Despite the well-documented benefits of Therapeutic Patient Education (TPE), patient uptake remains low. This study examined whether patients' health beliefs, as described by the Health Belief Model (HBM), predict TPE participation. In this prospective cohort study, 351 adult patients from a French university hospital were followed for six months after being offered TPE for various chronic diseases. At baseline, they completed questionnaires assessing their perceptions of the benefits of and barriers to TPE, disease threat, control over their condition, and the empathy displayed by the healthcare professional (HCP) who recommended TPE. Contextual variables were also recorded. Logistic regressions were used. High perceived benefits significantly predicted TPE participation among patients who perceived high barriers (OR = 3.66, 95% CI [1.72-7.78]). Patients were also more likely to participate if TPE was proposed during a change in the treatment of their disease (OR = 2.91, 95% CI [1.32-6.42]). Finally, their baseline intention to participate (rated from 0 to 100) was predictive of uptake (OR for a 10-unit increase = 1.33, 95% CI [1.17-1.51]). Conversely, neither the perceived threat nor control over the disease predicted uptake. HCP empathy, time since diagnosis, and the type of professional recommending TPE had no significant impact. The HBM displayed some explanatory power in relation to TPE uptake, with perceived benefits and barriers playing a key role. Emphasizing the benefits of TPE while addressing barriers may boost participation, and a change in treatment could serve as a meaningful opportunity to engage patients in TPE. Conversely, highlighting the potential worsening of the disease may be ineffective. Finally, HCPs could tailor their communication strategies based on patients' expressed intention.

What's a policy without trust? How the legacy of policing shapes experiences of drug decriminalization in British Columbia.

The impacts of gender and race on workplace violence against nurses and nursing assistants: A scoping review of the literature.

• Anionic interferences in MBAS followed the sensitivity order: nitrate > chloride >>> sulfate. • MBAS overestimated anionic surfactant concentrations in nitrate-rich and chloride-rich waters • Measurement errors reach magnitudes comparable to EC50 values for organisms across multiple trophic levels (from bacteria to fish), potentially leading to inaccurate environmental risk assessment • LC-MS/MS exhibited up to 100-fold greater sensitivity than the MBAS method. Anionic surfactants (e.g. sodium dodecyl sulfate, SDS) are widely utilised in cleaning agents, pharmaceutical formulations, and personal care products, serving as biocides, emulsifiers, or drug carriers. Following their use, they often enter aquatic environments through wastewater discharge, raising concerns about their potential ecological impacts. The methylene blue active substances (MBAS) assay is the standardised colorimetric method commonly employed to quantify the anionic surfactants for environmental monitoring purposes due to its simplicity and ease of implementation. However, this method presented significant limitations that may compromise accurate environmental risk assessment. Specifically, the presence of common inorganic ions in natural waters can interfere with MBAS measurements, potentially leading to biased surfactant quantification. This study investigated the interference of chloride (0-500 mM), nitrate (0-2 mM), or sulfate (0-30 mM) on MBAS-based quantification of anionic surfactants in the effluent of a wastewater treatment plant (WWTP), in river water, and in seawater, and its accuracy compared to targeted analysis by LC-MS/MS. The MBAS response was linearly proportional to SDS and nitrate concentrations but followed a power relationship with chloride, while sulfate produced negligible interferences. Although the method exhibited approximately 430-fold higher sensitivity to SDS than to nitrate and up to 100,000-fold higher sensitivity than to chloride, environmentally relevant concentrations of these ions caused substantial quantification errors. Specifically, nitrate (up to 1.4 mM in wastewater) and chloride (∼520 mM in seawater) generated apparent anionic surfactant overestimations of approximately 3 µM and 17 µM, respectively. This overestimation in seawater was environmentally significant, as SDS concentrations in the 7-25µM range exhibit acute toxicity across all trophic levels, including bacteria, algae, crustaceans, echinoderms, and fish. After correcting for anionic interferences, MBAS measurements fell below the detection limit (0.29 µM), consistent with LC-MS/MS results.

