Presence In Syria Research Articles

The Kurdish Predicament in US–Turkiye Relations

The United States' partnership with Syrian Kurdish groups has greatly complicated its interactions with Turkiye. While the US and Turkiye initially worked together to dislodge Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's regime, their interests diverged when countering the Islamic State (ISIS) became the main US concern and countering Kurdish autonomy Turkiye's chief aim. Over Turkish objections, the US trained and equipped Syrian Kurdish forces, which became the principal element of the Syrian Democratic Forces - the US-engineered umbrella group that was instrumental in ousting ISIS from its Syrian strongholds and continues to function as a deterrent, backstopped by a light US presence. The Turkish government would now prefer that the Assad regime re-establish its authority in northern Syria and extinguish Kurdish aspirations for autonomy. The US military presence in Syria prevents such an eventuality. If Syrian Kurds see an opportunity to advance Kurdish autonomy, tensions between the US and Turkiye in the region could significantly increase.

Turkey’s Political Parties’ Asia Policies: Visions, Contacts, Issues

ABSTRACT Traditionally, Turkey has been an ally of the transatlantic bloc. As a NATO member, with a majority Muslim population and a free market economy, it was even hailed by Western powers as a model country in the 2000s. However, due to its acquisition of the S-400 missile defence system from Russia, its desire to be a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and its military presence in Syria and Libya, many analysts have argued that Turkey’s foreign policy has experienced a pivot to Asia recently. This article systematically examines the current positions of various political parties in Turkey in this context using first-hand data. Through semi-structured interviews with 14 political party representatives, and by analysing their party programmes, the vision of different political parties in respect of Asia, their relations with Asian actors, their stance on Asian foreign direct investments and its environmental impacts, the Uyghur issue, and their thoughts on the period that will follow the Ukraine-Russia war are studied.

Russian Presence in Syria: A New Look

Russian Presence in Syria: A New Look

The Competition of Regional Powers and its Impact on the Stability of the Middle East Region: (Iran - Israel as a Model)

The Middle East has become an area of regional and international competition as a result of differences between countries, which have taken on political and economic dimensions to achieve their interests and status on the regional and international arenas. This competition stems mainly from the strategic, geopolitical, and economic importance of the region, which prompted these regional powers or actors to formulate their policies and projects in a way that guarantees them the greatest expansion in the region at the expense of other countries.
 Some of the active regional powers in the Middle East are multinational states such as Iran, while others need to expand and eliminate or weaken Arab states that stand against them, such as Israel. Accordingly, its presence in the Middle East region is directly linked to defining the strategic concept of the great powers, led by the United States of America, by preserving its interests and the interests of its allies in the region in addition to containing the Arab countries that oppose it.
 These regional actors (Iran and Israel) have become influential actors in the Arab region as a result of several factors and variables, including soft power policy, economic strength, and high military capabilities. This competition and competition over the Middle East region is certainly supported by international actors. Israel was and is still supported by the United States of America. As for Iran, although its relationship with Russia most often reaches conflict, especially in terms of reducing its presence in Syria, it is a relationship based on cooperation. Regional competition is one of The most important challenges facing the Middle East region and still are, especially those that exist between regional actors in order to achieve their goals and strategies, and this competition has directly affected the stability of the region politically, economically, socially, culturally and security.

Putin’s War in Syria: Russian Foreign Policy and the Price of America’s Absence

Putin’s War in Syria: Russian Foreign Policy and the Price of America’s Absence

The Role of Armed Non-State Actors in Iran’s Syria Strategy: A Case Study of Fatemiyoun and Zainabiyoun Brigades

