Political Party In Power Research Articles

Science is neither red nor blue

Long before the 5 November US presidential election, I had become ever more concerned that science has fallen victim to the same political divisiveness tearing at the seams of American society. This is a tragedy because science is the best—arguably the only—approach humankind has developed to peer into the future, to project the outcomes of various possible decisions using the known laws of the natural world. Since the founding of the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) during the Civil War, the most divisive period in US history, science and the NAS (of which I am the current president) have consistently served the nation, regardless of the political party in power. As the scientific community continues to do so now, it must take a critical look at what responsibility it bears in science becoming politically contentious, and how scientists can rebuild public trust.

The Strength of Figures and Characteristics of Political Party Leaders in the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Head Election in Indonesia

This paper projects that the figures and characteristics of leaders are needed in the power of political parties, especially in contesting simultaneous regional elections in Indonesia. In the 2014 and 2019 elections, Jokowi and Prabowo Subianto, respectively, were two central figures in each party. Analysis of survey data for eight Indonesian elections shows that party leadership and identity are the most important determinants of party votes in legislative and presidential elections. Political parties must correctly place a central figure in their respective parties. The central figure serves as a booster, navigator, and inspiration for party cadres. In addition, figures can also be public reference material to choose one political party, when it is difficult for people to distinguish ideology between one party and another. Nevertheless, the system, traditions, and regeneration process must run as it should. Because only systems, traditions, and regeneration will be the foundation of the future. Political parties as a large organization are certainly not enough to rely on only one individual. There must be a regeneration of leadership within the party. So, if the central figure is no longer in the party, the party can still survive to maintain its existence in society.

Investigating the effect of presidential elections, democracy, GDP-oriented macroeconomic policies, and partisanship on the GDP growth rate in Nigeria

This study explores the nexus between political variables, macroeconomic policies, and Nigeria's GDP growth rate from 1970 to 2023. Utilizing a quantitative research methodology, the investigation employs an OLS regression analysis to unravel the relationships shaping the economic landscape of Nigeria. The study identifies partisanship and population growth rate as statistically significant determinants of Nigeria's GDP growth rate. The political party in power, particularly the People's Democratic Party (PDP), positively influences the GDP growth rate compared to the All-Progressives Congress (APC). The years surrounding presidential elections demonstrate increased GDP growth, reflecting heightened economic activities attributed to investor behaviors and coalition group initiatives. Notably, the negative relationship between population growth and GDP growth rate emphasizes the challenges of managing rapid population growth without corresponding economic expansion. The observed positive impact of the PDP on the GDP growth rate accentuates the need for a harmonious political environment aligning with economic development objectives. This study contributes significantly to Nigeria's political economy literature, offering evidence-based insights crucial for strategic decision-making. As Nigeria navigates its political and economic terrain complexities, the study advocates for informed policies that address the identified determinants, fostering a resilient and prosperous future.

How Far Will the Autocratic Model of Governance in Education System Prevail?

Much has being discussed about autarchies in Angola lately. If it was not for the COVID-19 pandemic, 2020 would be the year of either gradual decentralization, proposed by the political party in power, or the totalitarian decentralization as proposed by the political party at opposition. The debate about autarchies seems pertinent due to the fact that locals are to have political, economic and administrative freedom in some way. The same figurine should be enhanced in education system. However, nowadays, Luanda detains an absolute power over the policies of education and the local counterparts are simply ignored and left under a laissez faire pace in detriment of an autocratic model, which clearly denies the development of Angolan Education at some point. In this position paper, we present a clear example of how this autocratic model of governance in education prevails, not only in terms of leadership, but also at the level of methodological sphere. Then some line caps as remedy are suggested. To attain such a desideratum, we first present a scenario, followed by some mismatches, first in terms of leadership, then academic and finally methodologically

Asymmetries between national articulation and the autonomy of state governments in implementing health technologies to fight COVID-19 in Argentina

