which triggered the riots in 2011, have not been mitigated a decade later. In this respect, Turkey’s respect for popular demands, the attractiveness of its democratic model, and it proactive foreign policy have concerned the Gulf states leading them to view Turkey as a country that they had to contain. However, Turkey’s post-2016 efforts to restore the balance of power through the use of hard power prevented Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates from developing a new regional blueprint under the Trump administration. Right now, there are indications that all regional powers are engaging in a fresh strategic assessment.

The Five Decades of Making, Unmaking and Remaking of Bangladesh Foreign Policy

This paper tries to understand the five decades of Bangladesh foreign policy by looking at three phases, i.e. making, unmaking and remaking period. From an international basket case, Bangladesh is now a ‘development miracle’, a ‘role model of development’ to many. Behind such success of Bangladesh in the last fifty years, the foreign policy of the country played a crucial role. The paper argues that though there was a promising beginning for Bangladesh foreign policy under the Bangabandhu regime, in the unmaking period of Bangladesh foreign policy under the military and BNP regime, Bangladesh largely failed in shaping a proactive and visionary foreign policy. However, in the remaking period of Bangladesh foreign policy under the Awami League regime, Bangladesh succeeded in formulating a proactive foreign policy due to the visionary leadership of Sheikh Hasina. Thus, the paper suggests that Bangladesh needs to continue the current foreign policy priorities of the Sheikh Hasina government, focusing on economic diplomacy

TÜRK DIŞ POLİTİKASINDA DAVUTOĞLU DÖNEMİ VE STRATEJİK DERİNLİK DOKTRİNİ: GÜNEY KAFKASYA ÜLKELERI ÖRNEĞİ

The Justice and Development Party (JDP) and its new cadre have entered into Turkish political life by the general elections held in 2002. Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu, one of the members of the new cadre, has been considered as the architect of foreign policy discourse and practices pursued under JDP rule between 2002-2016. Davutoğlu has become both the theoretician and the practitioner of foreign policy strategies, which has been built on his “Strategic Depth Doctrine”. Davutoğlu has aimed to reach a new foreign policy strategy by the new principles such as “multidimensional foreign policy”, “rhythmic diplomacy”, “zero problems with neighbors”, “maximum international cooperation”, “proactive foreign policy” and “order instituting actor”. In these contexts, the aim of the paper is twofold. The 􀏐irst one is to 􀏐ind out whether Davutoğlu’s new foreign policy principles have been implemented in the foreign policy-making processes of the South Caucasus states of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia and, if yes, the second one is to de􀏐ine the policy re􀏐lections over Turkey’s foreign relations with these states. For this aim, three speci􀏐ic cases, which are critical to these states, have been selected: the Russian-Georgian War (2008), the Armenian Opening, and the Nagorno-Karabakh Con􀏐lict. The method of discourse analysis has been utilized and Davutoğlu’s books, articles, interviews, and speeches have been reviewed.

Comparative Analysis of Indonesia and Turkey’s Foreign Policy Toward The Middle East: A Case of Palestine Issue

This paper aims to perform a comparative analysis of Turkey and Indonesia's foreign policy on Palestine Issue. It applies neoclassical realism as one of foreign policy theory. It discusses changing dynamics and influential factors shaping Turkey and Indonesia’s Palestine policies at the unit and systemic level of analysis. It summarises that the factors of leaders' perceptions upon international systemic changing trends and pressures, state power have become influential factors. During AK Party's eras in Turkey, its domestic politics has undergone domestic transformations namely public opinion and civil society's roles that influence to the foreign policy, the emergence of civilian leader as a new actor of foreign policy, leader factors, an increase of Islamist factor, the Israel-Palestine conflict perceived as the heart of regional instability resulted in Proactive Foreign policy including in the settlement of Palestine issue. Meanwhile, after reform eras in Indonesia, anti-colonialism spirit of 1945 Constitution has been continued as the historical background of Indonesia's engagement. Besides, an increase of Islamist factor in domestic politics namely Islamist-oriented aspirations in domestic public opinion, muslim groups as a moral force, an increasingly role of Islamist parties, and new Indonesia's international orientation and identity at SBY's tenure have affected a continuity of non-recognition policy towards Israel and supporting Palestine in accordance with two-state solution. As well as Indonesia's democratised foreign policy has been conducted through various diplomatic efforts.

Georgia Beyond “Radical Europeanness”: Undiscovered Directions of Foreign Policy

Georgia’s turn to the West signifi cantly aff ected its geopolitical and foreign policies. The author shares the view expressed by Georgian scholars that the country’s continued commitment to the Western vector is a direct consequence of ideas expressed by political elites (constructivist theory) and their self-identifi cation as “European,” coupled with Western-style liberal democracy as a social order preference (liberal theory). Georgia’s political elites are driven by the concept of “Europeanness” and thus focus primarily on the state’s aspirations to be integrated into the “Western world,” which is pushing the state towards European and North-Atlantic integration. Georgian elites believe that institutional reunifi cation with “European family” under the NATO defence shield will not only deter Moscow but will fi nally put an end to Moscow’s attempts to bring the post-soviet state under its control. Moreover, due to the tensions between the generalized West and Russian Federation, the Kremlin’s aspirations to stop what it perceives as a geopolitical expansion of the West to the east, Georgia’s approach has become even more radical. The paper argues that the concept of “Europeanness” has been transformed into “radical Europeanness,” meaning that the political elites maintain economic cooperation with non-Western countries, but there is no proactive foreign policy beyond that, even with its most important strategic partners, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey. In spite Tbilisi enjoys trade relations with these countries, the existing level of political and military cooperation between them conceals signifi cant bilateral challenges. Additionally, this approach is perfectly refl ected in Georgia’s relations with China, when the country’s political elites pushed for free trade, without attention to the political and geopolitical aspects of economic cooperation. Thus, Georgia – China relations are also the part of research interest in this paper, as the free trade regime between the two countries is subject to serious scrutiny after the Donald Trump administration made it clear that Washington would not welcome Chinese economic and geopolitical expansion in Georgia.