Understanding parent and community perspectives of sexual victimization, perpetration, and protection of adolescent girls with developmental disabilities: A qualitative study.

Although family presence during resuscitation demonstrates benefits such as facilitating the grieving process through fostering a sense of closeness, providing reassurance that all efforts were made, and offering an opportunity for a final farewell, its integration for adult patients in healthcare facilities remains contested. Drawing on a Foucauldian lens, this paper explores the complex network of power relations that sustain resistance towards family presence during resuscitation. What counts as truth, and what knowledge is rendered admissible in this discussion, is an effect of the discursive power relations that envelop and organize this practice. Offering a perspective that moves beyond the dominant discourse of benefit-risk analysis, this paper explores the underlying structures that frame the context of family presence during resuscitation. Examination points to the tenacity of power that sustains medical and organizational authority amidst the proliferation of rhetoric of patient- and family-centered care. Knowledge mobilization to support practice advancement requires more than reiterating or disseminating evidence; it necessitates examination of the power relations that marginalize nursing knowledge, the identification of points of resistance, and the exploration of opportunities for nursing to act as a catalyst for meaningful change.

Feeding resistance: Intersectional paths to food justice, health, and emancipation.

This study examines the practices of verbal and non-verbal violence found in Instagram reels contentby @mastercobuzier in response to public criticism of the (MBG) Program. Using Rodney H. Jones’s digital discourse analysis approach, this research explores how violence is produced and normalized through text, context, interactional actions, and power relations. The findings reveal forms of verbal violence such as the utterances “pala lu PA!”, “gue tabok!”, and “sekaya apa ente?”, which function as symbolic intimidation. Non-verbal elements including heightened intonation, pointing gestures, and emojis amplify the aggression and shape audience reception. The content shifts policy criticism into moral judgment of individuals, constructing the student who voiced criticism as improper and illegitimate. Ideologically, this pattern demonstrates elitist populism, in which public figures employ moral authority to silence criticism. Audience responses reveal the reproduction of symbolic violence through sarcastic comments, emphasizing that these power dynamics are not merely local phenomena but reflect global patterns in how public figures and digital platforms shape aggressive communication norms across cultures.

This study examines oligarchic political discourse in Tempo.co’s Bocor Alus Politik podcast episode “Pertamina and Riza Chalid’s Political Network.” It investigates how political–economic power relations are represented in media narratives when discussing Indonesia’s energy governance, particularly regarding fuel imports, policy “conditioning,” and elite networks. The research employs a descriptive qualitative design and Teun A. van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis framework, focusing on the dimensions of text, social cognition, and social context. The findings show that the podcast constructs oligarchy as a mode of power operating beyond formal state institutions through interconnected political and business actors that mutually reinforce protection and access. Riza Chalid is framed not merely as a businessman but as an informal political actor perceived to influence national energy policy and the distribution of rents. Evaluative lexical choices such as “Gasoline Godfather,” “old modus,” and the metaphor “out of the tiger’s mouth into the crocodile’s jaws” function to sharpen criticism that the issue is not reducible to individual wrongdoing, but rooted in structural continuity and the reproduction of networks. These results align with Jeffrey A. Winters’s concept of oligarchy as income defense, in which political power is used to secure wealth accumulation and protection by a narrow elite. Practically, the podcast as a digital platform operates as a space of counter-discourse, expanding public understanding of the nexus between media, power, and energy politics.

