Post-communist Context Research Articles

Predictors of mayoral reelection in Romanian local elections. Long-term analysis 1996-2016

This study aims to analyze the mayoral reelection rates in Romanian local elections between 1996 and 2016, a period marked by significant economic and political transitions. Given the post-communist context, understanding these dynamics is crucial for grasping Romania’s evolving electoral behavior. In order to evaluate the dynamics of mayoral reelection rates in post-communist Romania, the primary research objective of the study consists in the assessment of the correlation between electoral participation and preferences for the incumbent mayors. In addition to this research objective, the paper aims to evaluate the impact of the ideological polarization in shaping electoral decision. An important research objective highlights the association between electorate’s education level and political preferences for the incumbent political parties. Besides these objectives, the paper stresses the importance of the economic factors for predicting the dynamics of Romanian’ mayoral reelection rates. Using a quantitative research design based on nonlinear statistical regressions, the study highlights the importance of both ideological and economic vote in mayoral reelection. Moreover, statistical results indicate that both the interactions between left-right ideological polarization, secondary education and economic efficiency are significant predictors for explaining Romania’s electoral behavior over time. The novelty of the study lies in the use of these interactions between ideology, education and economy for providing a deeper perspective on the mayoral reelection dynamics. These empirical findings are relevant not only for scholars but also for political decision-makers or electoral strategists, providing evidence related with electoral behavior in Romanian local elections.

Right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance, system justification, and conservative political ideology as predictors of mental health stigma: The Hungarian case.

Insights from mental health stigma research indicate the importance of societal and political views on mental health perceptions. Most studies originate from typical Western neo-liberal settings and focus on generic mental health issues. Our research explores these associations in Hungary, an understudied post-communist context with significant stigma levels, examining a broad range of stigmas related to both general and three specific mental illnesses: schizophrenia, depression, and alcohol use disorder (AUD). The study aims to connect a wide array of political dispositions to stigma associated with both general and specific mental illnesses, exploring both attitudes and behavioral intentions. We surveyed 492 participants (147 males, 342 females) on their political dispositions, including Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), general and economic system justification, and conservative political ideology, and their attitudes toward general and specific mental illnesses. Regression analyses identified key political dispositions influencing stigma. RWA was significantly linked to most stigma outcomes, while conservative political ideology showed a selective impact. Other predictors had minimal influence on stigma outcomes. Our findings suggest that perceptions of danger, threat, and unconventionality, as indicated by RWA, are crucial for mental health stigmatization in Hungary. Intervention programs should target these factors, particularly in similar contexts.

Sustainable Pathways: CO2 Emissions, FDI, Trade, and Energy in Post-Communist Economies

This study explores the intricate interplay among CO2 emissions, economic development, foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows, trade, and energy consumption in post-communist republics spanning from 1995 to 2017. Utilizing a panel cointegration test, we unveil a profound and enduring relationship among these variables. Long-term elasticities are meticulously examined through Dynamic Ordinary Least Squares (DOLS) and Fully Modified Ordinary Least Squares (FMOLS) regressions, both of which consistently reveal a positive association between GDP per capita, FDI inflows, trade, energy consumption, and CO2 emissions per capita over the long term. Moreover, employing a panel causality test, our analysis identifies a robust unidirectional causality, specifically from CO2 emissions to energy consumption, signifying a pivotal link in the chain of influence (p<0.01). These findings shed light on the nuanced dynamics of CO2 emissions and their intricate connections with economic growth, foreign investments, trade, and energy usage in the post-communist context.