ABSTRACT Over the past two decades, there has been a growing tendency among Middle Eastern states to use armed non-state actors (ANSAs) as proxies, making them a constant feature of regional conflicts. Fatemiyoun and Zainabiyoun brigades are two recent examples of state-sponsored ANSAs, which have played a significant role as Iran’s proxies in the course of the Syrian conflict. This article seeks to answer the question as to what role the Fatemiyoun and Zainabiyoun brigades have played in Iran’s military strategy in Syria and how effective they have been in securing Tehran’s strategic interests in the war-torn country. The article argues that following the outbreak of the Syrian crisis—as the most critical challenge to Iran’s foreign policy in the Middle East over the past decade—and due to Iran’s restraints in sustaining a large-scale direct military presence in Syria, the two Afghan and Pakistani brigades acted as Iran’s ground forces, reducing human and financial costs of a direct military engagement for Tehran. The effective role played by the two brigades was mainly reflected in the four strategic battles of Aleppo, Southern Syria, Palmyra, and Eastern Syria.

Քրդական գործոնը Թուրքիայի սիրիական քաղաքականության առանցքում․ անփոփոխ նկրտումներ, փոխակերպվող առաջնահերթություններ/Kurdish Factor in the Framework of the Syrian Policy of Turkey. Constant Ambitions, Changing Priorities

The article aims to highlight the actual scale and content of expansionist actions, ambitions, and ideologies of Ankara caused by the Kurdish factor in Syria. The tasks of the study are: to present the main features and current transformations of the Syrian policy of Turkey, to find out the frames and motives of these transformations, to consider the importance of the Kurdish factor in the Syrian crisis, to highlight the new realities caused by the Turkish interventions into the Syrian-Turkish border. Studying this issue is extremely important for the security environment of the Republic of Armenia, talking into account Turkey’s direct participation in the Artsakh war in 2020 and its subsequent military and political activation in the South Caucasus regional processes. These fit perfectly into Turkey's aggressive expansionist political agenda. The article's methodology includes historical-analytical, political, and oral-historical approaches. The article notes that as a result of these military interventions, Turkey, taking advantage of the need to combat "Kurdish terrorism," increased its military and then economic and ideological presence in Syria, which is the basis of Turkey's neo-Ottoman policy. It also ruled out the infiltration of Kurdish forces from Afrin to the Mediterranean Sea and the unification of cantons.

The national-unity government in Israel

Naftali Bennett, Israel’s prime minister since June 2021, is leading a national-unity coalition that brings together parties from the far left to the far right. His government has held together longer – and accomplished more – than many initially predicted. This is despite the fact that it took power at a time when Israel was facing serious, and in some cases unprecedented, challenges domestically and internationally. Bennett is focused on implementing overdue, politically controversial domestic reforms and responding to Iran, which is advancing its nuclear programme and attempting to establish a military presence in Syria.

Examining the legal aspects of Iran's presence in Syria from the perspective of international law

Developments in the Middle East began with the popular movements in Tunisia in 2010. Due to the spread of this movement among the Arab countries, Western countries also tried to enter these developments in order to protect their interests, and the management of the route took some of these movements.Meanwhile, Syria is one of the Arab countries that was involved in some unrest and protests in 2011. With the intervention of Western countries and Saudi Arabia's support for Sunni extremist groups and the formation of a free army in Syria, these conflicts have expanded and led to Murder and bloodshed in this country Iran has tried to play an effective role in the current situation in this country due to its geopolitics and the benefits it has in relation to this country.Therefore, in this article, Iran's interests, the role and impact of this country on the developments in Syria, how to be present in Syria according to the opinion of the international community and according to the rules and regulations of international law are examined.

Guilty When Innocent. Australian Government’s Resistance to Bringing Home Wives and Children of Islamic State Fighters

Currently there are 20 Australian women and 47 children being held in the Al-Roj camp in Northern Syria, who are the family members of Islamic State fighters. The Australian government argues that it is both unsafe for government officials to rescue those held in the camp and unsafe for Australia to repatriate these women and children. This security rhetoric is commonly understood as Australia’s abandonment of its citizens and their entitlements to protection and repatriation. This paper argues that the Australian government is condemning its citizens to a condition of statelessness and displacement, simulating the following conditions under which refugees and asylum seekers are forced to live: murder, violence, deprivation of adequate food and shelter, disease, and the potential hazards of the COVID-19 infection. Rendering its citizens to a condition of statelessness and displacement constitutes both punishment meted out on those deemed guilty by their presence in Syria, and provides the Australian government the opportunity to revoke the citizenship of women and children. Three Australian women who travelled to Syria have already been stripped of their Australian citizenship. This paper explores the conditions and methods by which the Australian government has erased the entitlements, protections and certainty of citizenship for Australian Muslim women and children.

