British Prime Minister Research Articles

Disclaiming in the British Prime Minister Boris Johnson's Questions (PMQs) Sessions: A Pragmatic perspective

The study conducts disclaiming, which states that one has no responsibility for or knowledge of something that has occurred. Specifically, this research examines disclaiming language in spontaneous verbal interactions, particularly during Boris Johnson's Prime Minister's Questions sessions. The main goal of the study is to analyze the forms of disclaiming that Boris Johnson employed during these sessions and identifying the most common type. It also explores the pragmatic strategies employed in Boris Johnson's Prime Minister's Questions sessions. The research methodology involves presenting a theoretical overview of disclaimers alongside a comprehensive analysis of the chosen data using qualitative and quantitative methods. The research findings indicate that the representation of disclaimers in Boris Johnson's sessions relies fundamentally on three key types that frequently occur during these sessions. Furthermore, the study also highlights the pragmatic strategies that underpin the use of disclaimers, including speech acts, Grice’s conversational maxims, and politeness strategies. These findings emphasize the complex interplay between pragmatic strategies and the use of disclaiming in verbal interactions and highlight the importance of utilizing disclaiming in political discourse.

The Contrasting Risk Communication Strategies of European Leaders during the COVID-19 Crisis

Abstract COVID-19 brought the role of leaders under intense scrutiny; their communication and framing of the crisis was crucial during the initial period of uncertainty. UK prime minister Boris Johnson and German chancellor Angela Merkel, managed and communicated the first wave of the crisis (March-June 2020) very differently. The clear contrast between pandemic response in two countries, with similar population sizes, wealth, and exposure to COVID-19, provides a lens through which to reflect on the different risk communication strategies utilized by both leaders. Following a grounded theory approach, the communication strategies of both leaders were examined. Transcripts from 31 press conferences from the initial announcement of COVID-19 to the end of the first wave were examined, and key themes identified. The analysis was framed using the CDC’s Crisis and Emergency Risk Communication lifecycle model, allowing for a structured comparison across different phases of the crisis. The findings were examined through the broader socio-political context of their communication. Similar themes were present in both leaders’ speeches, this included a focus on national identity; national strategy; health situation and social solidarity. However, they did so in markedly different ways. Merkel’s consistent, evidence-based communication strategy was more closely aligned with risk communication best practice compared to Johnson’s initial populist approach, which ultimately required a significant mid-crisis adjustment. Their different approaches also reflect their personas as political figures. Key messages • The consistent, science-based communication strategies exemplified by Merkel closely followed risk communication best practice and is likely enhanced public compliance and trust during the crisis. • These finding demonstrate the importance of incorporating a political lens to understand leaders approaches to risk communication and in public health research more broadly.

Religion and responsibility in international relations: Thatcher, Mahathir, and The Satanic Verses

Abstract The crisis over Salman Rushdie’s novel The Satanic Verses exposed the contrasting ways Western and Muslim actors understand the place of religion in international order and the responsibilities of states in religious controversies. No other Muslim national leader supported Ayatollah Khomeini’s call for Rushdie’s death in 1989, but many Muslims expressed anger and disbelief that Britain and Western powers could not restrict a book that caused so much international disturbance. This paper seeks to understand this discord through the overlapping but conflicted language games of Western and Muslim national leaders. It analyses a previously unreported exchange of letters between British prime minister Margaret Thatcher and Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, along with other recently released archival material from the diplomatic crisis. These letters reflected different unwritten rules informing the actors’ understandings and practices of international order, despite their shared acceptance of the sovereignty of national states. For Mahathir, the Western world was itself a religious identity, and its collective propagation of The Satanic Verses compounded a religious insult to the Muslim world. But Thatcher and other British actors did not see religious identities, especially their own, as basic elements of international relations, instead reasserting the secular primacy of national states.

Transmediatic depth of «The New York Times» and «El País» in their coverage of Boris Johnson’s resignation

A decade after the implementation of multimedia frameworks in the news media, it is necessary to determine which mechanisms have been incorporated into the daily routines of the news media. To accomplish this, we analysed the channels, forms and intertextual modalities employed by two leading international newspapers in their coverage of an unpredictable news event with global repercussions and a specific period: the UK government crisis of July 2022, which led to the resignation of the British Prime Minister Boris Johnson. We used a qualitative methodology of transmedia information analysis (Calvo & Serrano Tellería, 2021), adapted to assess the daily operations of online media in updating their content. Additionally, interviews were conducted with the teams responsible for this coverage. The coverage analysis revealed a transmedia depth of ten to eleven informative modalities. We found several residual differences in their audience participation policies. Certain generalist modalities, such as live streaming, video news, podcasts or social networks, were well established and used to attract readership. Furthermore, various models of newsletters and discussion forums with varying levels of access restriction were employed. However, neither of the studied media outlets offered an auditory transcription of their content. While a specific transmedia information model is emerging in digital media, further research should be undertaken to complement these findings.

