Post-conflict States Research Articles

Navigating Uncertainty: Rebel Risk Management Strategies during War-to-Peace Transitions

This article explores the strategic decision making of armed groups during war-to-peace transitions—critical time frames during which militant leaders must reconcile their commitment to armed survival with the imperative of postwar civilian conversion. We specify the internal organizational risks rebel groups confront, as well as the menu of strategies from which they select, in navigating the uncertainty inherent in these perilous periods. Our approach broadens the analysis of war-to-peace transitions, offering new insights into the question of why rebels sometimes successfully integrate into postconflict politics, economies, and society, while at other times they forgo participation in the postconflict state. It represents the first step in a wider research program—one that promises to open a number of new directions in the study of insurgent organizations, transitional societies, and postwar outcomes.

Future Envisioning of Hybrid Political Order

Hybrid political order is a relatively new political concept for explaining a state-building reality observed in some new post-conflict states. Hybrid political orders and hybridity have evolved as a result of the emergence of fragile states that hardly function in the international system. The fragile states began to be characterized by post-modernity and did not fit in the classical model of the state. Thus, this paper explores the literature to demonstrate how hybrid political order functions within domestic governance than in the interaction with other states and in the international system. The purpose of this study is to examine a hybrid political order in the international system by exploring the determinants of legitimacy and recognition. Such exploration and analysis are in addition grounded on peace-building and state-building theories. This paper envisions the hybrid political order as a possible alternative for better functioning of the international system.

Building a National Army: The Paradoxes of Civil–Military Relations in Ethiopia

The nature of civil–military relations in postconflict states where rebel groups won a civil war and built the national army anew is underappreciated and undertheorized. Drawing from a comprehensive analysis of Ethiopia’s experience of building a national army from 1991 to 2018 as a case study, this article attempts to fill this gap. The article argues that the rebel-origin of the regime and the army, the ideology underpinning the regime, and its aspiration to emerge as a hegemonic political force determine the nature of civil–military relations in a postconflict state where the rebel won the war. The article adopts a qualitative case study methodology and relies on data collected through key-informant interviews, government archives, and extensive survey of the state-owned daily newspaper, Addis Zemen. The article contributes to the body of knowledge on civil–military relations in postconflict states in general, and the study of civil–military relations in Africa in particular.

Weapons of the weak state: How post-conflict states shape international statebuilding

International Organizations (IOs), such as the United Nations (U.N.), engage in statebuilding in a range of post-conflict states. Statebuilding scholarship largely assumes that IOs, backed by their powerful member states, have at least temporary authority over the seemingly “weak” states in which they intervene. We argue, in contrast, that many post-conflict states shape IO statebuilding efforts through many statebuilding contracts, which we call incomplete arrangements, that give the post-conflict state the residual rights of control over the unnegotiated components of these statebuilding contracts with IOs. These incomplete arrangements, as opposed to complete takeovers, which are the other type of statebuilding contracts, provide procedural “weapons of the weak state” that enable the post-conflict state to influence what the IO mandate contains, where it intervenes, whom it hires, and when it exits. Using in-depth case studies of Burundi, Guatemala, and Timor-Leste, as well as analysis of 36 U.N. interventions in post-conflict states from 2000–2020, this article demonstrates the potential of incomplete arrangement statebuilding contracts to give post-conflict states institutional power over IO statebuilders, with important implications for scholarship on statebuilding and global governance.

Wartime service provision and post-conflict state legitimacy: Perception-based foundation of sustainable development in Northwestern Pakistan

Promoting a peaceful environment is integral for socioeconomic reconstruction in conflict-affected societies. However, the absence of violence does not immediately result in national endeavors for development because a post-conflict state often lacks a popular base of state legitimacy owing to the wartime fragmentation of socio-political groups. Implementing a questionnaire survey in northwestern tribal areas in Pakistan, specifically the former Federally Administered Tribal Areas, this study explores how and why state legitimacy rises and declines as a result of wartime interactions between political actors and civilians. Empirical analyses of novel survey data reveal that wartime service provision is associated with post-conflict sustainable development regarding the civilian perception of legitimacy of the state. State legitimacy is strongly perceived by civilians who have received public services from the state and weakly by those who have been exposed to rebel services. We further disaggregate wartime service provision to explore the influence of providers and variety/types of services. The results indicate that the provision of a wider variety of wartime services impresses upon civilians’ perceived legitimacy; furthermore, while the delivery of basic and extra services beyond justice and security is associated with state legitimacy, the impact is conditional on service providers. State legitimacy has an important role in political stability and national collectivity needed for post-conflict sustainable development. As wartime civil–military relations persistently influence civilians’ perception of political legitimacy, post-conflict reconstruction needs to take locals’ experiences into consideration so that the development initiatives can be legitimate and sustainable.