Argentina, as other countries, showed several public policies related to the health technologies implemented to fight and treat the COVID-19 pandemic. This study sought to analyze how articulation vs. cooperation and autonomy vs. division of powers between entities occurred in Argentina, exploring asymmetries between several entities in implementing public policies related to health technologies during the pandemic and the influences of other actors. For this, a documentary research was carried out related to 2020-2021 (technical reports published by the World Health Organization, national agencies and scientific societies, laws, court decisions, press, and research and in-depth interviews with members of the Argentine Ministries of Health). The processes and results of decision-making in the Ministries of Health were analyzed, outlining the coverage and orientations of each technology and the political party in power in the province. This study found heterogeneous results and processes between Ministries and disputes within them. It also observed the poor adherence to official guidelines due to technical-political criteria (power relations, social, media, academic, judiciary, and legislative pressure). Some cases showed a strong tension between the government and its opposition over the discussion of technologies. Each province in Argentina has autonomously defined its policies on health technologies for COVID-19, and decision-making in public administration was disorderly, complex, and non-linear during the pandemic.

The military in Zimbabwean politics

The military remains active in Zimbabwean politics, yet military practices within and outside the barracks have received scant attention, especially regarding how the military sustains political parties in power. This article argues that the military is the power behind the survival of the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) as a political party. Understanding the Zimbabwe military requires a detailed understanding of its relationship with ZANU-PF, but also of the ways in which the military’s economic interests inform its deep involvement in politics. The Zimbabwe military produces a political threat and then seeks to protect against the same threat it created within and beyond ZANU-PF. However, the relationship between ZANU-PF and the military is deeply rooted in history and determines the political path of the party. There has never been a period in which the military has been the apolitical and professional organisation which orthodox theories of its role would suggest.

France’s Migration Policy under President E. Macron: A European Dimension

This article explores the current approach of France to the issue of regulating migration in the context of Emmanuel Macron’s European diplomacy. Today the French government believes that taking part in the elaboration of a common EU migration and asylum policy is a necessary addition to the measures at home, paying particular attention to this topic since 2017. On the basis of public speeches, international documents and the elements of comparative analysis, the article summarizes the main initiatives put forward by France at European level and the challenges they faced. It points out that a part of Emmanuel Macron’s proposals regarding the governance of the Schengen area and the strengthening of the external borders control was implemented to some extent (taking into account the buildup of border capacities or the establishment of the “Schengen Council”), even if these proposals did not fully correspond to his initial project. On the contrary, France’s bilateral relations with its major neighbors (Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom or Italy) demonstrated a generally controversial dynamics because the partnerships on migration issues clearly depended on the political parties in power. In this regard, Italy, with the pro-European periods quickly followed by sovereignist shifts, looks like a particularly illustrative example. Moreover, numerous steps proposed by Paris to deal with the migration fl ows outside Europe often lacked any details and common ground with the partners. This is particularly noticeable in the African direction where French eff orts, from settling regional confl icts to restoring dialogue with Maghreb countries, produced insuffi cient results. The article concludes that from 2017 to 2023, France continued to seek balance between “responsible” and “solidarity-based” approaches to migration policy at the European level, and this would be the case until the end of current presidency. Yet, in 2027, the situation could change according to ideological preferences of Macron’s successor.

TRENDS IN STATE FINANCES IN INDIA FROM 1990-91 TO 2020-21

The frequent changes in the political parties in power in states have influenced the revenue mobilisation and expenditure policies of the state governments in India. Economic and political factors over a period of time are responsible for leading the state government to a fiscal crisis. Rapid deterioration of state governments finances in India has been a serious issue in recent decades in India. The deterioration of State governments finances is mainly due to increase of committed revenue expenditure and implementation of too many welfare schemes and freebies. As per RBI report 2022-23, the state governments debt to GDP ratio is 29.5 percent in India in 2022-23. But it is more than the FRBM limit of 20 percent. The state governments total expenditure is about one and half times more than the Centre expenditure. After implementation of GST in 2017 in India, GST is the major source of revenue (42 %) for state governments. This paper examines a comprehensive analysis of trends in state finances in India during the last 30 years period. KEYWORDS: State Finances, Fiscal Imbalances, Revenue, Expenditure, Deficits.

Will You Be a Victim of the Law—or Lethargy?

