Presidential Positions Research Articles

KONSTRUKSI HUKUM PENCALONAN PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN YANG MENCERMINKAN DEMOKRASI PANCASILA BERDASARKAN UU NOMOR 7 TAHUN 2017

This study aims to examine and determine the Legal Construction of Presidential and Vice Presidential Nominations that reflect Pancasila democracy in relation to the provisions of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. The formulation of the problem that the author poses is, What is the Ideal Legal Construction of Presidential and Vice Presidential Nominations to Realize Pancasila Democracy? The research method used is normative where the data used is secondary data in the form of legal materials. In addition to using secondary legal materials, this study also uses several theories to dissect the problems in this study. The results of the study obtained are that the nomination of the president and vice president is regulated in Article 6A paragraph (2) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, namely "The presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs are proposed by political parties or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election before the general election is held". Regulations regarding the mechanism for nominating the presidential and vice presidential positions are stated in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, Article 222 regulates the same thing regarding filling the presidential and vice presidential positions. The presidential threshold has violated political rights, including the right to be elected and to elect the people protected by the constitution. This restriction on alternative candidates certainly means limiting the people's political channels and to a certain extent can result in an increase in the number of abstainers or white groups in the election. In addition, the opportunity for the people to be elected as candidates is also limited because not all political parties participating in the election have the right to nominate presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs because they are constrained by the Presidential Threshold requirements. The policy of direct presidential elections within the framework of simultaneous elections is still problematic. The existence of a threshold for political parties to have the right to nominate presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs (Presidential Threshold) in the General Election held simultaneously, has legal implications, namely violating the 1945 Constitution concerning the Presidential System, contrary to Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution.

Study details the underrepresentation of women in presidential positions

As more and more women have earned doctorates and entered the academy, it is reasonable to assume that there will soon be more women in leadership roles. A recently published study, The Women's Power Gap at Elite Universities: Scaling the Ivory Tower, shows that women, particularly women of color, are underrepresented in the presidential position at R1 institutions (universities with very high research activity, defined as R1 by the Carnegie Classification).

Study Details the Underrepresentation of Women in Presidential Positions

Study Details the Underrepresentation of Women in Presidential Positions

Revisiting James Q. Wilson’s Bureaucracy: Appointee Politics and Outcome Observability

This study introduces a measurement approach to test a core precept in the study of bureaucratic politics and public organizations. First, we quantify James Q. Wilson’s famous agency typology by the relative observability of agency outcomes. We code over 20,000 stated objectives from Performance and Accountability Reports (PAR) for United States federal agencies over the years 2000 to 2012 by whether the attainment of a given objective can be attributed directly to the programmatic activities of the agency (i.e., observable) or if its attainment is dependent upon other actors or other socioeconomic factors outside the agency’s control (i.e., unobservable). We then test Wilson’s previously untested proposition that “production” and “craft” organizations (i.e., those with more observable outcomes) will be better managed by career leadership, whereas “coping” and “procedural” organizations (i.e., those with more unobservable outcomes) are better managed by appointed leadership. We account for contemporary realities of appointee politics, including the president’s strategic use of unilateral appointments in lower executive and upper management positions and the pervasiveness of appointee vacancies at the highest levels. Although scholars frequently rely on the Wilson typology in empirical and theoretical explorations of bureaucratic behavior, its dimensions have not been systematically measured at any level of government. We find, consistent with Wilson, that politicization diminishes performance in Craft and Production agencies. On the other hand, vacancies in presidential appointee positions are associated with lower performance only in those agencies that do not map to ideal types in Wilson's schema. In other words, the relative observability of an agency’s goal agenda moderates the effectiveness of its appointed leadership—a contingency that has been insufficiently accommodated in previous work.

Women and the University Presidency: Increasing Equity in Leadership

Women remain underrepresented in university presidential positions (American Council on Education, 2017). In this narrative study, eight women presidents of Carnegie Classified public doctoral granting universities were interviewed to understand how they navigated a routeto the position. Findings indicate that perceptions of gender,and opportunities for professional development, complicated the presidential path for women. Also, building leadership capacity was noted as important to sustaining and increasing women leaders in higher education.