Legitimisation of political regime in post-communist countries: Ways, methods, efficiency

The research relevance is determined by the fact that many post-communist countries have faced and continue to face problems in building a sustainable democratic system that would fully meet the needs of society. The research aims to analyse the ways and methods by which political regimes in post-communist countries were legitimised and to determine their effectiveness. To achieve the research objective, the methods of hermeneutics, deduction, analysis, and synthesis were used. The study found that the methods, ways and effectiveness of legitimisation of political regimes in Ukraine and Kazakhstan differ from each other, although they began their development at the same time (1991) and on the same basis (the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics). Poland, after the overthrow of the communist regime in 1989, embarked on the path of developing democratic institutions and civic engagement. In Ukraine, the way to legitimise the political regime was through democratic elections and transparency, and in Kazakhstan ̶ through economic development and propaganda. The effectiveness of the methods within the chosen paths resulted in the following democracy indices for the countries: Ukraine ̶ 5.42 (hybrid regime), Poland ̶ 7.04 (imperfect democracy), Kazakhstan ̶ 3.08 (authoritarian regime). In other words, all three countries are at different levels of development, depending on the analysed issues, with Poland being the best positioned. Therefore, it can be concluded that countries need to improve the legitimation of the political regime on the way to full democracy. The practical significance of this study is that the findings of the study are useful for policymakers, researchers and the public interested in the processes of democracy and legitimisation in the post-communist context

“A Community… Sounds Like Communism”: Notions of Gay Community and “Community Belonging Contradiction” Among Bulgarian Non-Heterosexual Males

ABSTRACT The term “gay community” has been criticized for its inability to explain the pluralities in a specific cultural and political context. Based on in-depth interviews with 63 non-heterosexual males in Bulgaria, this study aims to revisit the theories of gay communities in a non-Western, post-communist context. The data from this study suggest that (1) the idea of a “gay community” is often rejected due to anti-communist notions and explicit engagement with individualism as anti-communitarianism; (2) belonging to a gay community is subjective, and initial verbal detachment from gay communities does not indicate a lack of factual belonging to such communities; (3) the concepts of “personal communities” and “family of choice” remain relatively irrelevant in the Bulgarian context; (4) the most significant factor for attachment to a gay community is the notion of “gay culture” and “gay scene”; (5) recent forms of “sexual attachments” have led to a certain political involvement; and (6) the “anti-gender campaigns” have revitalized the importance of gay communities and have brought an increasing number of respondents to certain involvement in gay communities and networks, challenging the theories of “post-gay” societies.

The Agency in Islam or (and) Human Rights? The Case of Pious Baltic Muslim Women

This article focuses on the variety of ways pious Muslim women exercise their agency to navigate between religion, gender, and human rights in the dynamic post-Soviet Baltic societies. It shows that these women primarily find agency not in human rights but in Islam as a religion that provides instruction on aspects of life related to human rights. They are empowered as individuals by Islam as the religion of their deliberate choice, which gives them meaning and guidance in life. They also find agency in their roles as wives and mothers as well as in the sisterhood of the Muslim community, while a career serves more as an area of personal autonomy and self-realization. This research is based on the analysis of qualitative data from semi-structured interviews conducted in 2021–2022. Baltic women’s narratives on human rights (and in the case of this research, specifically regarding gender and sexuality) and the role of Islam in their lives contributes to the redefinition of religious and secular concepts within a post-communist context and contributes to the wider scholarly debate on pious Muslim women living in non-Muslim democratic societies.

Understanding Public Support for the Flat-Rate Personal Income Tax in a Post-Communist Context: The Case of Romania

The overall landscape of personal income taxation (PIT) has changed rapidly in numerous post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), with the adoption of a form of flat-rate tax. Although the economic consequences of this change have been studied extensively, little is known about public opinion on the topic in these countries. This article aims to shed some light on how public opinion addresses the issue of flat-rate PIT in Romania. Logistic regression analysis is used to assess the impact of self-interest, education, age, gender, ideology, political trust, social solidarity, and political knowledge on public support for flat-rate PIT, based on survey data (N = 1105) from the Romanian Election Study (RES). The results suggest that high-income earners, women, and those with higher levels of political trust are more likely to support flat-rate PIT, while higher levels of social solidarity and more education increase the chances of being reluctant about it. Furthermore, the analysis finds no evidence that age, ideology, or political knowledge have an influence on people’s fiscal preferences. The article’s findings provide lessons for policymakers on how fiscal preferences arise and may evolve in a post-communist context, particularly in relation to recurring societal crises.

