Pragmatic Diplomacy Research Articles

The Race for the Global South or the ‘Battle for the Global Majority’: Prospects for Russia

The explosive growth of attention to the Global South—a natural result of the past decade’s synergetic trends—is likely to influence the rapid transformation of the world order that is now underway. The mammoth resources, underinvested infrastructure, and huge population (i.e., potential consumer market) of the Global South and the World Majority drive global players to compete for influence in these countries. Russia’s advantages in trade and security, together with its pragmatic diplomacy, remove the political and ideological barriers to bilateral and multilateral relations with the Global South’s politically, economically, and civilizationally diverse states.

Intransigent anti-communism and/or pragmatic diplomacy? Pius XII’s Eastern policy between world war and cold war

In an investigation involving Vatican sources that have recently been opened for research, the paper reassesses the story of the actual or alleged Vatican-Soviet attempts at rapprochement initiated during and after World War II with the aim to explore the considerations that shaped Vatican eastern policy at the end of the war. Ont he basis of a closer examination of the Orlemanski mission in the spring of 1944, the Flynn mission in March 1945, and the negotiations initiated in 1946 through Hungarian Jesuits it argues that despite Moscow’s brief apparent display of willingness to cooperate at the end of the war, the failure of actual attempts at rapprochement was primarily due to the Kremlin’s lack of interest. By contrast, the Vatican was truly open to dialogue, given the right conditions. Consequently, Pius XII’s Eastern policy is to be interpreted through the paradigm not of intransigence but traditional Vatican concordat policy. The term Ostpolitik, however, unless used with some distinguishing qualification, seems inappropriate to Pius xii’s stance on Eastern policy. Despite the similarities with the Vatican Ostpolitik of the 1960s, a close comparison shows up several basic differences.

Continuation or Reinvention? Assessment and Prospects of the Internal and External Policies of the Anwar Administration in Malaysia

With Anwar Ibrahim becoming the 10th Prime Minister of Malaysia, Malaysia has finally entered a new period after three years of "political crisis". At this stage, despite the new administration, Anwar is still facing various domestic and foreign crises and challenges, including weak economic development, a volatile domestic political situation, a growing racial crisis and conflicts and confrontations between major powers. The internal policy will focus on revitalizing the economy and settling the domestic political situation, while the external policy will continue with pragmatic diplomacy and balanced diplomacy among major powers, and the development of relations with China will be the top priority of the Anwar administration. However, whether such internal and external policies will help to achieve Anwar's political goals and baggage still needs to be observed and analysed, and the fragile political base is also an unstable factor affecting the stability of the new Anwar administration.

Hungary’s Pragmatic Diplomacy in the Age of Détente: The Case of the African Opening between 1956 and 1970

Abstract Following the change of the political systems that swept across the former Soviet Bloc region toward the end of the 1980s, it was obvious for the ex ‑satellite states that they would direct the major (re)orientation in their foreign policies towards the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. Since the 2010s, every country of the ex ‑Communist Bloc, including the Russian Federation itself, has fostered pragmatic foreign policies with African regions and states. To be able to understand present ‑day Hungary’s recently enhanced engagements with the African continent, as well as making sense of its governmental ‘Africa Strategy’ of April 2019, this paper proposes to offer a general and historical analysis of changing geopolitical landscapes and foreign policies – towards Africa in the Age of Détente, between 1956 and 1970.

1960년대 초 중국외교 좌경화의 원인 — 마오쩌둥의 권력 장악력을 중심으로 —

In the summer and fall of 1962, Mao Zedong, emphasizing the importance of class struggle, turned Chinese foreign policy from the pragmatic diplomacy during the 1950s to the left. The Great Leap Forward, a radical economic campaign focusing on steel production together with collectivization of farming, brought about the greatest famine and economic fiasco, which in turn severely weakened Mao Zedong’s political authority. Moreover, the bottom-up demands advocating for easing of tension with the Soviet Union and United States in foreign policy further aggravated Mao’s political standing. Facing these pressing conditions in domestic and foreign policy, Mao deliberately designed “Anti-Imperialism, Anti-Revisionism and Anti-Reactionaries” in order to preserve his grip on power. “Anti-Imperialism” subdued the demands for the peaceful coexistence with the United States, “Anti-Revisionism” targeted Liu Shaoqi, the head of state and a designated successor of Mao, advocating an ease of tension with the Soviet Union, and “Anti-Reactionaries” was a spear wielding against those who criticized the Great Leap Forward asking for economic liberalization. In conclusion, for Mao, the retention of power was a predominant consideration over the national interest and it was a driving force for the left-turn of Chinese foreign policy in the early 1960s.