This study compared a novel relative-to-body-mass FATmax test (RFT; 0.15 W/kg/4 min from 0.45 W/kg) with a traditional absolute power FATmax test (AFT; 10 W/3min15sec from 30 W) in postmenopausal females. The aim was to determine whether the RFT protocol would improve fat oxidation kinetics during exercise, in females with lower maximal fat oxidation (MFO). It was hypothesized that the longer duration and the lower workload increments would result in higher fat oxidation values than AFT. Seventeen active postmenopausal females (69.2 ± 5.1 years) performed both protocols in a randomized order and were divided into above (H-MFO) or below (L-MFO) 0.3 g/min MFO. Groups were equal in age and body composition. Overall, time to MFO was delayed during the RFT protocol (765 ± 621 vs. 401 ± 262 s) without MFO differences. Both groups displayed longer time to MFO in RFT, whilst significantly only for L-MFO (420 ± 280 s vs. 317 ± 232). Although no statistical differences, moderate effect sizes were observed in the L-MFO group during RFT for both MFO (0.22 ± 0.04 vs. 0.19 ± 0.06 g/min, d = 0.65) and VO2 (12.8 ± 3.8 vs. 15.4 ± 5.5 mL/min/kg, d = -0.53). RFT may improve the determination of substrate oxidation kinetics in postmenopausal females with reduced fat oxidation capacity, while facilitating complementary analyses requiring longer recordings and stability (efficiency and Heart Rate Variability).

Decisions about limiting directives and Do Not Resuscitate orders in perianesthesia settings raise enduring ethical questions about power, responsibility, and compassion in clinical practice. This article advances the emancipatory theory of compassion for nursing by using these tensions to explore how the theory's core concepts operate within everyday clinical decision-making. The inquiry uses qualitative data from interviews, observations, and artifact reviews involving 27 participants, including patients, family members, and clinicians in a tertiary surgical services department. The results illustrate how distance, free-floating responsibility, and the zoe/bios dichotomy shape interactions between patients and clinicians. Together, these dynamics can normalize the suspension of limiting directives, rendering ethically troubling practices unspeakable within routine clinical work. At the same time, moments emerge when clinicians or family members insist that patient preferences be addressed, interrupting these patterns and creating space for more compassionate forms of practice. By demonstrating how these theoretical concepts illuminate the ethical dynamics of perianesthesia care, the analysis contributes to the continuing development of emancipatory nursing theory while highlighting how attention to relational power may help create more equitable and compassionate clinical encounters.

Criminal law is conventionally understood as a mechanism to limit arbitrary state power and protect society from crime. However, critical legal scholarship has long emphasized its function as a political instrument capable of reinforcing existing relations of power and domination. Upon this background, this article examines the political instrumentalisation of criminal law through the cases of Tom Lembong and Hasto Kristiyanto, which serve as the principal objects of reflection in this study. This research adopts a legal philosophy approach grounded in the Critical Legal Studies (CLS) tradition, particularly drawing upon the works of Mark Tushnet and Samuel Moyn. The analysis further advances the CLS concept of oppositionalism to examine how criminal law operates within competing political interests and power structures. The study finds indications of the instrumental use of criminal law in both cases. From a CLS perspective, this phenomenon can be understood through the concept of functional underdeterminacy, whereby legal institutions and mechanisms are capable of serving identical political objectives through contrasting legal modalities. In one instance, political objectives are pursued through criminal prosecution, while in another they are advanced through the termination of criminal proceedings by means of executive clemency. These findings highlight the indeterminacy of law and its susceptibility to political contestation and strategic deployment by holders of political power.

ABSTRACT As artificial intelligence (AI) is increasingly understood as a political infrastructure and a decision-making technology with the potential to reshape institutions and reconfigure power relations, media coverage plays a key role in shaping public understanding of its risks and opportunities. This study examines how mainstream media outlets in the Global North and Global South politically frame AI, emphasising the implications for digital governance and public opinion. Building on prior work that analyse AI coverage but leaves its political and emotional dimensions underexplored, the research presents a comparative analysis of 6,829 news articles (2010–2024) across twelve newspapers from Europe, North America, Africa, and Asia and Oceania, combining topic modelling and sentiment analysis. The results reveal three temporal phases: an incipient phase (2010–2016), politicisation through crises (2017–2021), and exponential acceleration (2022–2024), with salient inflection points following the Cambridge Analytica scandal (2018) and the launch of ChatGPT (2022). Fifteen thematic frames emerged, dominated by Social Media and Tech Impact (16.03 per cent), Technology and the Digital Economy (12.54 per cent), and China–US Relations and Trade (11.41 per cent). Media outlets in the North display higher levels of pessimistic coverage , with 41.7 per cent of headlines classified as negative. In contrast, media in the South express a more optimistic tone, with 51.5 per cent of headlines being positive. The study demonstrates that media narratives about AI are shaped by geopolitical disputes, differing risk perceptions, and asymmetries in technological power, stressing the need for fair, transparent and ethical AI regulation.