TECHNOLOGIES OF INFLUENCE ON MASS MEDIA IN UKRAINE: THE POST-COMMUNIST CONTEXT

The article is devoted to transformations of technologies of political influence on mass media in Ukraine. The essence of the post-communist context of transformations of technologies influencing the mass media is determined. It consists in the transition from the Soviet heritage (state and party censorship, administrative pressure on journalists and editors) to the oligarchic model of mass media activity (the use of economic leverage, hidden political advertising, and dependence on the owner). The methodological approach of historical institutionalism is used to determine the transformations of technologies of influence of public power and oligarchic groups on the mass media in the post-communist context. It has been specified that the creation of a democratic model of mass media activity is an integral part of the democratization of the Ukrainian political process. The study of technologies of public power influence on the mass media allows reconstructing creatively some provisions of the theory of democratic transition, determining its essence and directions in Ukraine. Special emphasis is placed on the need to overcome the post-communist legacy and the importance of understanding the democratic transition of Ukraine as the achievement of its ultimate goal – full-fledged European and EuroAtlantic integration. Despite the long debates in Ukrainian political science regarding the use of such terms as "post-communism" and "democratic transition", the events of recent years, and especially the war of the russian federation against Ukraine (i.e. actions aimed directly against the democratic transition of Ukraine) have convincingly proven the scientific value and the importance of researching the post-communist context of mass media activity. The essence of certain technologies of influence on the mass media, which characterize the relations between the government, society, and the mass media in the post-communist context, is noted.

La figura del subalterno en la narrativa post-autoritaria española y polaca: Propuesta de lectura comparatista (Homo Polonicus de Marek Nowakowski, Los mares del sur de Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, Amado amo de Rosa Montero)

ABSTRACT The paper aims to develop a comparative perspective that allows the reader to explore the traces of authoritarian systems in contemporary Polish and Spanish culture. The point of departure is the research of Polish scholars from the Post-Dependence Studies Centre, who examine Polish culture with postcolonial tools adapted to the post-communist context. From there, the article attempts to formulate a methodological framework – the so-called post-authoritarian subaltern studies – applicable to post-Franco and post-communist culture, particularly the presence of subaltern characters in contemporary cultural texts. In accordance with the proposed methodology, the author analyses three texts: Homo Polonicus (1992) by Marek Nowakowski, Los mares del sur by Manuel Vázquez Montalbán (1979) and Amado amo (1988) by Rosa Montero.

Challenging the Rule of Law Universalism: Why Marxist Legal Thought Still Matters

The primary aim of this article is to present the rule of law universalism as a relevant theoretical and socio-political issue that critical legal thought needs to contend with. In order to do so, this issue is described through a Marxist theoretical framework, which aids in identifying the consequences of this universalism. Furthermore, the Marxist theoretical framework is suggested as a countermeasure that allows for going beyond it. The rule of law universalism is analysed as a process connected to establishing hegemony and status quo that affects both the way the law is thought of and practiced. The post-communist context serves in fleshing out some of these consequences. Although the transition is not the main subject of inquiry, it is a starting point to a set of philosophical questions directed towards the rule of law universalism, mainly regarding historical embeddedness and socio-political dependency of the rule of law. The transitional context illustrates the tension between the rule of law treated as a generalized blueprint and the reality it is introduced to. The method of approach to this tension argued for in this paper is Marxian theorization of concept as an interplay between concrete and abstract that underlies historical materialism. This movement within concept is juxtaposed to the universalism. The philosophical investigations are followed by findings from Marxist legal theory that pinpoint the importance of concrete interventions into the legal theory that abate its ever-growing abstractness. In particular, the import of knowledges and practices divorced from the capitalist system is brought into focus. The paper concludes with a brief assessment of the possibility of overturning the rule of law universalism and a discussion on the emancipatory potential of law.

