Requirements Of Democracy Research Articles

АНАЛИЗА ГРЕШАКА ПРИ ПРЕВОЂЕЊУ ПРАВНИХ ТЕКОВИНА ЕВРОПСКЕ УНИЈЕ

Given that the European Union is considered an international community due to its 27 Member States and 24 official languages, many authors emphasize that translation is a prerequisite for democracy. Similarly, the backbone of European Union law is reflected in the acquis communautaire, which includes crucial legal acts and contains over 190,000 pages. Considering that a candidate country has to translate the complete acquis before joining the EU, the complexity of the process becomes evident, especially when different legal cultures and stylistic structures are taken into consideration. Thus, this paper has been written in an attempt to identify most common mistakes that occur during the translation process and analyze potential reasons for their frequency. The corpus for this paper has been collected during the tenure at the Ministry of European Integration, and consists of 200 pages. Through a preliminary quantitative analysis, it has been discovered that stylistic errors are the most frequent, especially those regarding the passive voice, the use of modal verbs, and archaisms. Further qualitative analysis allowed us to compare these errors with relevant literature on the matter, and delineate potential ways to prevent or minimize them in the future.

Legal Comparison of Freedom of Expression and Freedom of the Press in the Republic of Armenia and in the Republic of Poland

<p>Freedom of expression and freedom of the press form guarantee and emphasize the democratic character of a state. The dissemination of information and opinions is a prerequisite of democracy, which essentially requires that citizens be guaranteed the possibility to participate in public affairs. An opportunity to learn some information and opinions is of paramount importance for broadening knowledge, sharpening the critical mind, shaping one’s own views and making rational and informed choices. For full access to information and opinions circulating in the public, it is necessary that it should be made public and media and their journalists will make it in the best way. The aim of this study was to compare constitutional legal solutions concerning freedom of expression and freedom of the press and the way they are effectuated in practice in theRepublicofArmeniaand in theRepublicofPoland.</p>

Should Judges Make Climate Change Law?

AbstractWhat scholars referred to as a climate change litigation ‘explosion’ in 2015 has today become an established movement which is unlikely to stop in the near future: worldwide, over a thousand lawsuits have been launched regarding responsibility for the dangers of climate change. Since the beginning of this trend in transnational climate litigation scholars have warned that the separation of powers is threatened where judges interfere with the politically hot issue of climate change. This article uses Jürgen Habermas's political theory on deliberative democracy to reconstruct the tension between law and politics generated by these lawsuits. This reconstruction affords a better understanding of the implications of climate change litigation: while the role of the judiciary as such remains unchanged, the trend is likely to influence the democratic legitimacy of judicial lawmaking on climate change, as it indicates an increasing realization that a sound environment is a constitutional value and is therefore a prerequisite for democracy.

LEGAL COMPARISON OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IN THE REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA AND IN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND/ՀԱՅԱՍՏԱՆԻ ԵՎ ԼԵՀԱՍՏԱՆԻ ՀԱՆՐԱՊԵՏՈՒԹՅՈՒՆՆԵՐՈՒՄ ԿԱՐԾԻՔԻ ԱՐՏԱՀԱՅՏՄԱՆ ԵՎ ՄԱՄՈՒԼԻ ԱԶԱՏՈՒԹՅԱՆ ԻՐԱՎԱՀԱՄԵՄԱՏԱԿԱՆ ՎԵՐԼՈՒԾՈՒԹՅՈՒՆԸ/СРАВНИТЕЛЬНО-ПРАВОВОЙ АНАЛИЗ СВОБОДЫ ВЫРАЖЕНИЯ МНЕНИЯ И СВОБОДЫ ПЕЧАТИ В РЕСПУБЛИКЕ АРМЕНИЯ И В РЕСПУБЛИКЕ ПОЛЬША

Freedom of expression and freedom of the press form guarantee and emphasize the democratic character of a state. The dissemination of information and opinions is a prerequisite of democracy, which essentially requires that citizens be guaranteed the possibility to participate in public affairs. An opportunity to learn some information and opinions is of paramount importance for broadening knowledge, sharpening the critical mind, shaping one’s own views and making rational and informed choices. For full access to information and opinions circulating in the public, it is necessary that it should be made public and media and their journalists will make it in the best way.