Balancing with Jokowi’s Characteristics: A Neoclassical Realism Approach to Indonesia’s Foreign and Security Policies in the South China Sea

The objectives of this article are twofold. First, it seeks to posit Jokowi’s foreign and security policies in the broader historical context of Indonesian foreign and security policymaking. Throughout history, Indonesia’s responses to its external environment, as manifested in its foreign and security policies, have been significantly influenced by a range of domestic factors including leaders’ personality and his/her attitude to international politics. Building upon the historical observation, this article seeks to understand Jokowi’s foreign and security policies in the South China Sea using a neoclassical realism framework. It argues that there has been a shift in Indonesia’s approach to the South China Sea problem, characterised by a more active and pragmatic diplomacy and a more assertive approach to territorial integrity. Both components, however, are not deterministic products of external threats as predicted by neorealist theories. Instead, they are influenced by Jokowi’s personality, attitude towards foreign and security policy and preoccupation of his administration with the domestic agenda.

India’s diplomatic discourse and development dilemma in the international climate change regime

ABSTRACT At the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change negoti- ations, India has repeatedly pushed for urgent international action on climate change, while simultaneously refusing to limit its own emissions, frustrating other participating countries. The extant economic and strategic interest-based expla- nations do not sufficiently explain some key anomalies in India’s international climate policy and have justified such contradictions in India’s diplomatic dis- course as realpolitik or pragmatic diplomacy. We argue that in order to facilitate India’s meaningful participation in the international climate change regime, we need to engage with these contradictions and understand India’s aspirations for moral and material leadership that stem from the complex interaction between economic and strategic interests and ideational factors. We posit that India’s anti-colonial discourse that repudiated Western materialism, along with its de- sire to be a moral power in global politics coupled with its desire to mimic the western standard of living, creates a development dilemma for India’s postcolo- nial identity in the global climate change regime. India’s continuous attempt to resolve this dilemma has produced specific frames–projecting itself as a victim, mistrust of the West, framing the Earth’s CO2 carrying capacity as extended sovereign territory, and national exceptionalism–in the climate change discourse. These frames are consistent with India’s broader foreign policy discourse as a postcolonial nation and have coalesced India’s claim to moral leadership, seek commitments from developed countries to do their part, and simultaneously play- ing a limited role in the international climate regime.

Cuba y sus lazos con América Latina y el Caribe: de la cuarentena diplomática hasta el ALBA y otras organizaciones multilaterales, 1959 – presente

Cuba navigated between the two superpowers of the time, maintaining its option of an independent foreign policy, first during the three decades of Soviet support and then during the ‘Special Period” of extraordinary austerity and without military muscle. I distinguish three periods: A first period of revolutionary fervor comprising most of the 1960s, the following two decades of pragmatic diplomacy and the post-Cold War period of soft power, deploying medical brigades and medical facilities, literacy campaigns and its good offices during peace negotiations. Cuba played a leading role in the creation of alba, celac and other multilateral fora and normalized its relations with the United States. During the years of the pink tide the Cuban government enjoyed the sympathy of many Latin American countries and benefitted from strong economic support from Venezuela. But in the last few years the regional context considerably changed. At present it counts with less friendly countries and some of them confront deep internal crises.

Elizabethan Orientalia

Elizabeth I had people of Jewish origin in her personal circle, such as the famous physician Rodrigo Lopez, who was a relative of an influential Jew called Álvaro Mendes. Mendes was born in Portugal, and later took refuge in the Ottoman Empire, where he was known as Salomon ibn Ya’ish; we know that he exchanged correspondence with Elizabeth I, and the queen always favoured him in her missives to Sultan Murad III. The queen knew that Mendes received, while a Christian, a knighthood in the Order of Santiago, since she dubbed him ‘Eques’ in her correspondence. So even if ibn Ya’ish lived exiled in the Ottoman Empire, Elizabeth I still considered him a ‘Westerner’. The question that arises is: to what extent did this pragmatic diplomacy of Elizabeth I with Islamic states where some ‘Western’ Jews appear as pivotal elements shape their image in Elizabethan England, especially in the eclectic circles in which Shakespeare lived?