Legal aspects of the prohibition of wild animal circus training: Evidence from the Czech Republic

Abstract The study examines the legislative issues associated with providing a legal solution to the problem of the circus training of wild animals in the post-communist context. These issues are demonstrated using the example of the Czech Republic. In 2020, the country passed a comprehensive amendment to Act No. 246/1992 Coll. on the Protection of Animals Against Cruelty, which prohibits, among other things, the training of wild animals in circuses with effect from January 2022. The study focuses on the following research questions: What are the main determinants of the prohibition of wild animal training? and, What were the main arguments with respect to the wild animal training prohibition mentioned by politicians during the parliamentary debate? The data analysed here consist of parliamentary debates and texts presented by institutions advocating for or against the ban.

Active political engagement, political patronage and local labour markets – The example of Shkoder

PurposeThis paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the effects of active political engagement in port-of-entry jobs and employment pathways for graduate students in a post-communist context which is characterized by clientelism. The data are derived from a structured survey of a small local labour market where political clientelism is pronounced due to the strong network ties. Controlling for both demand and supply factors, the authors identify a profile for those who are more prone to engage politically in exchange for public sector jobs, which are in turn vulnerable to regime changes.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use data from a sample of 191 students that records month-to-month employment states for three consecutive years (2012–2014). The method attempts to replicate an experimental design with repeated measures before and after the June 2013 government elections. The data is analysed using sequence analysis with optimal matching and difference-in-difference methods.FindingsThe analysis provides evidence of links between political engagement and selection onto different employment pathways under conditions of political clientelism. The pathways themselves are also shown to be differentially impacted by the 2013 election (positively or negatively). Together, these results are supportive of claims that jobs in Albania, particularly those in the public sector, are linked to the short-term presence of vote-buying. This is shown to be the case even for this sample of educated members of the labour force (i.e. university graduates). The analysis also finds evidence of accumulative disadvantages over time, in relation to subjective perceptions of life satisfaction, migration intentions, employability and success in life, as a result of active political engagement.Originality/valueThe study uses a unique data set and a novel methodological approach, sequence analysis. Occupational history calendars were used to capture quantitative information recording detailed work histories. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this innovative method has not been used before to measure the temporal effects of political engagement on employment pathways.

The New German-speaking School of Balkankompetenzen: Knowledge production and truth claims in post-colonial post-communist context

In this paper, I show how some strands of contemporary Western scholarship in Albanian studies reproduce substantive empirical and methodological flaws and perpetuate imperial attitudes and othering stereotypes. In particular, I level a number of criticisms at what I refer to as the New German-speaking School of Balkankompetenzen that has colonized Albanian and more generally Southeastern European issues. I argue that disregard and patronizing of local scholars, and occasionally over-reliance on essentialized, insufficient or misinterpreted research outcomes, can be shown in the writings of various scholars that are representative of strategic othering, methodological essentialism, dubious deconstructionism and outright misinterpretation of Albanian foundational myths, national history, social structures, and cultural behavior. Arguably, this methodological imperialism reproduces a discourse of Western superiority that serves to legitimate Western political, economic and social control.

Competing for the Future: Problematization of the Contemporary System of Automobility in Public Discourse by Yandex Self-Driving Group

In the study of political participation, the question arises of whether young people use new media as a “political spectacle,” “virtual agora,” or “political coliseum.” This article examines how young citizens use new media in political participation in Russia and Kazakhstan. Drawing on surveys conducted using Qualtrics (N = 2,400) and semistructured interviews (N = 90) carried out in 54 cities, towns, and villages in 2019–2020, I demonstrate that both Russian and Kazakhstani young people use new media as a mixture of political spectacle, virtual agora, and political coliseum. Results revealed that online activists and observers are increasing in numbers in both countries. However, based on the experiences (actions) and views (opinions) of respondents, the most numerous new-media users are apolitical people in Kazakhstan and observers (spectators) in Russia. I also found that for some young people intentional political disengagement and disenchantment might signify political contestation. Online and offline political participation in the forms of contestation is more frequently observed in urban than rural areas in both countries, and participation in “alternative” forms of protests such as monstrations seems to be becoming popular among young Russians and Kazakhstanis. My study sheds light on how new media are used in political participation in the postcommunist context, contributing to cross-national comparative studies of non-Western political systems. Article in English