‘Importance of Germany to Countries around and to World Economy makes it impossible to ignore’ – The Rockefeller Foundation and Public Health in Germany after WWII

After WWII, the restoration of medical care and Public Health Service were the most important goals of the allied forces in Germany. They saw a connection between the population’s health condition and its economic prosperity, which the Western Allies perceived as prerequisite for democracy. The allies participated in reforming the social security system. The Rockefeller Foundation provided grants for the modernisation of public health in Germany by initiating a transatlantic visitation program and a school of Public Health. This involvement stands in connection with the European Recovery Program and can be understood as an addition to US–American economic plan.

What it takes to keep children in school: a research review

Unauthorized absence from school, commonly labelled truancy, absenteeism, and dropout, is a problem that has been increasingly noted in recent years by the National Agency for Education, county councils, communities, and media in Sweden. It is also a prioritized issue in Europe and worldwide. Many students leave school without credentials or a compulsory-school leaving certificate; this is believed to have consequences for the individual as well as for society. Elementary education is regarded of importance for the welfare of the individual, his or her future, potential employment opportunities, and as a measure against criminality, drug misuse, and social exclusion. From a societal perspective, elementary education is perceived to be crucial for future work and development in society, as well as a prerequisite for democracy. What encourages school attendance and prevents unauthorized school absence? This article presents a review of the results and recommendations of 155 research reports focusing on absence prevention and school attendance. The review points to the need for an outspoken and elaborate shift in perspective from a focus on individual characteristics and individually related factors to the responsibility of the school and the community. Forces that draw students to school are a feeling of school success reached by strengthening core competencies, the possibility of bonding with adults, and a school climate that students deem positive.

Social Networks, Interpersonal Trust, and Support for Democracy in East Asia

Civil society has been regard as a prerequisite for democracy, and social networks and interpersonal trust are two important elements of civil society. By using data from the Asian Barometer Survey, this study investigates the effects of social networks and interpersonal trust on public support for democracy in three East Asian democracies – Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. The results of statistical analysis show that social networks, rather than interpersonal trust, exert significant positive effects on public support for democracy in Japan and Taiwan. By contrast, it is interpersonal trust to affect public support for democracy in South Korea. Nonetheless, it should also be noted that trust in political institutions, democratic values, and education far outweigh social networks and interpersonal trust to impact public support for democracy in these East Asian democracies.

The Tatmadaw Legacy and Beyond

The ongoing democratisation process in Myanmar represents one of the most relevant ‘stress tests’ for the democratic transition theory. This theory actually considers stateness as a prerequisite for democracy; and, consequently, concentrates mainly on the mode of progression of the state from dictatorship to representative government. We assume, on the contrary, that, particularly after 1989, the very idea of stateness is being questioned more and more (and not only in developing countries). This paper does not intend to add original data relative to Myanmar’s recent history. It rather aims to shed some new light on Myanmar’s democratisation process, approaching the issue as a specific case-study of democratic transition affected by clustered sovereignty. The introduction will attempt to explain the main methodological prerequisites of the paper. The article will then analyse the three main risk factors affecting the democratisation process in Myanmar: (1) the (in)ability to neutralise the autonomous centres of power equipped with means of coercion and return them to a shared political sphere; (2) the (in)ability to integrate different intra-group networks in the shared political sphere; (3) the (in)ability to eliminate or at least reduce the social inequalities, detaching them from the shared political sphere.

Intergenerational transmission of political participation intention

Political participation is a prerequisite for democracy. Therefore, political sociologists have advised to socialize people by encouraging political participation from a young age onward. Parents are one of the most important political socialization agents, especially at a young age. Although the intergenerational transmission of political attitudes has been studied quite intensively, the transmission of the political participation intention has been neglected. This study explores the effect of both mothers’ and fathers’ political activity on their offspring’s intention to participate. Using a data set from 2085 Belgian parent–child triads, we tested the direct and indirect transmission of political participation intention. We found that although there is a direct transmission of political participation intention, after controlling for political discussion, political interest and socio-economic status, this effect is completely mediated. Therefore, we conclude that intergenerational transmission is an indirect process, supported by a high socio-economic status, more political interest and a more politicized family environment in which politics is clearly perceived as salient.

