Prevention Of Mass Atrocities Research Articles

The permanency of mass atrocities: The fallacy of ‘never again’

The terminology of ‘never again’ has been studied in Sociology, Cultural Studies and History, yet remains neglected in International Relations. This is despite its centrality in debates over humanitarian intervention, the Responsibility to Protect and mass atrocity prevention. To foster a conversation over the term’s use, this article uses an interdisciplinary approach to show how the meaning of ‘never again’ has changed over time. Building on this, we analyse five real-world problems: (1) the quantitative problem, (2) the nuclear problem, (3) the regime change problem, (4) the weak state problem and (5) the P5 problem. We find the blanket call of ‘never again’ oversimplifies the complexity of mass atrocity prevention and creates an unrealistic goal. Going forward, we call on those invoking the phrase to explain what they mean by it and why they are using it as part of a broader reassessment of the term’s use in International Relations.

Towards the Achievement of Papua’s Independence in the Framework of Statehood

Since Indonesia gained independence in 1945, security dynamics have been intricately linked with conflict. The emergence of separatist movements, such as the Free Papua Movement or Free Papua Organization (Organisasi Papua Merdeka or OPM), has significantly disrupted Indonesia’s stability. This study aims to analyze the actions undertaken by OPM in their quest for independence, utilizing the perspective of the Montevideo Convention of 1933. Employing a qualitative descriptive research methodology, this research relies on secondary data from a literature review focused on the Papua region. The study reveals several key findings: The size and stability of a population are critical factors for the existence of a state. West Papua, with a population of 1.15 million, plays a pivotal role. The establishment of well-defined territories is crucial for distinguishing and representing nations. The proposed establishment of the Republic of West Papua has garnered support and recognition from nations like Vanuatu. Moreover, the Republic of West Papua actively engages in international organizations such as UNPO. Establishing and exercising effective government control over a nation’s territory is essential for asserting sovereignty and maintaining independence. This is exemplified by the Papua National Manifesto and the declaration of Papua’s independence in 1961. Building and maintaining relationships with other countries necessitate active participation in the global community. International recognition and support play pivotal roles in achieving long-term political goals. Challenges related to democracy, human rights, and environmental issues pose significant hurdles to Indonesia’s diplomatic relations. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle offers a framework for preventing mass atrocities and holding state actors accountable for crimes against humanity. International cooperation and dialogue are imperative in addressing these complex issues and safeguarding the well-being of affected populations.

Safeguarding Freedom of Religion or Belief to Prevent Conflicts and Mass Atrocities in Southeast Asia: the Role of Parliamentarians

Abstract Southeast Asia is vulnerable to conflicts and has a long history and present dealings with various forms of human rights violations and atrocities. At the same time, the region lacks a strong human rights mechanism to ensure protection, redress, and accountability. This paper thus argues that parliamentarians should vitalise their roles and enhance synergies with existing asean mechanisms and entities to strengthen the protection of freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) and the prevention of conflicts and mass atrocities in the region. This paper proposes the establishment of a network of parliamentarians to support atrocity prevention and promote the responsibility to protect (R2P) in Southeast Asia. The network will amplify various parliamentary roles to support atrocity prevention, including legislative action on atrocity prevention, sharing of best practices on the establishment of national mechanisms for atrocity prevention, and capacity building for parliamentarians in preventing mass atrocities from occurring in the future.

Trust, distrust, and mass atrocity prevention: The Central African Republic

AbstractThe article calls on academics and policymakers who focus on mass atrocity prevention to engage with Trust Studies. This is needed because trust and distrust are commonly identified as a significant factor in destruction processes, yet there remains no substantive engagement with these concepts. The article combines Trust Studies, interdisciplinary research on the Central African Republic (Anthropology, Sociology, African Studies, and Political Science), and primary sources to analyse social and political trust dynamics through an exploration of (a) leadership, (b) outsourcing, (c) identity politics, and (d) witchcraft. It makes a twofold contribution. First, it provides a more informed understanding of the mass violence that took place in the Central African Republic through a historical analysis of trust dynamics. Second, it considers the implications for mass atrocity prevention, as it argues that the mainstream commitment to ‘rebuilding trust’ is built on misguided assumptions. The case study holds broader implications for both Trust Studies and mass atrocity prevention. Ultimately, it calls for interdisciplinary research to aid our collective understanding of the multifaceted roles that trust and distrust play in mass violence.