How Young People Use New Media in Political Participation in Russia and Kazakhstan

In the study of political participation, the question arises of whether young people use new media as a “political spectacle,” “virtual agora,” or “political coliseum.” This article examines how young citizens use new media in political participation in Russia and Kazakhstan. Drawing on surveys conducted using Qualtrics (N = 2,400) and semistructured interviews (N = 90) carried out in 54 cities, towns, and villages in 2019–2020, I demonstrate that both Russian and Kazakhstani young people use new media as a mixture of political spectacle, virtual agora, and political coliseum. Results revealed that online activists and observers are increasing in numbers in both countries. However, based on the experiences (actions) and views (opinions) of respondents, the most numerous new-media users are apolitical people in Kazakhstan and observers (spectators) in Russia. I also found that for some young people intentional political disengagement and disenchantment might signify political contestation. Online and offline political participation in the forms of contestation is more frequently observed in urban than rural areas in both countries, and participation in “alternative” forms of protests such as monstrations seems to be becoming popular among young Russians and Kazakhstanis. My study sheds light on how new media are used in political participation in the postcommunist context, contributing to cross-national comparative studies of non-Western political systems. Article in English

(Re)production of Inequalities in Retirement Practices and Meanings Assigned to the Term 'Retiree' in the Post-Communist Context.

In the institutionalized life course transition from work to retirement is the transition that culturally defines the beginning of later life. However, there is no universal way of experiencing retirement or understanding retirees’ social roles. Especially in the context of the post-communist, liquid modern reality in Poland. The social role of the retiree, defined as a set of rules and expectations generated for individuals occupying particular positions in the social structure, is constructed at the intersection of what is culturally defined and individually negotiated. Therefore, the way in which individuals (re)define term “retiree” and “do retirement” reflects not only inequalities in individual resources and attitudes, but also in social structure in a given place and at a given time. In this contribution, I draw upon data from 68 qualitative interviews with retirees from Poland to analyze retirement practices and meanings assigned to the term “retiree.” Applying practice theory, I explore the inequalities they (re)produce, mirror and reinforce at the same time. Results show that there are four broad types of retirement practices: caregiving, working, exploring and disengaging. During analysis of meanings assigned by participants to the term “retiree,” two definitions emerged: one of a “new wave retiree” and the other of a “stagnant retiree.” Results suggest that in the post-communist context, retirement practices and meanings assigned to the term “retiree” are in the ongoing process of (re)negotiation and are influenced on the one hand by the activation demands resulting from discourses of active and productive aging, and on the other by habitus and imaginaries of retirement formed in the bygone communist era. Retirement practices and definitions of the term “retiree” that emerged from the data reflect structural and individual inequalities, highlighting intersection of gender, age and socioeconomic status in the (re)production of inequalities in retirement transition in the post-communist context.

Generations of BDSM Czech style: The elimination of roles in role-playing?

Recently, there has been a “research boom” on the topic of BDSM (bondage, discipline, sadism and masochism). Studies have covered a wide range of countries including the UK, USA, Brazil and Western Germany. Nevertheless, ethnographical research of the BDSM subculture in a postcommunist state has been extremely rare. In fact, there have not been many studies on postcommunist subcultures in general. This study explores how the BDSM subculture has been evolving in the Czech Republic after the fall of the communism. The focus is on the intergenerational conflict that has arisen between the first and second generations of the Czech BDSM scene. The history of Czech BDSM subculture has never been studied. Except for a few tables showing data and events, BDSM practitioners themselves in the Czech Republic have no written documents about how they created the subculture, how it was established and what pitfalls they needed to overcome. In contrast to studies of the BDSM scene in such countries as the UK which had long-standing democracies, the Czech scene could only emerge after the overthrow of the communist-ruled dictatorship in 1989. Consequently, the scene is newer and it developed in a situation in which the first generation was culturally much more tied to the communist-past than the second generation. We show how the scene might have developed differently when taking place in the post-communist context.