Modernisation, neo-modernisation, and comparative democratisation in Russia

There has long been a debate over whether development is a prerequisite for democracy, and by the same token, whether democracy is a precondition for development. This debate is part of the larger literature examining problems of ‘transition’, a term which is at best no more than a code word for the processes shaping accelerated and conscious transformation of a society from one type of social order to another. For some three decades, the field of comparative democratisation has focused attention on the mechanics of political transition and the creation of new democracies, accompanied by analysis of the reasons for ‘failed transitions’. While linear versions of modernisation theory have been discredited, the creation of capitalist democracies on the western model has encountered resistance. The two versions of the neo-modernisation paradigm (critical and civilisational) help us to examine the ‘transition’ dynamics of developing societies as well as providing a framework to critique existing theories.

Stateness first?

A number of scholars have recently claimed that ‘stateness’ is a prerequisite for democracy. However, a large-N empirical appraisal of this new research agenda is still pending. In this article, we demonstrate that stateness – conceptualized using the twin attributes of the monopoly on the use of force within a sovereign territory and a basic agreement about citizenship – is to a large extent a necessary condition for the four democratic attributes of electoral rights, political liberties, the rule of law, and social rights. However, the analyses also show that stateness is especially critical for the latter two attributes whereas the former two are sometimes encountered in its absence. These results are robust and they fit well into the dominant writings on democratization, which emphasize that in the present ‘liberal hegemony’ democratic elections are often grafted onto weak states – but that the rule of law and social rights are much more intimately wedded to structural constraints such as stateness.

Does democracy need sovereignty?

AbstractNon-state entities that aspire to statehood are increasingly developing democratic norms and practices, in part to enhance their claims for independence. However, the prospects for democracy in cases of ‘problematic sovereignty’ are little understood. This article seeks to explore the important but under-explored relationship between sovereignty and democracy, and in particular to assess the extent to which sovereignty is, or is not, a prerequisite for democracy. The article advances two arguments. First, it argues that there is no clear-cut relationship between sovereignty and democracy, as sovereignty is a complex concept that is comprised of several important, and distinct, constituent elements. Second, the article argues that the legal recognition of statehood (international legal sovereignty) is of marginal importance in this area, and should not be seen as a necessary condition for democratic rule. The article examines the process of democratic transition in the non-state entity of Somaliland to provide empirical support.

Why do richer democracies survive?—The non-effect of unconventional political participation

Since Seymour Lipset's (1959) seminal article on the social prerequisites of democracy, many scholars have found a strong empirical correlation between increases in per capita income and democracy. Given this strong connection however, an important gap in the literature remains—what are the pathways linking wealth and democracy? This paper attempts to establish the validity of one of the possible paths by testing the three-fold relationship between per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP), unconventional political participation and democratic consolidation. Despite finding a strong positive correlation between per capita GDP and the consolidation of democracy, this research reveals that unconventional political participation is not mediating this effect.

Understanding African Conflicts: Theoretical, Historical, and Contemporary Perspectives

On the eve of the first decade of the twenty-first century?and some fifty years after independence?many states continue to be plagued by ethnoregional conflict, while number of others are barely emerging from decades of devastating civil wars. Peace and security?essential prerequisites for democracy and development?continue to elude far too many countries. Building upon the pioneering work of Christopher Clapham in Guerillas (James Currey, 1998), Morten B0?s, Kevin Dunn, and their nine contributors?including Clapham, author of the concluding chap ter?revisit the analysis of guerilla movements. Rejecting single-fac tor explanations (such as greed, competition over resources, and cultural conflict), the editors argue for a more nuanced, holistic approach that is historically grounded and integrates multiple levels of analysis, from the local and national to the regional and global (3). Further inspired by the groundbreaking research of the anthropologist Paul Richards (No Peace, No War, James Currey, 2005), B0?s and Dunn believe that African insurgen cies are best understood as rational responses to the composition of states and their polities (4); and they approach war as a social drama over

Smarter Democracy Promotion

Abstract This article focuses on democracy promotion as an instrument of foreign policy. It identifies conditions that conduce to the viability of democracy and offers suggestions about advocating for states that have few prospects of becoming democracies as well as for states that possess the prerequisites of democracy. Accordingly, it formulates 12 guidelines for facilitating democracy promotion and making the process smarter.