The one name that has immediately caught the attention of employers interested in maintaining union‐free status in the past year or so has been Jennifer Abruzzo, the current General Counsel for the NLRB. In this role, it is her responsibility to enforce the existing labor law. However, the power of the position also allows for initiatives to bring cases upon which the NLRB can change existing law. Depending on the political party in power and the majority control of the labor board, such changes in the law can be pro‐employer or pro‐union. In recent years, the law has developed in favor of the latter.

Agenda-setting in policies related to high-risk sexual behaviours, stimulants, and alcohol abuse in Iranian adolescents

BackgroundThis research article retrospectively analyses the agenda-setting approach of policies concerning high-risk sexual behaviours, stimulant and alcohol abuse among Iranian adolescents.MethodsThis qualitative case study policy analysis involved analysing 51 national documents and conducting interviews with 49 policy-makers and executives. Purposive sampling with a snowball strategy and semi-structured interviews were used. The data was analysed using the framework analysis method, with Kingdon’s multiple streams framework serving as the analytical framework.ResultsThe study has identified the confluence of several factors, including the problem stream, the policy stream and the political stream. Within the problem stream, several factors contributed, such as the prevalence of high-risk behaviours, strong scientific evidence on these behaviours, changes in human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) transmission patterns, increased statistics of poisoning and deaths related to alcohol abuse, and the visit of Iran’s supreme leader to the slums of Mashhad city. The policy stream has two periods of denial and acceptance. The denial period includes considering these high-risk behaviours to be the consequences of western culture, emphasis on the religious aspects and sinfulness of these behaviours, resisting the prevalence of anomalous behavioural patterns, abstinence and religious obligation of chastity, and avoiding ethical corruption. The acceptance period includes adolescents training, fear messages, promotional and cultural activities, parent training, school staff training, providing psychiatric services for withdrawal, counselling and reference to receive specialized services. The political stream involves global attention towards non-communicable diseases and high-risk behaviours, and the significant impact of preventing these behaviours during adolescence on the health status of society. Also, the supreme leader’s attention to social harms, and the establishment of the National Committee for Prevention and Control of Alcohol, have played significant roles.ConclusionsWhile the problem stream helped to highlight the problem and increase policy-makers’ attention, the politics stream played a significant role. Despite international evidence on the effectiveness of training in sexual issues in reducing high-risk behaviours, it did not succeed in being added to the agenda. The policy stream was heavily influenced by ideology and the political parties in power, affecting evidence-based policy-making. In countries with an ideological approach, the political stream plays a vital role in setting problems on the agenda.

Gerrymandering in Municipal Demarcation Processes in South Africa: Selected Cases of the Collins Chabane and JB Marks Local Municipalities

This article focuses on political processes, specifically redistricting, which is the political process of redrawing electoral boundaries within which people contest local government elections. It has, however, become common practice for the political party in power to review electoral boundaries in its favour, a practice known as gerrymandering. In South Africa, municipal boundary review, which takes place every five years to either determine new boundaries or re-determine existing boundaries for the purposes of municipal elections, has always given rise to objections. The reasons for such objections range from the lack of public participation in the demarcation process to public perceptions of the value of belonging to one municipality as opposed to another, tribalism, and service delivery concerns. The main findings emanating from the scrutiny of literature on municipal boundary determination protests and the two municipal case studies in South Africa revealed elements of gerrymandering motivated by the political aspirations of those in power.

Defending enlightenment philosophy of the rule of law. (the image of the concept of usurping democracy in Poland Post-2015 created by independent media)

The main political party in power in Poland arouses much controversy, which is caused, among other things, by omnipresent propaganda and manipulation of content. This article results from a meta-analysis of framing media messages in Poland's leading independent media. The ruling party's reign of power, the reduction of opponents and the swearing in of (also illegitimate) allies in the most strategic positions, or the abuse of immunity and attempts to subjugate institutions such as the courts and the prosecutor's office are clearly discernible. Such acts have also directly affected citizens who have chosen to take to the streets and defend their rights, which has entailed, for example, court proceedings being brought against them. The declaration and actions of the ruling party, which invokes Catholic values, are contradictory - even mutually exclusive. The Polish free independent media show how many abnormalities and abuses have occurred during the reign of the current government. Consequently, various measures are also being taken against the fourth estate to restrict its freedom, influence its content, obstruct its journalistic integrity, and there have even been attempts to seize such media and drag them to the "right" side.