Measuring prime ministerial brands: Exploring Needham’s framework for assessing the UK’s Boris Johnson and the Greek Kyriakos Mitsotakis

Using political branding as an analytical lens can help explain the emotional connections and evaluative perceptions citizens have regarding political parties and their leaders. Measuring what makes a successful brand is best usually conducted with the benefit of hindsight, we can explain why a brand was a success or a failure based on public opinion data and attribute this to events. However, our research seeks to test the extent that analysis of strategic communication can offer opportunities to predict outcomes. We explore the communication of two prime ministerial brands who, due to their similarities and differences, offer an opportunity to assess the extent that the dimensions of a successful brand are universal. We employ Needham’s framework, developed to demonstrate why the brand of UK prime minister Tony Blair (1997–2008) proved so popular. We find that the dimensions of a successful brand are present in the strategic communication of both premiers. However, we find that the nature of some brands may make them appropriate for campaigning, but not for governance in challenging times. We argue that political brands need to be consistent, but once in government must be adaptable for the changing conditions and develop an appropriate style to accommodate the challenges facing a prime minister in the 21st century.

CONTINUITY IN THE DISCOURSE ON THE PROMOTION OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE FROM THE 19TH CENTURY UNTIL NOW

The article compares the documents defi ning the priorities of the UK language policy in relation to the English language. The study is relevant for understanding the prerequisites and principles of language planning. The object of the study is the offi cial discourse that substantiates the spread and promotion of the English language. Research methods include conceptual-textual analysis, retrospective-diachronic and comparative methods. The key document that recorded the essence of the language policy of the British Empire was the “Minute on education in India”, prepared by Thomas Babington Macaulay in 1835. Macaulay carried out political technological manage-ment of the process of spreading the English language, which was called upon to enlighten the Asians. In 2010, the report “English Next India” by David Graddol was published, which made the case for maintaining the position of the English language training industry. A comparative analysis shows signifi cant strategic continuity between these documents, which is also confi rmed in the actions of the British Council as a conductor of British language policy abroad. Both works make the case for the importance of English in the Indian educational system. Macaulay argues that English should become the main language of education in India as it provides access to information and educa-tion and facilitates economic linkages. Graddol, in turn, emphasizes that introducing English into every classroom and every home in India will signifi cantly improve the country’s prospects in all areas. In 2008, Gordon Brown, then Prime Minister of Great Britain, expressed his commitment to spreading the English language around the world, which he believed could boost the UK economy by billions of pounds. As part of this strategy, the British Council launched a program to recruit “master trainers” to improve the skills of 750,000 English teachers. However, despite British commercial interest in the Indian and other English language markets, there are concerns about the mono-lingual paradigm promoted by proponents of English-medium education. This paradigm may lead to restrictions on the use of national and minority languages and potentially have a negative impact on multilingual education

‘Three Whores at a christening’: The North Atlantic Triangle Beyond Suez

ABSTRACT For much of its history, Canadian policymakers conceived of Canada as operating within the North Atlantic Triangle, a descriptor of its close economic, cultural, military, and diplomatic ties with Britain and the United States. Frequently, within this triangular relationship, Canada had sought to counterbalance one side against the other. This task became increasingly difficult with the post-1940 transition of power, even as it made the counterbalancing effects of the Triangle all the more important. Examining American-British-Canadian relations in the wake of the Suez Crisis, this article traces that ongoing salience of the North Atlantic Triangle. In particular, it examines Canadian efforts to pursue their interests against the backdrop both of Britain’s decline and US hegemony and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan’s efforts to rekindle London’s ‘special relationship’ with Washington.

Why Britain needs a national mathematics discovery centre

On the 3rd of January 2023, the UK Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, first advocated that Mathematics should be a compulsory subject for all students to the age of 18. He was supported in principle by the following statement from the President of the Royal Society, Professor Sir Adrian Smith, issued on the 4th of January 2023: “Maths, data, statistics and numeracy are essential skills for a modern world, whether for the workplace or for playing an active role in society. If we want our economy to thrive and young people to be prepared for well paid jobs, we need a radical overhaul of our education system that will include all young people doing some level of maths to 18 years of age. The PM understands this and today’s announcement is welcome.

ФОРМИРОВАНИЕ ГЕРМАНОФОБСКИХ ВЗГЛЯДОВ УИНСТОНА ЧЕРЧИЛЛЯ В 1880-1890-Х ГГ.