A Comparative Comparison of the U.S. and Russian Foreign Policy and their Behavior Patterns in the Syrian Crisis

The Syrian crisis has been one of the most critical developments in the international system since 2011, involving most international and regional actors. This crisis has undoubtedly been one of the most important arenas of confrontation between great powers such as the United States and Russia. This article examines the United States and Russia's behavioral patterns and policies in the Syrian crisis since 2011. It is hypothesized that Syria has strategic and vital interests for the United States and Russia. Therefore, a new arena has been created for competition between these two and other allies. The findings show that U.S. foreign policy in the Syrian crisis is based in its interests and other allies' interests, but pursuing unilateral policies and direct military intervention has been hampered by a number of international issues. Thus, they have to deal mainly with the developments in Syria indirectly. On the other hand, the situation is different for the Russians, and they have a maximum presence in Syria by forming alliances with actors such as Iran. They believe that the fall of the Assad government seriously endangers their interests, and therefore they try to prevent Opponents of the Assad government from gaining power in various ways.Keywords: Foreign Policy, Middle East, Syrian Crisis, United States, Russia

The Russian Media as a Promoter of Manipulative Approaches: The Case of the Syrian Civil War

ABSTRACTThe content of mass information in any society is closely linked to the patterns of its political development. A typical example of this concerns the modern Russian media, which have been influenced particularly by their embeddedness with the authorities. Indeed, the Russian media have served as the mouthpiece of the country’s political leaders, and this fact has left a significant imprint on media coverage. To understand the symbiotic relationship between Russian political leaders and media, this article focuses on the Syrian Civil War, which is currently one of the most important issues on the international political agenda. The Russian government’s role in the conflict over the last several years has affected the Russian media’s tremendous interest in this topic. Nonetheless, Moscow’s participation in the war was determined uniquely by how the communication sphere related the conflict to its audience so that its involvement in the Syrian imbroglio was not an objective reflection of reality. Guided by the political interests of the authorities, the Russian media created an emotionally oriented story, which intended to advance an extremely positive interpretation of Russia’s role in this conflict in the minds of the audience. Therefore, in terms of propaganda, these media acted not as “pure” promoters of the state’s will, but rather as its “interpreters.” This study highlights how leading Russian publications approach this agenda and the consequences this fact has for the Kremlin’s political priorities. The authors come to a definite conclusion regarding Russian media’s unconditional dependence on the political priorities of modern Russian society. It was crucial for the Kremlin that the media present a positive view of Moscow’s involvement in the conflict given that Russia’s military presence in Syria caused a very controversial reaction throughout the world and led to increased tensions and contentious disputation between Russia and many Western countries. Therefore, the Kremlin needed to justify its policies and did so through manipulating the Russian public by means of a large-scale propaganda campaign conducted through the Russian media. This phenomenon is pivotal to understand not only the case of Russia’s involvement in Syria but also contemporary international media development.