Immigration and Immigrant Policies, Health, and Health Equity in the United States.

Policy Points There is growing attention to the role of immigration and immigrant policies in shaping the health and well-being of immigrants of color. The early 21st century in the United States has seen several important achievements in inclusionary policies, practices, and ideologies toward immigrants, largely at subnational levels (e.g., states, counties, cities/towns). National policies or practices that are inclusionary toward immigrants are often at the discretion of the political parties in power. Early in the 21st century, the United States has implemented several exclusionary immigration and immigrant policies, contributing to record deportations and detentions and worsening inequities in the social drivers of health.

MEDIA COVERAGE AND PAK-US RELATIONS: ANALYSIS OF TV NEWS FRAMING DURING PTI’S REGIME

Foreign relations of Pakistan (Pak) with the United State of America (US) have a very long history of Ups and Downs and remain central to the politics of Pakistan. Pak-US relations also remain part of political and public discourse during elections and during the tenures of different political parties in the Government. Political parties in power or in the opposition are discussed with reference to their approach to foreign policy towards the US. The current study aims at examining how Pak-USA Relations were seen through the lens of media coverage, during PTI Government, taking into account the issues of Military Cooperation; Afghanistan Situation; Regional Disputes; War on Terror; and CPEC. The study is based on the news coverage of Pak-US relations in primetime TV news bulletins of two eminent Pakistani news channels GEO and ARY. The Descriptive Content Analysis method is used as a tool of analysis. Data was collected by watching the news bulletin of GEO and ARY news from August 18th, 2018 to January 18th, 2018. Agenda Setting and Framing approaches have been employed to analyze the news bulletins. All hypotheses are proven statistically by using the “t” test. The finding of this study is that both news channels Geo and ARY give positive coverage related to Pak-USA relations. These news channels have almost the same frames used regarding Pakistan and USA relationships in their 9 pm news bulletin headlines. In these frames, GEO and ARY news channels show that the relationships between Pakistan and the USA were very good during PTI’s regime. Both countries were working bilaterally during this selecting time period. Keywords: Framing, PAK-USA Relations, News Channels, PTI, GEO, ARY

State-Level COVID-19 Symptom Searches and Case Data: a Quantitative Analysis of Political Affiliation as a Predictor for Lag Time Using Google Trends and CDC Data.

Across each state. the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States was marked by policies and rhetoric that often correspond to the political party in power. These diverging responses have sparked broad ongoing discussion about how the political leadership of a state may affect not only the COVID-19 case numbers in a given state, but also the subjective individual experience of the pandemic. This study leverages state-level data from Google Search Trends and CDC daily case data in order to investigate the temporal relationship between increases in relative search volume for COVID-19 symptoms and corresponding increases in case data. I aimed to identify whether there are state-level differences in patterns of lag time across each of the four spikes in the data (RQ1) and whether the political climate in a given state is associated with these differences (RQ2). Using publicly available data from Google Trends and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, linear mixed modeling was utilized to account for random state-level intercepts. Lag time was operationalized as number of days between a peak (a sustained increase before a sustained decline) in symptom search data and a corresponding spike in case data and was calculated manually for each of the four spikes in individual states. Google offers a dataset that tracks the relative search incidence of more than 400 potential COVID-19 symptoms, which is normalized on a 0-100 scale. I used the CDC's definition of the eleven most common COVID-19 symptoms and created a single construct variable that operationalizes symptom searches. To measure political climate, I considered the proportion of 2020 Trump popular votes in a state as well as a dummy variable for the political party that controls the governorship and a continuous variable measuring proportional party control of federal Congressional representatives. The strongest overall fit was for a linear mixed model that included proportion of 2020 Trump votes as the predictive variable of interest and included controls for mean daily cases and deaths as well as population. Additional political climate variables were discarded for lack of model fit. Findings indicated evidence that there are statistically-significant differences in lag time by state but that no individual variable measuring political climate was a statistically-significant predictor of these differences. Given that there will likely be future pandemics within this political climate, it is important to understand how political leadership affects perceptions of and corresponding responses to public health crises. Although this study did not fully model this relationship, I believe that future research can build on the state-level differences that I identified by approaching the analysis with a different theoretical model, method for calculating lag time, and/or level of geographic modeling.