The article examines the process of formation of Sir Winston Churchill's Germanophobic views in the 1880s-1890s. The British Prime Minister is known as an eccentric man not so much in his actions as in his statements. This became the basis for the study of this side of Churchill's life. His views were contradictory and partly inconsistent with public morality. For example, he was accused of latent anti-Semitism manifested in domestic relations, called a racist because of the belief that white Protestants are superior to Catholics, and Indians are superior to Africans, criticized his actions in various political positions, etc. Based on what was attributed to W. Churchill throughout his long life, accusations of Germanophobic views were an accompanying norm of his political existence. The author conducts a historical analysis of the main events and context of that time period that influenced the formation of such beliefs. The Churchill family, their relationships with other representatives of the political elite, as well as the first love relationship of the prime minister are considered as the main catalyst for such views. The results of the study allow us to better understand the factors that contributed to the development of anti-German views in one of the outstanding politicians and figures of the 20th century.

‘The Straw that Broke the Back’, New Zealand and Britain’s Referendum on European Community Membership, 1975

ABSTRACT This article examines the role that New Zealand played during the renegotiation of terms and the referendum on Britain’s membership of the European Community in 1975. This topic has received little attention from historians, despite New Zealand trade being among the most prominent negotiating items between the British Government and its European Community partners in that year. For the first time in relation to this topic, this research draws on archival sources from the United Kingdom, New Zealand and the European Community. It concludes that the issue of New Zealand assumed a disproportionate influence on the renegotiated terms agreed in the Dublin Summit of 1975, in large part because British Prime Minister Harold Wilson and Foreign Secretary James Callaghan seized on it as one of the few areas that their Government could obtain substantive results in the renegotiation. There were also longer-term factors at play, suggesting continuities in Britain’s approach to New Zealand and the European Community both before and after accession. This suggests a broader reassessment of Britain’s relations with its former colonies in the context of European Community accession is required.

The Downing Street Chief-of-Staff: a case study in political management

AbstractThe role of Downing Street Chief-of-Staff has been neglected by examinations of British Politics, prime ministers, and political leadership and management. This is despite the role having existed since 1997. This article is a “first move” in correcting this omission. The Chief’s responsibilities are difficult to define but cover oversight of the political operation within 10 Downing Street. This includes Human Resources; “gatekeeping”; being the PM’s closest adviser; institutional reforms; and other related functions. The article uses a theoretical framework drawn from the emerging literature on political management (Lees-Marshment, in Political management: the dance of government and politics, Routledge, Abingdon, 2021) to provide an understanding of what the Chief does and why it is important that we comprehend it better. It focuses upon how chiefs have undertaken the four “D’s” (deliberating, designing, doing, and dancing) of political management and what insights can be gleaned from this evidence. Application of this framework helps to reveal key developments of chiefs’ work in a structured and detailed manner.

Why leaders can be bad: Linking rigor with relevance using machine learning analysis to test the transgression credit theory of leadership

Transgression credit is a form of deviance credit that occurs when people are more permissive towards transgressions by in-group leaders than by in-group nonleaders and out-group members and leaders. Despite rigorous experimental and simulation evidence for transgression credit, the ability to make such group processes research relevant to organizations and wider policy requires evidence with greater ecological validity. We examine transgression credit using spontaneously arising data from Twitter (now X) to test theoretically specified reactions to instances of transgressive leadership by the UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson. Studies 1a and 1b compared Conservative and Labour Members of Parliament’s (MPs’) tweets in response to Boris Johnson’s unlawful prorogation of Parliament (Study 1a) and his publication of an Internal Market Bill that would break international law (Study 1b) with tweets responding to a nonleader, Dominic Cummings, breaking coronavirus lockdown rules. Conservative, but not Labour, MPs were more permissive of Johnson’s, but not Cummings’, transgression. Study 2 examined the semantic themes occurring among supportive and unsupportive tweets posted by the UK general public in response to Boris Johnson’s unlawful prorogation of Parliament. Across studies, the evidence is consistent with propositions from deviance credit and social identity theories.

A Study on Interpersonal Meaning of Engagement Resources in the First Speeches of British Prime Ministers (54th - 57th)

Appraisal Theory expands on the concept of the interpersonal meaning found in Systemic Functional Linguistics. As one of the three distinct types of the Appraisal System, the Engagement System (ES) is frequently employed to deconstruct the speakers’ position in their speeches to better understand how they manipulate interpersonal interactions with their audience. The UAM Corpus Tool 6.0 was applied in this study to undertake an in-depth quantitative and qualitative analysis of four different British Prime Ministerial First Speeches (BPMFS) from the 54th to 57th Prime Ministers. It was found that three Engagement Resources (ERs) were mainly employed in the selected BPMFSs: Assertion Resources help British Prime Ministers take responsibility for directly introducing their evaluation into the text; Entertainment Resources contribute to opening the dialogic space to bridge differences; and through Disclamation Resources (including Denial and Countering Resources), Prime Ministers can oppose suspicion to build rapport with their recipients and establish common goals for a more prosperous future.