Norway’s New(s) Wars—Syria in the Norwegian Mass Media

Through two case studies, this article will explore how Norwegian news media framed the Norwegian military presence in Syria. Earlier research by the author has shown how the legal aspects of NATO’s out-of-area operations have been ignored by mainstream media. In this study, emphasis will be put on self-censorship among Norwegian journalists, ignoring the fact that Norwegian special forces took part in military operations inside Syria from May 2017 to March 2018. The hypothesis based on Johan Galtung’s (2002) theory of peace journalism is that mainstream media refused to see the connection between Norway’s bombing of Libya and the escalation of the ‘civil war’ in Syria. According to legal experts, the Norwegian military presence in Syria was a violation of international law, as it supported rebel groups in armed confrontation with the Assad government, recognized by the Norwegian state through diplomatic relations. The hypothesis of the study—based on an explorative investigation of selected Norwegian news media—is that Norwegian politicians, silently supported by the media, have changed basic principles of Norwegian security policy without an open public debate. Before 1999, Norway was a loyal NATO member based on the notion that NATO was a ‘defense alliance’. After the change in NATO strategy to the new out-of-area policy, Norway has in practice become a ‘military tool’ in the geopolitical strategy of the US. This change of policy has, to a large extent, happened without critical investigation by mainstream media. The article presents two case studies of how Norwegian media dealt with the legal issues when Norway was asked to contribute in Syria, and how the Norwegian military presence was reported by Norwegian media in the periods December 2015 to January 2016, as well as May 2017 to March 2018.

The Rise of the “Resistance Axis”: Hezbollah and the Legacy of the Taif Agreement

Hezbollah’s direct military presence in Syria and Iraq confirms that their actions transcend Lebanon as a political stage. But why can Hezbollah still not be contained within the boundaries of Lebanon? Exploring how the Taif Agreements both tamed Hezbollah’s rhetoric while simultaneously laying the conditions for transnational activities, this article argues that the conditions of the Taif Agreement have assisted in the rise of Hezbollah’s self-coined Resistance Axis. Post-Taif, Hezbollah has tended relationships with the external forces that helped broker the peace while unlocking the potential in the exceptional decision to allow Hezbollah to retain arms in the name of “resistance.”

Countering Prompt Global Strike: The Russian Military Presence in Syria and the Eastern Mediterranean and Its Strategic Deterrence Role

ABSTRACTThis article examines the Russian military involvement on land in Syria and in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. It considers, in particular, why the point is constantly being made in Russian political and military circles that these two commitments will be ‘permanent’ in nature. It begins by providing the rationales for the initial establishment of a Russian Eastern Mediterranean naval flotilla and the later sending of ground troops with air support to Syria. It goes on to show what benefits — geopolitical, political, military, and, in particular, strategic — have accrued to Russia from the combination of these two missions. The article concludes by showing that these benefits are too substantial for any Russian political leader to contemplate a withdrawal from Syria at any point in the foreseeable future.

Attacks against health care in Syria, 2015–16: results from a real-time reporting tool

Collecting credible data on violence against health services, health workers, and patients in war zones is a massive challenge, but crucial to understanding the extent to which international humanitarian law is being breached. We describe a new system used mainly in areas of Syria with a substantial presence of armed opposition groups since November, 2015, to detect and verify attacks on health-care services and describe their effect. All Turkey health cluster organisations with a physical presence in Syria, either through deployed and locally employed staff, were asked to participate in the Monitoring Violence against Health Care (MVH) alert network. The Turkey hub of the health cluster, a UN-activated humanitarian health coordination body, received alerts from health cluster partners via WhatsApp and an anonymised online data-entry tool. Field staff were asked to seek further information by interviewing victims and other witnesses when possible. The MVH data team triangulated alerts to identify individual events and distributed a preliminary flash update of key information (location, type of service, modality of attack, deaths, and casualties) to partners, WHO, United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and donors. The team also received and entered alerts from several large non-health cluster organisations (known as external partners, who do their own information-gathering and verification processes before sharing their information). Each incident was then assessed in a stringent process of information-matching. Attacks were deemed to be verified if they were reported by a minimum of one health cluster partner and one external partner, and the majority of the key datapoints matched. Alerts that did not meet this standard were deemed to be unverified. Results were tabulated to describe attack occurrence and impact, disaggregated where possible by age, sex, and location. Between early November, 2015, and Dec 31 2016, 938 people were directly harmed in 402 incidents of violence against health care: 677 (72%) were wounded and 261 (28%) were killed. Most of the dead were adult males (68%), but the highest case fatality (39%) was seen in children aged younger than 5 years. 24% of attack victims were health workers. Around 44% of hospitals and 5% of all primary care clinics in mainly areas with a substantial presence of armed opposition groups experienced attacks. Aerial bombardment was the main form of attack. A third of health-care services were hit more than once. Services providing trauma care were attacked more than other services. The data system used in this study addressed double-counting, reduced the effect of potentially biased self-reports, and produced credible data from anonymous information. The MVH tool could be feasibly deployed in many conflict areas. Reliable data are essential to show how far warring parties have strayed from international law protecting health care in conflict and to effectively harness legal mechanisms to discourage future perpetrators. None.