New Data for Investigating the President’s Legislative Program: OMB Logs and SAPs*

AbstractThis article introduces two newly available sources of data on presidents’ legislative programs. The first consists of administration legislative initiatives cleared by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) for submission to Congress. We refer to these records as “OMB logs” because they record OMB’s clearance actions on executive‐branch legislative proposals. The second consists of memoranda, officially called Statements of Administration Policy, that OMB sends to floor leaders detailing the president’s position on legislation pending floor consideration. We compare these new data on presidents’ legislative initiatives and policy preferences with those contained in currently available sources—The Public Papers of the Presidents and Congressional Quarterly’s scoring of presidential positions on roll‐call votes—and with a long available but seldom used fifth source, the Congressional Record. Both new data sources list bills and legislative preferences that are not included in the currently available sources. We illustrate the value of these new data by calculating presidents’ impressive “legislative effectiveness” in the House when all presidential initiatives are taken into account.

Validity and Reliability of Identifying Presidential Positions on Roll‐Call Votes in the Age of Trump

Presidency scholars have interpreted Congressional Quarterly’s (CQ) studies of how often members of Congress support the president’s position on roll‐call votes and how often he prevails as valid and reliable measures of presidential support and success. This interpretation assumes that the president’s position‐taking behavior is honest and consistent and that he contributed to and understands the policies he purports to support. Trump’s behavior belies these assumptions. His erratic behavior highlights the fundamental importance of reliably observing this aspect of presidential behavior. This article assesses the validity and reliability of CQ’s Presidential Support studies and compares CQ’s list of presidential position votes in 2017 to the list identified by FiveThirtyEight. The analysis finds a number of inconsistencies in how CQ identified presidential positions over time and that only about 50 percent of votes identified in the two studies are on both lists. These results raise questions about whether presidential support scores and success rates in recent years are comparable to those in previous decades.

La scène de débat autour de l’annulation de la Loi de caducité de la prétention punitive de l’État en Uruguay (2011) : positionnements présidentiels et enjeux politiques

Dans cet article nous nous attachons a analyser les disputes autour du processus d’annulation de la Loi de caducite de la pretention punitive de l’Etat en Uruguay, une loi empechant le jugement des responsables des crimes contre l’humanite pendant la derniere dictature militaire qui a ete annulee en 2011. Notre contribution vise a examiner les positionnements discursifs des intervenants dans le debat (parlementaire, politique et mediatique), en mettant specialement l’accent sur les discours presidentiels dans leur rapport avec le passe recent. Par ce biais, nous avons pour ambition de contribuer a la reflexion sur les enjeux de tout processus d’elaboration d’un passe traumatique visant a la consolidation d’une communaute democratique.

A Two-Way Street on Iraq

To the extent voters respond at all to presidential policy positions, they may do so by changing their views on the policy or by changing their views of the president. Presidents need to account for both changes as they care both about citizen approval and citizen policy views. We explore this dynamic in response to the Iraq War using multiple statistical methods. We find consistent evidence that citizen views of President Bush influenced their support for the war even as citizen views of the war affected their approval of Bush. Net changes in aggregate public opinion were smaller than gross changes because of simultaneous movement in both directions on both the war and the president. Recognizing this two-way movement of opinion helps us to better understand the challenges facing presidents in leading public opinion.

Consumer-Directed Health Plans

When Americans voted in November 2008, many had the presidential candidates' positions on health care reform in mind. Health savings accounts, which are high deductible health plans coupled with a tax-protected savings account, are 1 type of consumer-directed health plan (CDHP) that gained strong support from the Bush administration. Despite evidence of the effectiveness of CDHPs in constraining costs in other countries, the Obama health plan contains no mention of their role in future US health reform. This article seeks to provide the reader with a better understanding of how CDHPs can help to improve the use of health resources and reduce national health care expenditures by exploring the history and previous research on several types of consumer-directed plans and by providing a comparative analysis of the use of CDHPs in other countries.