ABSTRACT Research in Malawi has largely examined the prevalence and forms of violence in correctional facilities, leaving little known about how it shapes and influences rehabilitation and social reintegration. The current study examines how interpersonal violence in correctional facilities affects inmates’ rehabilitation and social reintegration. Using a convergent mixed-methods design, insights are drawn from survey interviews with 214 formerly incarcerated individuals and a subset of 13 case studies. Further, interviews were conducted with five correctional officers. The findings reveal that violence in correctional facilities is shaped and sustained by structural conditions characterized by overcrowding, resource scarcity, institutional neglect, and unequal power relations. These result in physical, sexual, and psychological violence. The study indicates that correctional violence impedes meaningful engagement in rehabilitation and successful reintegration. Further, the effects of correctional violence go beyond the correctional facilities to shape psychological well-being, social acceptance, and reintegration outcomes. Guided by Structural Violence Theory, the findings demonstrate how institutional conditions generate violence that undermines correctional rehabilitative objectives. The findings offer relevant insights into the understanding of violence in correctional facilities that operate under crowded and resource-constrained conditions globally. The implications for research, practice, and policy are discussed in detail.

Maternal mortality remains a major public health concern globally despite significant progress over the past two decades. Nigeria is among the countries with the highest maternal mortality rates. Within the country, marked regional disparities persist, with northern Nigeria experiencing a significantly higher burden. These disparities are shaped by a complex interaction of sociocultural norms, household power relations, geographic constraints, and health system limitations that influence women's access to skilled birth attendance and facility-based delivery. The study explored skilled birth attendants' perceived barriers to the provision of maternal healthcare services that prevent pregnant women from seeking appropriate care in government-based facilities. This study employed a qualitative research design to explore skilled birth attendants' perspectives on barriers preventing women from accessing maternal healthcare services. Twenty-four skilled birth attendants were purposively selected from primary healthcare facilities across six high-burden northern Nigerian states: Bauchi, Kaduna, Katsina, Kano, Jigawa, and Niger. Data were collected through in-depth interviews using a semi-structured and pretested interview guide. The Three Delay Model guided the study to examine factors affecting women's decisions to seek care, their ability to reach healthcare facilities, and their experiences receiving care within facilities. The findings revealed multiple barriers across the three phases of delay. At the household level, cultural expectations, generational beliefs, and patriarchal decision-making structures limited women's autonomy to seek skilled care. Mothers-in-law and husbands often influenced or determined childbirth decisions, sometimes discouraging facility delivery. Structural barriers also affected women's ability to reach health facilities, including long travel distances, poor road infrastructure, and limited transportation options. Even when women arrived at health facilities, systemic challenges such as shortages of skilled health workers, inadequate medical supplies, insufficient delivery beds, financial constraints, and weak referral systems contributed to delays in receiving appropriate care. In conclusion, maternal healthcare service utilization in northern Nigeria is shaped by interconnected sociocultural, economic, and health system factors that contribute to delays in seeking, reaching, and receiving care. Therefore, addressing maternal mortality in this context requires comprehensive strategies that strengthen health system capacity, improve transportation and referral systems, reduce financial barriers, and promote gender-equitable decision-making within households and communities. Such integrated efforts are essential for improving access to skilled birth attendance and advancing progress toward global maternal health targets.

Value capture in the emerging medical cannabis global value chain: insights from South Africa.