Russia in the Eastern Mediterranean: Intervention, Deterrence, Containment

AbstractThe Syrian Civil War gave the opportunity to Russia to establish itself as a pivotal strategic element in the region of the Eastern Mediterranean. This can be seen in the Russian military presence in Syria and in the new Russian maritime strategy in the Black Sea and in the Eastern Mediterranean. This articles argues that deterrence is not enough by itself to put an obstacle in Russian regional expansionism and that a new containment policy is required in order for the West to maintain the existing status in the Eastern Mediterranean.

УКРАЇНСЬКЕ І СИРІЙСЬКЕ ПИТАННЯ У МІЖНАРОДНИХ ВІДНОСИНАХ ЯК ДВІ СТОРОНИ ОДНІЄЇ ГЕОПОЛІТИКИ

The article gives a detailed analysis of the confrontation between the leading centers of global influence – the EU, the US and Russia, which led to the aggravation of the situation in two countries at once. It was found that both Ukraine and Syria face the risk of becoming a major geopolitical struggle springboard between Russia and the West. Russia’s military presence in Syria in particular is to build military bases in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, by supporting the regime in Damascus. Expanding the strategic impact of Russia is also in supervising oil and gas market and transit of energy resources to the EU. Continuation of military intervention in Syria and Ukraine had a profound impact on the security situation in the former Soviet Union and the Middle East. This reality makes all members of the settlement of these conflicts reconsider their foreign policy strategy and future plans regarding Ukraine and Syria. EU and US support only peaceful diplomatic solution to the crisis in eastern Ukraine through the allocation opposing sides of the contact line and holding democratic elections. Meanwhile, Syria’s main task for the West is fighting against ISIS and removing the current authoritarian regime from power. Russia does not show much interest in resolving these regional crises and intends to maintain instability in Eurasia and the Middle East.

Pollen-inferred palaeoclimatic patterns in Syria during the Little Ice Age

The alluvial deposits from Jableh (coastal Syria) and the Wadi Jarrah (inland Syria) have provided unique records of environmental history covering the last 1000 years. The pollen-derived climatic proxies inferred from these two cores suggest that a shift towards drier conditions started during the early 15th century AD. The main dry and cool interval recorded both in coastal and inland Syria occurred from ca. 1500 to 1850 cal yr AD, a time frame encompassing the Little Ice Age. In Syria, the Little Ice Age is not only cooler, but also much drier than the Medieval Climate Anomaly and the present-day climate. Despite a strong human presence in Syria throughout the last millennia, climate rather than human activities seem to be the driving force behind the natural vegetation dynamics in these regions.

Syria's presence in Lebanon

Since Israel withdrew from Lebanon in May 2000, a growing number of Lebanese have called for Syria to do the same. Syria's new president, Bashar al-Assad, seems more willing than his father to listen to public opinion, and many Lebanese believe that a new era in relations with Damascus has begun. But Syria's political, economic and strategic interests are likely to ensure that it will retain control over Lebanon. Both Beirut and Damascus have warned that Syria will only completely withdraw if a comprehensive regional peace with Israel is achieved.