African Philosophical Contributions to International Criminal Law

Abstract This article displays the various ways that African philosophies have made a contribution to international criminal law. It shows that African philosophies have, to a certain extent, influenced the manner in which post-conflict African states as well as the African Union (au) address accountability for grave breaches of international law. This influence is evidenced in the setting up of traditional African approaches to accountability for international crimes in post-conflict African states as well as in some of the au initiatives which address accountability for grave breaches. The article begins by contextualizing the topic within traditional African cultures through a historical analysis of the practices, concepts and institutions that governed criminal accountability as well as an analysis of the African philosophies upon which these practices, concepts and institutions were anchored. It continues with the concern of ‘how’ and ‘to what extent’ African philosophies have influenced international criminal law. Moreover, it considers some of the controversial areas of international criminal law in which African philosophies are overlooked, despite their potential to make a valuable contribution. This section is supported by the belief that a combined approach to international criminal law, of both traditional African and Western concepts, offers a better solution to the current impasse experienced in certain areas.

Teachers’ experiences of continuous professional development for citizenship and social cohesion in South Africa and Zimbabwe: enhancing capacity for deliberative democracies

While questions continue to be asked about teachers’ content and pedagogical content knowledge to ensure quality education systems, less consideration has been placed on teachers’ ability to teach for citizenship and social cohesion that contributes equally to quality education systems. This paper illuminates the understandings of citizenship and social cohesion held by South African and Zimbabwean teachers, their experiences of Continuous Professional Development (CPD) that promote the values of citizenship and social cohesion, and how they practice these learnings in their school contexts. The South African study presents the views of eleven high school teachers where data was procured through semi structured interviews. The Zimbabwean study presents the views of seventeen high school teachers, where data was procured through an open- ended questionnaire. The two studies suggest that teachers in South Africa and Zimbabwe share similar perspectives on citizenship and social cohesion, emphasizing nation-building and respect as key drivers. Teachers also report aligning their teaching practices with citizenship and social cohesion values with a limited focus on political participation, possibly due to fear of negative repercussions. Further, CPD for citizenship and social cohesion is fragmented, inconsistent and mostly absent. This study is an important contribution to debates about improving quality education and ensuring deliberative democracies in post-conflict and post-colonial states in the Global South. Teachers play a critical role in socializing schoolchildren for citizenship. As such, they need to be equipped with the skills that allow them to do so. Further to this, teachers also need the freedom and autonomy to discuss politics in the classroom without fear of negative repercussions, including alienation and fear of losing their jobs.

Appraising the Challenge of Reconstructing “Peace” and “Justice” in Post-conflict African States

Appraising the Challenge of Reconstructing “Peace” and “Justice” in Post-conflict African States

De facto standstill: Ruination and deterioration in the Abkhazian borderlands

This article explores the ruination of homes and infrastructure in the Gal(i) district of the contemporary de-facto state of Abkhazia. After the 1992–1993 conflict, over 200,000 ethnic Georgians were forcefully displaced, making the roughly 40,000 ethnic Georgians who stayed behind as an unwanted minority. Like the demographics, the landscape changed significantly. The homes became ruins, and the infrastructure fell apart. Since the recognition of Abkhazia by the Russian Federation in 2008, there has been significant rebuilding in Abkhazia, but the Gal(i) district has often been left out of this process. This article argues, that within the context of the concept of de facto-ness, the process of ruination in the Gal(i) district is a material demonstration of the post-conflict Abkhazian social hierarchy and a result of the political reality, and not simply decay over time. It argues that the material environment in the Gal(i) district is a tangible spectacle of the uncertainty that comes with being a post-conflict de facto state, and furthermore illustrates the socio-political situation of the Gal(i) population within the de facto Republic of Abkhazia.