ABSTRACT This study traces the historical evolution of misogyny in urban China through a critical discourse analysis of the label laonü, a stigmatizing term that encapsulates complex intersections of gender, class, regionalism, migration, the state’s Household Registration System, and power relations. Shaped by China’s rapid urbanization and social transformation, the discourses surrounding laonü reflect a distinctive form of ‘Chinese-style urban misogyny’. By tracing the term’s trajectory from its origins in Cantonese-speaking migrant communities to its widespread circulation in popular media and online platforms, this research reveals how laonü discourse functions as a mechanism of patriarchal control by constructing binary oppositions and reinforcing social hierarchies that otherise and marginalize women. Central to this process is the phenomenon of ‘internalized misogyny among women’, which manifests as a form of ‘female intra-gender social disgust’, whereby women themselves engage in policing and stigmatizing laonü, thereby reproducing gendered divisions and social exclusion. Through exploring these dynamics, this study highlights the paradoxical negotiation of women’s agency within structural constraints and the politics of stigma, offering new theoretical insights into the multifaceted nature of misogyny and its enduring impact on gender relations in post-1949 Chinese society.

ABSTRACT Cycle logistics services have re-emerged across Europe in response to urban and environmental challenges and as a sustainable solution for delivering goods. While most studies approach cycle logistics through optimisation and substitution perspectives, this paper offers a critical analysis of how cycle logistics practices navigate tensions between logics of logistical circulation and embodied mobilities. Drawing on interviews with cycle logistics companies and courier services in Malmö (Sweden), we explore how cycle logistics practices are shaped by bicycles as technology, urban infrastructure, organisational intentions, and embodied labour. Placing our work within the debates concerning critical logistics, mobilities, autonomobility and vélomobility, we conceptualise cycle logistics as a site where circulation, embodiment, and socio-technical power relations are negotiated. We show that cycle logistics practices articulate different and sometimes competing logics of efficiency, situated service and autonomy, which shape whether cargo cycling reproduces, adapts, or unsettles dominant automobility and logistical regimes. Ultimately, this paper expands the conceptual boundaries of vélomobility by integrating commercial cargo cycling and contributes new insights into the political economy and ontologies of mobilities.

ABSTRACT The heterogeneous Christian communities in Malaysia wrestle with structural inequalities and enduring colonial-era stereotypes as they negotiate their sense of belonging within a state that upholds Islamic and Malay primacy. This paper argues that Christian leaders constructed a collective Christian identity that seeks to reconcile internal diversity while embedding the community within the national imagination through the promotion of nation-building and civic participation. Yet, their efforts remain constrained by entrenched state-imposed hierarchies that continue to privilege Malay-Muslim identity. The Malaysian Christians’ belonging is ultimately negotiated within asymmetrical power relations that shape recognition and entrenched marginalization at the same time.

This study aims to analyze labor dispute mediation as a constitutional vehicle for realizing social justice, not merely an administrative instrument. The urgency of this study departs from the fact that the settlement of labor disputes through mediation in Indonesia has so far been more emphasized on procedural efficiency and technical neutrality, without considering the structural inequality between workers and employers, so that substantive justice as mandated by the Preamble and Article 27 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is often ignored. The research adopts a normative juridical approach, examining primary legal materials (the 1945 Constitution and Law No. 2 of 2004 concerning the Settlement of Industrial Relations Disputes) and secondary legal materials through literature studies and content analysis. The results show that the prevailing mediation framework tends to prioritize speed and formality, potentially giving rise to a "pseudo-consensus" that does not reflect workers' free will. The neutrality of the mediator that is mechanical in nature has failed to correct the imbalance of power in industrial relations. This study concludes that mediation should be repositioned as an integral part of the constitutional rights protection system, with the state playing an active role as guardian of social justice. Policy recommendations include strengthening technical guidelines for mediation in line with Pancasila values, training mediators to be oriented toward social justice, and encouraging the Constitutional Court to interpret labor norms progressively. The implications of this research theoretically enrich the construction of labor law of a constitutional nature, while making a practical contribution to the reform of national labor policies that are more in favor of the protection of vulnerable groups