Kommunikasie·aantekeninge oor die Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesing

It is a review of the 1994 election in South Africa from a variety of perspectives. The negotiation process from 1990 until 1993 was embedded in the dynamics of negotiation communication. Critical remarks are made regarding voter education and the various other structures organisationally involved with the election. The following statements: that the process was carried by political expectations about the election and not so much by the administration and organisation thereof; that State information must be completely divorced from the political party in power; and that a law in respect of freedom of information is essential. The election campaign is discussed from the perspective of policy communication, political rhetoric, propaganda techniques, the advertising campaign and the way in which the media handled the election. The statement is made that the election results prove that it was a symbolic election a racial election and that theWillem de Klerk is Spesiale Professor verbonde aan die Department Kommunikasie aan die RAU en bekende politieke analis en kommentator.The political climate in the country changed from pessimism to optimism within days after the election, is briefly discussed. Issues expected to receive attention in political discourse over the next three years, are summarised.A few research themes and fields of application for Communication Science in the context of South African politics, are explored

Ctrl-Shift: How Privacy Sentiment Changed from 2019 to 2021

People’s privacy sentiments influence changes in legislation as well as technology design and use. While single-point-in-time investigations of privacy sentiment offer useful insight, study of people’s privacy sentiments over time is also necessary to better understand and anticipate evolving privacy attitudes. In this work, we build off of a 2019 Pew Research study and use repeated cross-sectional surveys (n=6,676) from 2019, 2020, and 2021 to model the sentiments of people in the U.S. toward collection and use of data for government- and health-related purposes. After the onset of COVID-19, we observe significant decreases in respondent acceptance of government data use and significant increases in acceptance of health-related data uses. While differences in privacy attitudes between sociodemographic groups largely decreased over this time period, following the 2020 U.S. national elections, we observe some of the first evidence that privacy sentiments may change based on the alignment between a user’s politics and the political party in power. Our results offer insight into how privacy attitudes may have been impacted by recent events and allow us to identify potential predictors of changes in privacy attitudes during times of geopolitical or national change.

Political leaders with professional background in business and climate outcomes

The literature on how the ideology of political parties in power correlates with climate policy outcomes is abundant, but there is no similar literature for the individual characteristics of government leaders. This assessment is the first study of its kind, building on a dataset of government leaders of OECD countries for the period 1992–2017. We find that national presidents or prime ministers with a professional background in business are strongly correlated with bad climate mitigation outcomes. In particular, higher emissions and lower renewable energy deployment are more likely to occur during the tenure of former business people. Our results suggest that voters and pressure groups should pay attention to candidates’ professional backgrounds, in addition to their party’s ideology.

Political party affiliation strength and protest participation propensity: theory and evidence from Africa

ABSTRACT The confluence of political party polarization, interparty conflict, and contentious politics is nearly a universal axiom in Africa. Although the reasons for parties to protest and rally are many, pinpointing who actually participates is rather tricky. Building on previous literature regarding the influential power of political parties on member behaviour, this study proposes political party affiliation strength as metric for identifying whom within political parties is more and less likely to participate in in-person political protests and rallies. Using data on Kenya, Nigeria, and Tunisia, this study finds strong supporting evidence that party affiliation strength effects protest participation propensity mediated by party-government linkages. Those strongly affiliated to political parties that enjoy majority power in government are less likely to protest, and strong affiliates of non-majority power-holding parties are more likely to protest. Preliminary evidence presented here also demonstrates those with non-political party affiliation are significantly more likely to post online about political issues rather than participate in in-person contentious politics. This study’s findings help further bridge the gap between individual political psychology and macro-level political behaviour.

Excavating Memory: Bilge Karasu's Istanbul and Walter Benjamin's Berlin

Excavating Memory: Bilge Karasu's Istanbul and Walter Benjamin's Berlin