Madam President: Gender, Power, and the Comparative Presidency

This article examines the paths and powers of women who have occupied presidential positions around the world from 1974 through 2008. While women have had less success in obtaining presidential posts compared to prime ministerial offices, there have been recent notable gains. Developing a typology of presidential positions, I find that presidential positions are still overwhelmingly dominated by men. Moreover, men tend to hold greater powers in their presidential posts than women. Strong women presidents are still exceedingly rare, particularly those elected by popular vote and absent familial ties to male leaders. Overall, the comparative presidency continues to be a male domain.

Q&A with Andy Lane

Andy Lane, SPE, is Halliburton’s Chief Operating Officer, with responsibility for directing the leadership teams at both the Energy Services Group (ESG) and Kellogg Brown & Root (KBR). Previously, Lane was President and Chief Executive Officer of KBR. He also has served in a number of management, director, and vice presidential positions within ESG. In 2003, he was named Vice President of ESG’s regional organization. In 2002, he became President and Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Landmark Graphics. Before that, he served as Global Vice President for Production Enhancement, ESG’s largest product/service line. Lane started at Halliburton in 1984 as a design engineer, specializing in well-completion products. His career in the oil and gas industry began as a field engineer for Gulf Oil, and he also worked as a production engineer in Gulf Oil’s Pipeline Design and Permits Group. Lane earned a BS degree in mechanical engineering from Southern Methodist U. He is a registered professional mechanical engineer in the state of Texas and is also a member of the Soc. of Exploration Geophysicists. He serves on the executive board of Southern Methodist U.’s School of Engineering. Halliburton restructured operations last December, ending the practice of having separate business unit CEOs and putting both the ESG and KBR divisions under you. What effect has the restructuring had on the company? The six divisions (four in Halliburton Energy Services Inc. and two in Kellogg Brown & Root Inc.) that make up Halliburton’s business segments have never been stronger. Halliburton is a dynamic organization, encompassing a world-leading position in the energy services industry as well as superb strength in the energy and chemicals and the government and infrastructure markets. The company continues to meet and exceed customer expectations, excel in challenging markets and opportunities, and deliver outstanding results for our shareholders. Has there been any change in ESG’s strategy or direction since you began overseeing the group? ESG delivers products and services through four operating divisions: Fluid Systems, Production Optimization, Drilling and Formation Evaluation, and Halliburton Digital and Consulting Solutions. ESG continues to deliver record quarterly performance in terms of revenue and operating income. We are very focused on delivering financial performance. We attribute this strong performance to our customers’ recognition that Halliburton offers superior-quality services. We also remain committed to having a strong customer focus as well as the team’s commitment to health, safety, and the environment while ensuring each and every job is completed according to our motto, “Done Right.” While ESG comprises distinct divisions, we are one company. Our shareholders invest in the strength of Halliburton, and our customers buy our products and services on the basis of the broad range of superior solutions that we offer. With an added emphasis on this “One Halliburton” initiative, we foster a culture of internal alignment and an overall teamwork approach.

Determinants of presidential position taking in Congress, 1949–1995

In this paper we seek to explain the activity presidential position taking on roll call votes in the House. Position taking may help presidents pursue their policy agendas, but time and available resources constrain their ability to take positions. Even though position taking is a discretionary presidential action, it occurs in the legislative arena and, thus, presidents must consider elements in both institutions as well as outside conditions when making this decision. Accordingly, we posit a multiple perspectives approach to explain the number of presidential positions on votes in the House. Our multivariate two-stage least squares regression reveals that variables from all three environments (executive, legislative and exogenous) within our multiple perspectives approach are necessary to adequately explain presidential position taking overall and when divided according to domestic and foreign policy positions.

The Pendulum of Congressional Power: Agenda Change, Partisanship and the Demise of the Post-World War II Foreign Policy Consensus