Elizabethan Orientalia

Abstract Elizabeth I had people of Jewish origin in her personal circle, such as the famous physician Rodrigo Lopez, who was a relative of an influential Jew called Álvaro Mendes. Mendes was born in Portugal, and later took refuge in the Ottoman Empire, where he was known as Salomon ibn Ya’ish; we know that he exchanged correspondence with Elizabeth I, and the queen always favoured him in her missives to Sultan Murad III. The queen knew that Mendes received, while a Christian, a knighthood in the Order of Santiago, since she dubbed him ‘Eques’ in her correspondence. So even if ibn Ya’ish lived exiled in the Ottoman Empire, Elizabeth I still considered him a ‘Westerner’. The question that arises is: to what extent did this pragmatic diplomacy of Elizabeth I with Islamic states where some ‘Western’ Jews appear as pivotal elements shape their image in Elizabethan England, especially in the eclectic circles in which Shakespeare lived?

Indo‐Pacific Diplomacy: A View from the Pacific Islands

Pacific diplomacy has entered a new chapter in the twenty‐first century; it should chart a strategic course among diverse geopolitical agendas, new and multiple actors, including beyond the traditional nation state, and evolving regional identity politics. Often on the receiving end of “soft diplomacy” from the established and rising powers of the Indo‐Pacific seeking to exert influence, the Pacific Island nations face real consequences of transnational challenges such as climate change and marine resource depletion, and are crafting their own pragmatic diplomacy. The emerging Pacific approach suggests that aspects of network diplomacy—leveraging bilateral, multilateral, and multi‐actor relations to forge issues‐based coalitions around a common goal—will increasingly become a necessary feature of Pacific states seeking to navigate shifting geopolitics, and situate themselves within an emerging Indo‐Pacific region.

Serving the Choctaw cause: Robert M. Jones, sovereignty, and pragmatic diplomacy during the American Civil War

ABSTRACTThis article examines how the Choctaw Nation aligned with the Confederacy while remaining a united, autonomous nation during the American Civil War. Rather than being hapless or coerced, Choctaw leaders demonstrated clear comprehension, agency, and pragmatism in their wartime efforts. In particular, Choctaw political leaders like Robert M. Jones reveal the Choctaws’ larger efforts to protect their national sovereignty and defend their homelands. Moreover, the actions of Jones and other Choctaws during the war highlight the critical role that sovereign tribal nations played in the American Civil War.

Intervention and involvement of the United States on East Asia

With reference to of the Obama administrations foreign policy stance article such as the system of multilateral diplomacy and pragmatic diplomacy, the purpose of this paper is to analyze security and economic cooperation strategy of the United States in order to engage in Northeast Asia issues. This paper seeks to explain the change of Americas foreign policy stance in detail what action to come relations of Northeast Asia and the North Korean nuclear problem. This paper seeks to focus on the changes of environment in the international political economy which has caused the US not to stay in offshore balancing role. However the United States has conducted an ongoing intervention policy on the agenda given to multilateral agenda, regardless of the resources available in other areas.

National identities & bilateral relations: widening gaps in East Asia and Chinese demonization of the United States

The second of Gilbert Rozman's contributed volumes on East Asian national identity traces how efforts to draw a sharp divide between one country's identity and that of another shape relations in the post-Cold War era. It examines the two-way relations of Japan, South Korea, and China, introducing the concept of a national identity gap to estimate the degree to which the identities of two countries target each other as negative contrasts. This concept is then applied to China's reinterpretation from 2009-11 of the gap between its identity and that of the United States. Each pairing represents a key relationship through which an Asian country has historically shaped its identity, and is striving to reshape it. The volume begins with experts' analyses of how Japan, South Korea and China have changed their diplomatic environment in Asia in order to transform identity. In the second half of the book, Rozman reflects on the discomfort all three East Asian countries have from excessive dependence on the United States. He concentrates on Chinese discourse in particular, as analyzed through the ideological, temporal, sectoral, vertical, and horizontal dimensions of national identity. Even if foreign policy turns more cautionary for a time, Rozman argues that China's inflammatory identity discourse, which remains at an intensity unmatched in the other countries, will continue to have a chilling effect on prospects for pragmatic diplomacy with the U.S.

China's Response to the Revolts in the Arab World: A Case of Pragmatic Diplomacy

China's response to the Arab revolts demonstrates its pragmatic diplomacy. From the perspective of the ‘China–US–MENA triangle’, the Chinese leadership has perceived the revolts as an extension of China's ‘strategic opportunity’ for its economic rise and political expansion abroad in the past two decades. The tactics of China's pragmatic diplomacy are: ‘crossing the river by tossing the stones’, integrating diplomatic tools, implementing constructive intervention, quasi-alliance strategy, and smart economic aid. Through these tactics, China attempts to preserve its commercial interests, ensure the safety of its expatriates, prevent any single power from dominating MENA affairs, and achieve ‘zero problems’ with all parties in the MENA. Nevertheless, due to the changed conditions in the MENA and in reaction to varied domestic opinions on MENA policies, China's pragmatic diplomacy is too elusive to be institutionalized, and will thus face the dilemma of either adhering to its traditional diplomatic principles or safeguarding its rising practical interests in the MENA.