Attaining Sustainable Development in Post-Conflict Societies: A Conceptual and Theoretical Perspective from North-East Nigeria

One of the most cherished aspirations of every society emerging from conflict is its ability to transform, bounce back and attain sustainable development in the post-conflict period. No society indicate or abhors lack of willingness to achieve such a noble dream. In Nigeria, the crises of Boko Haram led to the destruction of properties and communities, death of persons, and displacement of millions of individuals. The violent conflict has destroyed several livelihood sources and made many rich individuals poor and destitute and as well sent many young people, women and children into their untimely graves. This paper examines the attainment of sustainable development in post-conflict societies with focus on North-East Nigeria. The paper is hinged on conceptual and theoretical approach to examining the post-conflict state of attaining sustainable development using secondary data derived from published and unpublished sources with analysis based of thematic approach using document analysis. The focus of the paper is on the ravaging violent conflict by the Boko Haram insurgents in the by addressing the key fundamental issues including the phases of conflicts management and recovery, the strategies for the attainment of sustainable development and economic prosperity in the post conflict society, the key actors and strategic stakeholders in the post conflict recovery and reconstructions, and the challenges confronting sustainable development in the post-conflict society.

Students’ Awareness and Participation in the Education for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina

This research explores the education for peace (EFP) in a multicultural and post-conflict state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The purpose of this study is to determine EFP awareness and participation among high school and college graduates. This research used the survey method to analyse students’ awareness and participation in the EFP in their high schools and colleges. The same method was used to analyse students’ perceptions of the EFP and the culture of peace among the students. The results indicated very low awareness and participation of students in the EFP. Regarding the student’s perception of EFP and the culture of peace among the students, the results indicated that there is insufficient implementation of EFP in high schools and colleges in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This indicates that with an introduction of the EFP in the schools, curricula, seminars, programmes, and textbooks the culture of peace would increase among the students, which is one of the main assumptions of this study. These findings led to our main recommendation that an introduction of EFP in high schools and colleges and active involvement of students through the learning process may lead to greater multicultural understanding within the culture of peace, tolerance, and understanding in Bosnian multicultural society.

CHILD SOLDIERS AND PEACE AGREEMENTS

AbstractFor societies transitioning from conflict to peace, the phenomenon of child soldiers poses significant challenges. These include quandaries associated with assisting in the reintegration of serving child soldiers, determining how to prevent future recruitment of child soldiers, and pursuing accountability of those who utilize child soldiers. In addition, questions are also raised as to whether and how child soldiers responsible for crimes committed during conflict are to be held to account. While no one mechanism or response can adequately and sufficiently address the multifaceted issues that arise, peace agreements, as foundational documents that serve as the blueprint for peacebuilding and the post-conflict State, can make a useful contribution to some or all of them. Drawing on all references to child soldiers in 77 peace agreements signed between 1990 and 2022, this article examines the ways in which peace agreements address the issue of child soldiers.

The Legacies of Rebel Rule in Southeast Turkey

During armed conflict civilians often inhabit areas of contested governance or areas where rebel groups, NGOs, and/or criminal syndicates vie for authority and challenge the control of the state. As non-state actors confront the authority and legitimacy of the state, civilians become central players in that competition asked to uphold or undercut these alternative governance claims. In this paper we examine the long-term impact of rebel governance for citizens living in spaces where state governance is challenged. Leveraging survey data from areas historically under PKK control in Southeastern Turkey, we focus on the ways in which contestation over governance during the conflict influenced future trust and engagement with the Turkish state. Specifically, we find that individual engagement with rebel governance institutions and personal conflict experience are important factors in understanding the effects of contested governance. Our findings increase our understanding of the long-term impact of armed conflict on civilians and the potential lasting impacts of rebel governance on the post-conflict state.

Regional cooperation formats and the issue of military security of post-conflict states. Case study of the South-East European Cooperation Process

The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.

The Role of Social Forgiveness and Non-Forgiveness in Shaping the Political Discourse Around Gustavo Petro during the 2022 Colombian Presidential Elections

Objective/context: This article examines the use of emotional argumentation patterns of social forgiveness and non-forgiveness regarding Gustavo Petro’s past in the M-19 movement in the context of the 2022 Colombian presidential elections. Methodology: An inductive media framing analysis of selected Colombian newspapers was carried out. The frames analyzed exemplify the relevance different newspapers have attributed to Petro’s past in their pre-election coverage. Conclusions: This analysis demonstrates that those frames that project a negative view of Petro’s past carried especially marked patterns of non-forgiveness and an accompanying delegitimization of his person and political ambitions. The negative portrayal in a particular newspaper presented clear patterns of emotional argumentation of politically ideological opposition to Petro in contrast to the media landscape in general. The other newspapers analyzed, however, revealed a predominantly neutral pattern of argumentation that paid attention to Petro’s past but did not use it judgmentally against him. In relatively few cases, the argument of social forgiveness was even used in his favor. The results show that, especially for the ideological opposition to Petro, reference to his past in the M-19 was considered a legitimate means to undermine his political ambitions. However, considering the general overall coverage of the newspapers, Petro’s past was of marginal importance. Originality: This analysis provides insights into how Colombian media framed the past of the current Colombian president in the M-19 during the 2022 presidential campaign, potentially influencing public opinion-making processes. The results can serve as a reference for more comprehensive analyses to better understand the role of forgiveness and non-forgiveness in the context of political discourses in post-conflict states.