An Alternative Approach to Teaching about NGOs Globally: A Comparative Country-Based View Seen through a Genocide and Mass Atrocity Prevention Lens

This paper describes a comparative approach to teaching Introduction to Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs) in a master’s-level professional degree program. The approach addresses the challenge created due to significant differences in the NGO sector from country to country. This comparative approach utilizes a focus on five countries in different regions of the world, and partnerships with a community-based NGO in each country that addresses the prevention of genocide, mass atrocity, and inter-group violence. These partnerships enable students, working in teams, to compare NGO work across countries and apply theory to practice.

Civil society organizations and the prevention of mass atrocities: Perspectives from south Sudan

AbstractNowhere is the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in development and democratization more critical than in countries at high risk of mass atrocities. In this article, we examine the actual and potential role of development CSOs in the prevention of mass atrocities based on an analysis of 302 CSOs in South Sudan. The article examines if and how service‐providing CSOs frame their work as contributing to the prevention of mass atrocities. The article seeks to understand how these CSOs deliver services and articulate their work regarding the prevention of large‐scale identity‐based violence. We aim to explore the degree to which organizations describe atrocity prevention as an intentional part of democratization efforts. The article is situated within the larger debates about the service delivery and civil society functions of CSOs. Specifically, we ask: To what extent do development CSOs articulate a contribution to the prevention of mass atrocities? We posit that the service delivery and civil society functions can be better achieved by giving deliberate attention to an atrocity prevention perspective.

Operationalizing Obligations to Prevent Mass Atrocities: Proposing Atrocity Impact Assessments as Due Diligence Best Practice

Abstract Although there is wide agreement that there are jus cogens prohibitions against the commission of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, there is significantly less clarity regarding obligations to prevent such atrocities. This paper explores the existing prevention framework and is intended to speak to those States that seek to take preventive steps, understand their legal obligations and, most importantly, to operationalize those obligations by taking concrete action. It outlines what is known regarding the duty to prevent each international crime under both treaty and customary international law, while elucidating the gaps that make these obligations so difficult to enforce. This paper argues that States’ existing obligations require them to examine their capacity to prevent, and that one form of examination, which should be adopted as a matter of best practice, is to undertake an Atrocity Impact Assessment, evaluating both a State’s current impact in a country or region, and the potential measures it could take to assist in averting mass atrocities.

Jocelyn Getgen Kestenbaum, Caitlin O. Mahoney, Amy E. Meade, and Arlan F. Fuller (eds.), Public Health, Mental Health, and Mass Atrocity Prevention

Jocelyn Getgen Kestenbaum, Caitlin O. Mahoney, Amy E. Meade, and Arlan F. Fuller (eds.), Public Health, Mental Health, and Mass Atrocity Prevention

Jocelyn Getgen Kestenbaum, Caitlin O. Mahoney, Amy E. Meade, and Arlan F. Fuller (eds.), Public Health, Mental Health, and Mass Atrocity Prevention

Jocelyn Getgen Kestenbaum, Caitlin O. Mahoney, Amy E. Meade, and Arlan F. Fuller (eds.), Public Health, Mental Health, and Mass Atrocity Prevention

Not at the Mercy of No Protection

UN-mandated zones of protection seem like a relic of the 1990s, discredited by the Srebrenica genocide. The past decade of war in Syria and elsewhere has shown that other means of intervention have led to disastrous outcomes as well. However, a look at the recent history of zones of protection shows that success is possible. German foreign policy has long been committed to the rhetoric of preventing mass atrocities; its forthcoming national security strategy will be the place to put its institu-tional muscle where its political mouth has been for a long time.