Many scholars contend that Congress rarely matters in the realm of foreign policy. The source of this collective impotence is often explained by the weaknesses in congressional institutions vis-a-vis the president, as well as a general inability to respond effectively to a dynamic international political environment. We contend that the debate over congressional activism has not adequately addressed the role of agenda change. We analyze all roll call votes in the House of Representatives relating to the international affairs agenda between 1953 and 1998. We find that presidents have become significantly more likely to stake out positions on economic and trade issues as compared to other international issues. We also observe that presidential positions in the realm of foreign policy are increasingly characterized by interparty and interinstitutional conflict. While this increased conflict has dramatically decreased the president's ability to successfully pass executive priorities in foreign affairs more generally, presidential success on economic and trade issues has witnessed a significantly greater decline. We infer from these results that changes to the foreign policy issue agenda represent one important factor that has affected not only the incentives for political parties to participate actively, but also the willingness of Congress to challenge the president in the foreign policy debate.Asked one day whether it was true that the navy yard in his district was too small to accommodate the latest battleships. Henry Stimson (chair of the House Naval Affairs Committee early in the century) replied, 'That is true, and that is the reason I have always been in favor of small ships.'1Carriers have been, are and will be for the foreseeable future an absolutely essential part of our deterrence force…2John Warner, senator from Virginia, home state of Newport News Shipbuilding

Facts of Political Life

There has been much discussion about the length of time it took to get the science adviser to the president in place (for example, Breakthrough of the Year, “Bush mystery science theater,” 21 Dec., p. [2446][1]). But how long did it take to get the national security adviser in place? Who was the national security adviser to the candidate? Who was the science adviser to the candidate? From my experiences as an American Association for the Advancement of Science Congressional Science and Engineering Fellow, I offer the following observation: The facts of political life are that if you expect to sit around the table after the election victory making decisions and being immediately appointed, you must have been in the trenches during the campaign. If the scientific community wants to have a presidential adviser and other science positions filled right after the election, they should strive to have advisers in place during the campaign. [1]: /lookup/doi/10.1126/science.294.5551.2446

FEMALE COMMUNITY COLLEGE PRESIDENTS: ROLES OF THEIR SPOUSES

Until recently, most research into the nature, relationships, and leadership styles of college presidents focused on males. Clearly, this was natural since only a small percentage of women held these positions. Research has established that the number of female chief executive officers in higher educaiton has risen dramatically in recent decades. With this increasing number of women holding presidential positions, it is now possible for studies to be conducted on this population as well. This study gathered information on the male spouse's experiences and perceptions, examined how a male spouse views his role differently than a female spouse, investigated the different role of the male spouse, and the positive and negative aspects of being a spouse to a female college president. The hypothesis of this study stated that, in the 1990s, the role of the male spouse would not differ to any great degree from that of the female spouse. This hypothesis was tested by a survey of forced-response and open-ended questions sent to the male spouses of community college presidents.

Presidential Influence in the Policymaking Process

ince Richard Neustadt's pathbreaking Presidential Power was published in 1960, researchers have attempted to describe and measure presidential power, or more specifically, influence (Edwards 1980a, 1976; Bond and Fleisher 1984; Rivers and Rose 1985). Edwards (1989) has provided the most extensive empirical investigation of presidential influence. He measures influence as the congruence of presidential positions with congressional votes and then correlates this indicator of success with the resource popular support. We examine presidential influence in the broader context of the multiple roles of the president in policymaking. We analyze the impact of distinct measures of preferences, resources, and persuasion on activities marking sequential stages of the policy process using calendar years 1953-85 as the unit of analysis. We define the central aspect of influence as the conversion of preferences into government outputs. To examine influence, we first extend previous research by identifying a set of indicators of government activity for each stage in the policy process. Second, we examine the extent to which presidential preferences influence these government actions. We assume that such influence is a function of presidential resources. That is, relationships of influence are conditioned by popular and elite support and responsiveness. Third, we incorporate a preliminary single indicator of persuasion into the model. Persuasion is expected to act as an additional presidential resource of the conversion of preferences into governmental actions, a linkage that is also conditioned by resources. The analysis examines direct, indirect, and conditional relationships that describe the president's influence in policy making. As a heuristic, the policy process provides the context for

Presidential Elections and Administration Support among Congressmen

In the U.S. Congress, roll call support of presidential positions varies within each party. This paper seeks to explain these differences by the electoral behavior of congressional constituencies. The hypotheses tested here are that 1968 voter support for Richard Nixon and George Wallace will be positively related to congressmen's presidential support scores in the 91st and 92nd Congresses (1969-1972). The hypotheses are corroborated by data from the 92nd Congress, but only Northern Democrats and Southern Republicans conform to these expectations in the 91st Congress.