Exclusionary Inclusion? Peace Agreements and Provisions on Child Protection

ABSTRACTPeace agreements often serve as roadmaps for peacebuilding and the reconstruction of the post-conflict state. They do this by, among other things, delineating issues to be addressed as part of the transition from conflict to peace, reforms to be enacted, and the groups that are to benefit from them. It follows that what and who is included in a peace agreement matters. Often overlooked in the scholarship, however, are the potential implications—positive and negative—of the language adopted in peace agreements. With attention to language, this article examines how peace agreements address a particular but salient issue: child protection. It first provides an overview of existing provisions on the subject before contemplating the disempowering potential of the terminology used. The article demonstrates the need for more clarity in how commitments are constructed in peace agreements.

The Overlap between the Requirements for Achieving Security and those for the Democratic Practice of Post-conflict States

The study of the relationship between security and democracy is one of the topics that political science has paid attention to, as (security-democracy). It is one of the topics that a number of thinkers, writers, and researchers have devoted themselves to, and it has been reflected in their intellectual and scientific productions in the form of ideas, theories, and research. Political thought and philosophy of law treated freedom and security as two basic components of policies because they express human aspirations. Despite this, the two concepts were treated as contradictory, due to the different value systems of each.
 Post-conflict states face what we might call the dilemma of security and democracy, which revolves around the continuous widening of the scope of contradiction between the ever-changing and ever-increasing requirements for achieving security, and the requirements for achieving democracy with its evolving and renewed content, issues and mechanisms for its new practice, which may result in new sources of threat to national security.
 Hence, the central question that summarizes the research problem revolves around the dimensions of the overlap between the requirements of achieving security and the democratic practice of post-conflict states

Memory Mobilization and Postconflict Stability in CôTE D’Ivoire: Analysing the Transmission of Conflict Narratives Among Ivoirian Youth

Abstract After violence ends, former conflict parties and their civilian supporters often disagree about the origins and causes of the conflict. Post-conflict states vary in how they deal with these competing accounts of the past, ranging from selective remembering to state-backed forgetting. However, conflict narratives that are excluded from the public sphere are not necessarily forgotten and may be passed on between generations within families, social networks, and communities. These unofficial and often biased accounts can threaten the stability of post-conflict societies when appropriated by political actors who seek to challenge hegemonic memory practices and/or the legitimacy of the state—a process that we define as memory mobilization. In this paper, we argue that memory mobilization is particularly likely to occur when (1) unofficial conflict narratives persist among certain groups and sections of society, and are transferred from one generation to the next; and (2) regime opponents and/or other political actors have sufficient political and public space for contestation. To evaluate our argument, we examine these issues in the context of post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire. Based on 905 secondary school student essays, we show that competing accounts are reproduced among young Ivoirians and that these could potentially threaten the country’s future stability, if misappropriated.

Post-Conflict State building: Governance Without Government, written by Chandler, D. The Strength of Weak States? Non-State Security Forces and Hybrid Governance in Africa, written by Meagher, K.

Post-Conflict State building: Governance Without Government, written by Chandler, D. The Strength of Weak States? Non-State Security Forces and Hybrid Governance in Africa, written by Meagher, K.

Artesanos de Paz: Promoting Everyday Peace-building among Children and Youth through a Participatory Theatre-based Intervention in Colombia: Lessons for Northern Ireland

Abstract There is increasing attention being drawn from the literature to build peace from the ground up. Critical studies expose the inadequacies of liberal peace regimes advocating for an everyday peace in the peacebuilding regime. Peacebuilding is future orientated and thus calls for a focus on children and youth in the research. Qualitative, participatory, arts-based methods allow for creativity, hope, and change for the future. This article presents qualitative data from 75 children and youth between the ages of 7 and 18 across three urban settings in the post conflict state of Colombia, highlighting potential implications for Northern Ireland 25 years on from the Good Friday Agreement.