Economic and social factors driving the third wave of democratization

We identify permanent democratic transitions during the Third Wave of Democratization and the nineties, when many former socialist countries moved towards representative rule. Using political freedom indicators, electoral archives, and historical resources in 174 countries in the period 1960–2005, we identify 63 democratic transitions, 3 reverse transitions from relatively stable democracy to autocracy and 6 episodes of small improvements in representative institutions. We also classify non-reforming countries to stable autocracies and always democratic. We then use the data set to test theories on the prerequisites for democracy in these countries that enter the Third Wave as non-democracies. Examining initially autocratic countries enables us to address issues of sample selection (in the beginning of the sample most developed countries were already democratic) and reverse causality (democracy can be both a cause and a consequence of wealth, for example). Our estimates reveal that democratization is more likely to emerge in affluent and especially educated societies. Economic development and education are also key factors determining the intensity of democratic reforms and how quickly democratic transitions will occur. These results appear robust to controls like the social environment (religion and fractionalization), natural resources, trade openness and proxies of early institutions. Journal of Comparative Economics 36 (3) (2008) 365–387.

INDIA, POST-IMPERIALISM AND THE ORIGINS OF ENOCH POWELL'S ‘RIVERS OF BLOOD’ SPEECH

ABSTRACTIn January 2003 Enoch Powell's personal archive was opened to the public. The release shed new light on the nature of Powell's thought on immigration, and in particular, his reasons for making the so-called ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech of 1968. Historians have suggested that Powell's primary concern was a post-imperialist desire to sever all links with the New Commonwealth. However, papers written immediately after Powell's time in India (1943–6) reveal that his objections to immigration were established long before he abandoned his fierce love of empire in 1954. These objections were rooted in a seemingly liberal commitment to national homogeneity as a prerequisite for democracy. The imagery, reasoning, and political context of Powell's speeches in 1968 demonstrate a striking continuity with his ideas of 1946. Powell's example suggests that British attitudes to mass immigration may owe more to the experience of empire than to post-war changes in national identity.

05/01373 Structural break, unit root, and the causality between energy consumption and GDP in Turkey

We identify permanent democratic transitions during the Third Wave of Democratization and the nineties, when many former socialist countries moved towards representative rule. Using political freedom indicators, electoral archives, and historical resources in 174 countries in the period 1960–2005, we identify 63 democratic transitions, 3 reverse transitions from relatively stable democracy to autocracy and 6 episodes of small improvements in representative institutions. We also classify non-reforming countries to stable autocracies and always democratic. We then use the data set to test theories on the prerequisites for democracy in these countries that enter the Third Wave as non-democracies. Examining initially autocratic countries enables us to address issues of sample selection (in the beginning of the sample most developed countries were already democratic) and reverse causality (democracy can be both a cause and a consequence of wealth, for example). Our estimates reveal that democratization is more likely to emerge in affluent and especially educated societies. Economic development and education are also key factors determining the intensity of democratic reforms and how quickly democratic transitions will occur. These results appear robust to controls like the social environment (religion and fractionalization), natural resources, trade openness and proxies of early institutions. Journal of Comparative Economics 36 (3) (2008) 365–387.

From Education to Democracy?

The conventional wisdom views high levels of education as a prerequisite for democracy. This paper shows that existing evidence for this view is based on crosssectional correlations, which disappear once we look at within-country variation. In other words, there is no evidence that countries that increase their education are more likely to become democratic.

From Education to Democracy?

The conventional wisdom views high levels of education as a prerequisite for democracy. This paper shows that existing evidence for this view is based on cross-sectional correlations, which disappear once we look at within-country variation. In other words, there is no evidence that countries that increase their education are more likely to become democratic.