US Diplomacy and Diplomats: A Chinese View

This article presents mainstream views in China about US diplomacy in general and particularly US diplomacy towards China in the twenty-first century. In general, US diplomacy is seen as primacy-seeking, missionary pragmatism, hard power first, with persistent impulsive unilateralism, and only constrained by a disruptive power-sharing domestic political system. Chinese leaders and diplomats tend to favour those American counterparts who can demonstrate pragmatism, appreciation, commitment and professionalism. They believe that China needs to negotiate from a position of strength with normally over-demanding American counterparts, and to pay extraordinary attention to detail in negotiations. While the Chinese held a negative view about the overall diplomacy of US President George W. Bush, they welcomed his pragmatic diplomacy towards China and regarded it as his most positive diplomatic legacy. Although the Chinese have developed a more positive view towards President Obama’s diplomacy, in considering the United States’ persisting desire for primacy, its missionary tradition and highly pluralistic domestic politics, the Chinese are more cautious in embracing the Obama administration’s charm-offense diplomacy than many US allies.

Domestic Political Institutions, Diplomatic Style and Trade Agreements: A Comparative Study of China and Japan

Through an analysis of the formation of free trade agreements (FTAs), this article seeks to examine the factors that caused the gap in Japan and China's relationship with Southeast Asia to emerge and expand in the new millennium. In order to address this question, the article focuses on China and Japan's diplomatic styles and domestic political institutions and examines how these two elements influenced negotiations on the formation of FTAs, as well as the evolving perceptions that the Southeast Asian nations have of these two states. The article argues that Japan and China possess different kinds of weaknesses in implementing feasible external policies – a lack of policy decisiveness for Japan and weak policy credibility for China – which have resulted from the operation of domestic political institutions. Given these differences, while China implemented pragmatic diplomacy that helped improve its policy credibility, Japan's bargaining diplomatic style did not serve to rectify its weak policy decisiveness. Such differences in their diplomatic approach have led to the differing influence of these two states on Southeast Asia.

A Buried Past: The Tomb Inscription (Muzhiming) and Official Biographies of Wang Chuzhi (863-923)

AbstractThe present article investigates the tomb inscription of Wang Chuzhi (863-923), a military governor whose career spanned the end of the Tang and the beginning of the Five Dynasties. By comparing the inscription with representations of the deceased in official sources, the article reveals that the tomb inscription presents a critical attitude toward the moral standards of conventional historiography, and demonstrates a shifting moral geography in the works of Song historians. This new standard increasingly excluded nomadic peoples from the newly imagined political body, and excluded with them the pragmatic diplomacy that had characterized the politics of the Five Dynasties. Cet article analyse l'inscription funéraire de Wang Chuzhi (863-923). Ce gouverneur militaire vécut à la fin des Tang et au début de la période des Cinq Dynasties. La comparaison de l'inscription à diverses représentations du défunt contenues dans les sources officielles montre la manière dont l'auteur de l'inscription critique les standards moraux de l'historiographie officielle. Elle montre aussi le cadre géographique mouvant dans lequel s'appliquait la morale Song: les populations nomades étaient de plus en plus exclues du corps politique tel qu'il était alors imaginé; la diplomatie pragmatique qui avait dominé la période des Cinq Dynasties était abandonnée.

Pivotal Middle Power Theory and Balanced and Pragmatic Diplomacy in the Participatory Government

Pivotal Middle Power Theory and Balanced and Pragmatic Diplomacy in the Participatory Government

Czeslaw Tubilewicz, Taiwan and Post-Communist Europe. Shopping for Allies

This book joins Chen Jie’s Foreign Policy of the New Taiwan: Pragmatic Diplomacy in Southeast Asia (Elgar, 2002) as a leading analysis of the foreign relations of democratic Taiwan . Tubilewicz’s book analyses Taiwan ’s relations with the European nations that had been Communist prior to 1990. Before then, the former dictatorial Kuomintang government had forbade any sort of relations, including trade, with its Communist “enemies,” thus providing a special challenge for a newly democratic Taiw...