For the Wind Is in the Palm-Trees: The 2017 Rohingya Crisis and an Emergent UK Approach to Atrocity Prevention

Abstract This article explores the British government’s recent Myanmar policy, its response to the Rohingya crisis of 2017, and the extent to which increasing scrutiny from parliament and civil society in reaction to the atrocities in Rakhine prompted clearer articulation of a national approach to atrocity prevention. The article presents five key failures and argues that a goal for those wishing to preserve and strengthen the principle of the Responsibility to Protect, and advance the goal of preventing mass atrocities, must be to break it free of the United Nations sphere and integrate the pillars into state structures.

Art as Atrocity Prevention: The Auschwitz Institute, Artivism, and the 2019 Venice Biennale

Although largely overlooked in genocide and atrocity prevention scholarship, the arts have a critical role to play in mitigating risk factors associated with genocide and atrocity. Grounded in analysis of "Artivism: The Atrocity Prevention Pavilion,” the Auschwitz Institute for the Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities’ 2019 Venice Biennale exhibition and drawing from fieldwork, interviews, and secondary research, this article explores why one of the leading NGOs working to prevent future violent conflict would choose to curate an art exhibit at the Venice Biennale and what might be accomplished through such an exhibit. Ultimately, the Artivism exhibit, in its collection and range, provides a canvasing of multiple and directed creative interventions that allow for deeper understanding of how the arts can be used as a tool for mitigating risk factors associated with the prevention of genocide and atrocity in such a manner that has important ramifications for future prevention efforts.

The Rohingya Crisis, Myanmar, and R2P ‘Black Holes’

Abstract The world has failed the Rohingya. Yet, the essence of this failure is widely misunderstood. While the existing literature on the Rohingya crisis tends to blame specific agents for having failed to fulfil their obligations under the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), this article directs our attention to the structural obstacles to mass atrocity prevention in Myanmar. Given the high risk of mass atrocities against the Rohingya and low feasibility of effective protection under any of the three pillars of R2P, it concludes that it was never plausible that R2P could work in this case. The idiom of R2P ‘black holes’ is introduced to denote situations where nothing that can realistically be done within the framework of R2P is likely to be sufficient to prevent mass atrocities or protect the victims.

Mass Atrocities in Myanmar and the Responsibility to Protect in a Digital Age

Abstract Liberalisation of the telecommunications sector is a significant part of the political changes that were initiated in 2011 in Myanmar, making smartphones, sim cards, and access to the internet more widely available. Social media (SoMe) platforms, notably Facebook, have emerged as the main access to the internet for many people. But as the transition has proceeded, SoMe has become a space both for human rights activism and for inciting human rights abuses against vulnerable minorities. It is well documented that both the state and civil society in Myanmar have used Facebook to foment violence and mass atrocities against the Rohingya and other vulnerable minorities. This article examines some challenges for internet and SoMe governance drawing on the response of Facebook and various internet service providers in Myanmar in order to explore how to apply the norm of R2P on the net. The article aims to provide input for lessons learnt on mass atrocity prevention in a digital age.

Mass Atrocity Prevention Operations: A SOF Core Activity in Support of Great Power Competition

ABSTRACT Preventing mass atrocities is a core national security objective. Despite a series of broad statements in strategy documents, there is a dearth of operational doctrine. This article suggests that mass atrocity prevention operations should be designated as a Special Operations Forces (SOF) Core Activity. This would operationalize long-standing strategy, prevent competitors from capitalizing on power vacuums where mass atrocities are taking place, and provide a direct link between SOF capabilities and great power competition. SOF have the appropriate skill set to engage in mass atrocity prevention. Designation of this Core Activity would not place significant burdens on special operators.

La administración pública desde la perspectiva de la prevención de atrocidades en las respuestas a la COVID-19: Aprovechar la pandemia para lograr mayor equidad social

The pandemic is already forcing many individuals, businesses, and governments to rethink much of what they do and how they do it. As such, it presents an opportunity for public administrators to reimagine the criteria they use when designing and implementing programs and policies, and to more actively engage in prevention of identity-based violence. In this contribution, we suggest a new analytical lens to guide public administrators’ decision making, one informed by the theory and practice of mass atrocity prevention. This perspective recognizes that the decisions and actions of public administrators in response to the pandemic will influence whether individual countries and the global community writ large will be at increased risk of mass atrocities or if they will be more resilient and better positioned to prevent such atrocities. The COVID-19 pandemic represents both an imperative and an opportunity to reduce risks of mass atrocities, and public administrators have a vital role to play in this process.