“Now We Are Struggling at Least”: Change & Continuity of Surveillance in Post-Communist Societies from the Perspective of Data Protection Authorities

This article presents the results of an interview study carried out with sixteen data-protection authorities in Central and Eastern Europe. The study focuses on the way that data protection authorities reason about the past. The theoretical argument advanced in the text is that data protection in a post-communist context bears a specific historical significance due to the recent experiences with the extensive, coercive state surveillance that was systematized under the communist regimes. The article focuses on the institutional role conceptions of data protection authorities—a theoretical concept that denotes perceptions of the role of an organization within the larger institutional environment. High-level officials from data protection authorities in sixteen countries were interviewed about change and continuity in surveillance. The results show that historical reflectivity is not a dominant feature of the leadership of contemporary data protection authorities and that different countries differ considerably. The respondents least able or willing to discuss the topics of change and continuity are in societies with recent high-level surveillance scandals, such as Bulgaria and North Macedonia.

Classroom, media and church: explaining the achievement differences in civic knowledge in the bilingual school system of Estonia

This study investigates civic and citizenship education in a unique post-Communist context–in the bilingual education system of Estonia. Estonia continues to have a bilingual school system where there are Estonian and Russian language schools in parallel. While Estonian language school students are ranked very high in international comparisons, there is a significant difference between the achievement of Estonian and Russian language school students. We claim that this minority achievement gap in the performance of civic and citizenship knowledge is in addition to family background characteristics explained by behavioral and attitudinal factors that are moderated by the school language. Behavioral and attitudinal independent variables that we consider relevant in our analysis are classroom climate, trust in various media channels, and students’ beliefs in the influence of religion. We rely on hierarchical modeling to capture the embedded data and aim to explain how the different layers (school- and student level) interact and impact civic knowledge. We show that an open classroom is beneficial to students and part of the gap can be explained by Russian school students’ lower involvement in such practices. The strength of the belief in the influence of religion, on the contrary, is hurting students, despite that the negative effect is smaller for minority students there is a higher aggregate negative effect of it and therefore it also contributes to the minority achievement gap. Media trust indicators explain the gap marginally while the high trust of social media hurts students’ civic knowledge scores–still more Russian school students trust social media more than Estonian school students.

Understanding sources of financial well-being in Romania: a prerequisite for transformative financial services

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the extent to which financial behavior and financial well-being are affected by cognitive and non-cognitive factors in a specific Romanian post-communist context. This study shows that financial well-being is significantly linked to both financial education and to a set of non-cognitive factors. This paper offers strategic insights on what financial services should communicate to consumers and how they should be communicated, achieve the mutual benefits of the transformative paradigm.Design/methodology/approachThis study uses an online sample of 1,602 participants, representative of the general population in Romania concerning income and education, to collect data on financial anxiety, financial security and financial saving behavior (dependent variables), self-control, optimism, future orientation, deliberative thinking and financial literacy (independent variables). This paper measures the latent constructs – as composite indices, using partial least squares – path modeling. Working with WarpPLS software version 6.0 allows exploration of both linear and non-linear relationships involved in the model, along with their practical and managerial implications.FindingsThe results indicate that the key component to address in the development of financial services (in the post-soviet context) is financial anxiety. This study finds that, in contrast to Western countries, in Central, Eastern and Southeastern Europe (CESEE), financial education is not always a panacea. Additionally, financial security is not always the most important goal for consumers.Practical implicationsThis paper suggests managerial recommendations for redefining the relationship between banks and the Romanian population, focused mainly on diminishing financial anxiety and increasing financial security, as key elements of transformative financial services.Originality/valueThe study highlights the significant role played by behavioral variables in shaping financial well-being in Romania, being among the very few investigations illustrating the relevance of the topic in post-communist countries. This research shows unique challenges for the design of transformative financial services in a specific (post-communist) setting and provides insights on how financial services marketing can become more effective in the CESEE region.