Presidentialization Of Parties Research Articles

The Emotional Power of Partisan Media: A Computer Vision Analysis of the 2020 Democratic Party Presidential Primaries

ABSTRACT Building on theories of emotional contagion and affective priming, the study assesses the emotional impact of the U.S. partisan media’s coverage of six leading political candidates’ images during the 2020 New Hampshire Democratic Party presidential primary. Results show that the partisan media’s representations of the candidates’ facial expressions of emotions are associated with the voters’ feelings toward the politicians in their desired directions. Additionally, the partisan-media-primed emotions among the voters consistently align with their voting decisions. Methodologically, the study combines state-of-the-art computer vision techniques and survey research conducted with a representative sample of New Hampshire voters.

Exploring the Relationship Between Televised Presidential Debate and Twitter: A Network Analysis of Intermedia Agenda Setting

ABSTRACT This study investigates the dynamics of network intermedia agenda-setting (IAS) between televised presidential debate and Twitter, focusing on the 10th Democratic Party Presidential Primary Debate of 2020 and corresponding Twitter discussions. By utilizing a social network analysis, this study uncovers the prioritized issues and sub-issues, as well as the networked relationship between the televised debate and Twitter discussions. The results suggest that certain sub-issues are more salient than main issues in both networks, emphasizing the need to consider detailed discussions alongside overarching issues. A positive, but weak, correlation between the televised debate and Twitter discussion was found. The theoretical, methodological, and practical implications of these findings are discussed.

Will She Win? Gendered Media Coverage of the 2020 Democratic Party Presidential Primaries

In the 2020 Democratic Presidential Primary campaigns, six women, the most in history, announced their candidacy for the presidency. Using computational topic modeling and network analysis of 84,000 newspaper articles (2.2 million paragraphs), we analyze how gender and electability was discussed during the Primaries. Results reveal that male candidates, and especially Joe Biden, were frequently compared with the incumbent, Donald Trump, while coverage of female candidates focused directly on social policy. Trump’s attack on Biden during the impeachment process produced a lasting effect by promoting discourse topics traditionally dominated by men. This crowded out the topics emphasized by women, such as health care and education. Women candidates’ press coverage was also more reactionary than men’s. Although explicit reference to gender as a discourse topic has decreased, which suggests growing gender parity within the political process, gendered policy salience emerges transitively in comparison with the incumbent. Transitive policy salience emerges as a key explanatory variable that articulates the indirect path media coverage can lead to the marginalization of women candidates.

Critical sociocognitive analysis of hate speech in the 2015 Nigerian presidential election campaigns

Abstract In an attempt to ensure electoral victory, politicians use different strategies. One of such is resort to hate speech to discredit the opponents. The 2015 presidential election campaigns in Nigeria witnessed unrestrained use of hate speech in different media. This paper analysed selected speeches of the campaign organisations of the two leading political parties in the election, namely the Peoples Democratic Party Presidential Campaign Organisation and the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Organisation. Data were got from the speeches and advertorials of the two organisations sampled from The Nation and The Punch, published between January and March 2015. The speeches were subjected to critical sociocognitive analysis. The antecedents of the candidates became a recipe for hate speech. Propagandist and alarmist ideologies were used. Socially shared knowledge played an important role in the hate speech. Figures were used symbolically and serious attempts were made to frighten the electorate.

Murray N. Rothbard’s Paleolibertarianism. In Search for a Political Success during the Republican Party Presidential Primaries 1992

Any evaluation of paleolibertarianism must be twofold. As it has been touched upon at the beginning of this article, it would be a good idea to view paleolibertarianism from two angles. As a political proposition, related to the “here and now” in which it came to be, as well as a theory of its own, the way it was expressed by Rothbard and Rockwell, it contributed something new to the already diverse tree of libertarianism. The first assessment must be mixed, partly negative. It is not so straightforward to assess paleolibertarianism as an idea. Its this potential was never squandered, thanks to the continued activities of the Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama. Rothbard’s work is being continued. And for the libertarian movement as a whole, it is advantageous that its individual parts clearly indicate the similarities and difference between them. Libertarianism is a young ideology, and an internal debate, and Rothbard’s legacy invites one, can only serve to further the cause of liberty.