The public administration imperative of applying an atrocity prevention lens to COVID-19 responses: Leveraging the global pandemic for positive structural change and greater social equity

The pandemic is already forcing many individuals, businesses, and governments to rethink much of what they do and how they do it. As such, it presents an opportunity for public administrators to reimagine the criteria they use when designing and implementing programs and policies, and to more actively engage in prevention of identity-based violence. In this contribution, we suggest a new analytical lens to guide public administrators’ decision making, one informed by the theory and practice of mass atrocity prevention. This perspective recognizes that the decisions and actions of public administrators in response to the pandemic will influence whether individual countries and the global community writ large will be at increased risk of mass atrocities or if they will be more resilient and better positioned to prevent such atrocities. The COVID-19 pandemic represents both an imperative and an opportunity to reduce risks of mass atrocities, and public administrators have a vital role to play in this process.

La administración pública desde la perspectiva de la prevención de atrocidades en las respuestas a la COVID-19: Aprovechar la pandemia para lograr mayor equidad social

The pandemic is already forcing many individuals, businesses, and governments to rethink much of what they do and how they do it. As such, it presents an opportunity for public administrators to reimagine the criteria they use when designing and implementing programs and policies, and to more actively engage in prevention of identity-based violence. In this contribution, we suggest a new analytical lens to guide public administrators’ decision making, one informed by the theory and practice of mass atrocity prevention. This perspective recognizes that the decisions and actions of public administrators in response to the pandemic will influence whether individual countries and the global community writ large will be at increased risk of mass atrocities or if they will be more resilient and better positioned to prevent such atrocities. The COVID-19 pandemic represents both an imperative and an opportunity to reduce risks of mass atrocities, and public administrators have a vital role to play in this process.

Genocide, Mass Atrocity, and Theories of Crime: Unlocking Criminology's Potential

Surprisingly, scholars studying mass atrocity and genocide have frequently sidelined criminological theories and concepts. Other disciplines have addressed these crimes while mostly ignoring criminological insights and theories. In this review, we assess the potential of criminological theories to contribute to explaining and preventing mass atrocities and genocide, highlight criminological insights from the study of these crimes, and unlock the existing criminological knowledge base for application in the context of these crimes. We begin by outlining how mass atrocities and genocide are similar to other crimes that criminologists have routinely studied. We then turn toward frameworks of structural causation, focusing on the state and community levels. Subsequently, we address microlevel theories that inform why individuals commit such violence, ranging from theories of choice, the life course, and techniques of neutralization to social learning theory and theories of desistance from crime. Finally, we address the victims of genocide and mass atrocity, including the factors associated with victim labels and victimhood itself.

Section 230 and the Duty to Prevent Mass Atrocities

Between August and November, 2017, the Myanmar military carried out a series of brutal attacks against Rohingya Muslim communities in Rakhine State in Myanmar. Myanmar’s military used Facebook as a tool for ethnic cleansing. In theory, Rohingya plaintiffs could bring a state tort law claim against Facebook alleging that Facebook was negligent (or worse) in permitting its social media platform to be utilized to spark mass violence against the Rohingya. Could Facebook be held liable in a civil suit for complicity in genocide, or for aiding and abetting the commission of a crime against humanity? Under current federal law, the answer is clearly “no.” Section 230 of Title 47 of the U.S. Code states: “No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider.” Judicial decisions establish that Section 230 grants online service providers broad immunity for content posted by third parties. Thus, Section 230 provides Facebook a valid federal preemption defense to a state tort law claim. This essay contends that Congress should create a statutory exception to Section 230 to permit civil suits against social media companies for complicity in genocide or crimes against humanity. The United States has a clear duty under international law to prevent genocide. One could also make a persuasive argument that the United States has a duty under customary international law to prevent crimes against humanity. The United States is not violating its international legal duty to prevent mass atrocities by granting immunity to internet companies. However, withdrawal of that immunity for content that contributes to commission of mass atrocity crimes would be a helpful step for the United States to implement its duty to prevent genocide and crimes against humanity.