‘We’re in this together’ – COVID-19 statements by Boris Johnson: A discourse analysis

This article presents a discursive analysis of crisis communication strategies employed by British Prime Minister Boris Johnson during the first 2 years of the COVID-19 pandemic. Utilising critical discourse analysis, the study examined official communications from March 2020 to January 2022. While Johnson's communication style encompassed empathy, assertiveness, and a focus on vaccination efforts, enhancing specificity, transparency, addressing potential inequalities, as well as prioritising community building, could have heightened the impact of his messages during the COVID-19 pandemic. By examining Boris Johnson's speeches as a case study, the research adds depth to the discourse on effective communication strategies employed by world leaders. The findings underscore the significance of clarity, adaptability, empathy, and reliance on scientific evidence in navigating the complexities of crisis communication.

Exploiting metaphor in disagreement

Abstract The use of metaphors is a common strategy in argumentative discourse to resolve disagreements and create common ground. Nonetheless, metaphor use could also backfire. An opponent could, for example, hijack a metaphor to oppose the proponent’s standpoint. The current study focuses on this type of resistance, which we have dubbed ‘metaphor exploitation’. Such exploitation is of particular interest because proponents are pragmatically committed to the metaphor which is subsequently exploited to attack their ideas. This paper introduces a model to distinguish metaphor exploitation from other types of reusing metaphor (extension and recontextualisation) and contrasts it with the neighbouring phenomenon of metaphor reframing. Subsequently, the model is applied by analysing the strategic use of metaphor exploitation in a corpus of 196 replies on Twitter (now ‘X’) to a violence metaphor employed by former UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson (his so-called ‘mugger metaphor’). As such, this paper offers the tools for systematically analysing the reuse of metaphors in disagreement.

What’sApp to Sunak

This article features a leaked WhatsApp message to the British Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak. It was written by Mark E Avelli, a political consultant who sets out what has happened recently in the UK and how he suggests Sunak should act if he wants to remain unsuccessful. That sounds counter-intuitive but not when framed by the revolutionary political theory embraced by the consultant: success is rooted in understanding that victory is not to be acquired by saying and doing the right thing, but the opposite. Only when we understand that nobody actually wants political power and the responsibility that inevitably comes with it, do the actions of politicians make any kind of sense. Or for those keen on a short consulting takeaway to use in teaching political leadership: ‘fail fast and keep failing’. The focus here is obviously on the UK, but for readers in other countries that are led or used to be led by similar leaders, this article provides an explanation for why we keep electing people who appear to have no idea what they’re doing.

Historic British Royal Memes

Historic British Royal Memes

Royalty and Its Representation in Popular Culture

Royalty and Its Representation in Popular Culture

Keep the Peace at Home to Shape the Peace Abroad: A Study of Elite Influence on Winston Churchill and British Foreign Policy at the Yalta Conference, 1945

ABSTRACT As the end of World War II and a parliamentary election approached, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s wartime authority diminished. The erosion of influence at home could not have come at a worse time for Churchill abroad, who sought to rebuild a postwar world order at the February 1945 Yalta Conference to resurrect Britain’s global influence. Exploiting the erosion of Churchill’s unprecedented wartime powers, formal and fringe political elites pressured Churchill to align his postwar preferences at Yalta with prevailing elite views on major geopolitical issues. In doing so, these elites – which included senior government officials, newspaper editorialists, and members of Parliament – ultimately compelled Churchill to advocate for the United Nations and a free and democratic Poland at Yalta, despite his belief that both plans would undermine Britain’s postwar influence. In examining the critical role elite-leader relations played in shaping Cold War history, this paper seeks to improve the study of democratic foreign policy analysis by emphasizing Kenneth Waltz’s “first image” (the role of a leader’s motivations and intentions) and the role of non-government (or “fringe”) elites. Finally, it concludes that parliamentary democracies are more receptive to elite influence because elites have greater opportunities to drive policy debates and challenge political authority.

The Rise and Fall of Liz Truss in English-Language Media Coverage

Using the example of the life and work of former British Prime Minister Liz Truss, this article examines the problem of perception and evaluation of the personality of a female politician by media representatives. The aim of the study is to examine the sociolinguistic markers used in the English-language media in 2022, which characterise Liz Truss. The objectives of the research are to search for information about her biography and career growth, as well as to analyse articles published on the websites of leading English-language media in order to select sociolinguistic markers that assess the personality and the work of the ex-prime minister. As a result of the study, the hypothesis was confirmed that the media had a positive attitude towards Liz Truss’s coming to power, which was quickly replaced by a negative attitude due to her failure to bring about social and economic transformation in the UK. The result of the work was a corpus of sociolinguistic markers that characterise the personality and activities of Truss, which allow us to argue that the negative attitude towards the prime minister was not based on gender, but on a failure to fulfil the expectations that society had of her.