Caucus Reform? Primary Reform? Delegate Reform? Lessons from the 2016 Political Party Presidential Nominating Process: A 50-State Review of the Legal and Political Mechanisms Deployed by the Republican Party for Selecting Delegates to the 2016 Republican National Convention

Caucus Reform? Primary Reform? Delegate Reform? Lessons from the 2016 Political Party Presidential Nominating Process: A 50-State Review of the Legal and Political Mechanisms Deployed by the Republican Party for Selecting Delegates to the 2016 Republican National Convention

Jiyuminshuto no Tanjo: Sosai Kosen to Soshiki Seitoron (The Birth of the Liberal Democratic Party: Party Presidential Elections and Theories of Party Organization)

Jiyuminshuto no Tanjo: Sosai Kosen to Soshiki Seitoron (The Birth of the Liberal Democratic Party: Party Presidential Elections and Theories of Party Organization)

Freeberg, Democracy's Prisoner - Eugene V. Debs, The Great War And The Right To Dissent

Any citizen, student, or teacher seeking to make sense of the post 9/11 world would do well to consult this volume on the imprisonment of perennial Socialist Party Presidential candidate Eugene V. Debs for his dissent to American participation in the First World War. Relying upon extensive archival research and an exhaustive reading of early twentieth-century periodicals, Ernest Freeberg, Associate Professor of History at the University of Tennessee, constructs a well-written narrative of efforts on behalf of civil libertarians and free speech advocates to obtain the release of Debs and other political prisoners.

“Sailing against the Wind”: A Reappraisal of Edward Kennedy's Campaign for the 1980 Democratic Party Presidential Nomination

In 1980 Senator Edward Kennedy challenged incumbent President Jimmy Carter for the Democratic Party presidential nomination. Kennedy's defeat has often been used as evidence of a philosophical realignment within the American electorate in the late 1970s away from Democratic liberalism, which culminated in the election of Ronald Reagan as President. However, Kennedy performed better than this interpretation suggests. His defeat was caused by historical accident: a poor campaign, international crises and Carter's use of the incumbency. The strengths of the Kennedy campaign cast doubt upon the theory of realignment and suggest that liberalism enjoyed greater support among the US electorate than has previously been considered.

The Philippines: Prelude to Elections

Senate President Ferdinand E. Marcos was President of the Liberal Party (LP), of which Philippine President Diosdado Macapagal is the leading member, when 1964 began. By November Senator Marcos had been nominated by the opposition Nacionalista Party (NP) to oppose Macapagal, who is seeking re-election in 1965. The most formidable challenge faced by Senator Marcos in his quest for the NP nomination came from another ex-Liberal, Vice President Emmanuel Pelaez. Senator Raul S. Manglapus, another member of the United Opposition (the Liberals and the Grand Alliance) which fought President Carlos P. Garcia in 1961, has left the LP and has sought to form a third force to challenge what he terms a two-faction one-party system. A fourth ranking Liberal leader also had serious differences with President Macapagal before the year ended but has not so far left the party. This was Speaker of the House of Representatives, Cornelio T. Villareal, who walked out of the LP convention November 28, apparently to protest Macapagal's failure to select him as his 1965 VicePresidential running-mate. An indication of the color of the political year ahead came early in January with the formal re-affiliation of Vice President Pelaez with the Nacionalista Party. Pelaez had first been a Liberal, then a Nacionalista and finally had re-joined the Liberals in 1959. In 1961 he was Macapagal's VicePresidential running-mate, and had contributed to the defeat of the incumbent Nacionalista President Garcia. Garcia did not forget this fact, and his support was one of several factors in the 777-444 defeat Marcos inflicted on Pelaez at the 1964 NP nominating convention on November 22. The immediate occasion for the break between Pelaez and Macapagal in 1963 had been a statement by a spokesman for the President that Pelaez, generally regarded as an unusually honest politician, had received money from deported American millionnaire Harry Stonehill, central figure in a scandal which broke early in the Macapagal administration. Senator Marcos had also been accused by Macapagal but did not split with him at this time. Marcos had withdrawn in favor of Macapagal in the struggle for the 1961 Liberal Party Presidential nomination and had hopes of becoming the party's standard-bearer in 1965 in view of Macapagal's pledge not to seek re-election. Tensions clearly heightened between the two men, however, as it became increasingly apparent that Macapagal would seek a second term. In April Macapagal obtained an amendment of Liberal Party rules to allow him to assume the Presidency of the party whenever he desired; Marcos left the Liberals and immediately joined the Nacionalistas. Seven months later,

William Lemke: Agrarian Radical and Union Party Presidential Candidate

Journal Article William Lemke: Agrarian Radical and Union Party Presidential Candidate Get access Edward C. Blackorby Edward C. Blackorby Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 49, Issue 1, June 1962, Pages 67–84, https://doi.org/10.2307/1889466 Published: 01 June 1962