Post-war Processes Research Articles

THE POST-WAR VISION IN THE COLLECTIVE COGNITIVE SPACE OF UKRAINIANS AND EUROPEANS (BASED ON CONTEMPORARY MASS MEDIA DISCOURSE)

The study presents the outcomes of discursive and conceptual analyses of Ukrainian and Slovak media discourse that has been produced by the representatives of political and economic elites and news media outputs. The above outcomes contain Ukrainians' and Slovaks' basic ideas (within their collective cognitive space) of the post-war processes both in Ukraine and in the rest of the world in the form of certain concepts.

Savaş ve Savaş Sonrası Hemşirelik

Savaş, devlet veya devletlerin barış yoluyla halledemedikleri sorunları çözmek için milli savunma kaynaklarının tamamını ya da bir bölümünü kullanmak suretiyle yapmış oldukları mücadeledir. Savaşta yaşanan açlık, sefalet, salgın hastalık ve savaşa bağlı yaralanma gibi nedenlerle meydana gelen insan kayıplarının yanında bireylerin sağlığı olumsuz etkilenmektedir. Olumsuz etkilerin en aza indirgenmesi, sağlığın korunup geliştirilmesi, hastalıkların önlenmesi gibi birçok işleve sahip olan hemşireler tarih boyunca hem savaş esnasında hem de savaş sonrasında toplumdaki bireylerin yaşamına dokunmuştur. Savaş esnasında ve sonrasında hemşireler, hasta ve yaralıların triyajında, güvenliğin sağlanmasında liderlik etmekte, savaş sonrası süreçlerde ise toplumun sağlığının geliştirilmesinde etkin rol oynamaktadır. Hemşireler, savaştan sonra uzun dönemde savaşın birincil sonucu olan yaralanmalar için rehabilitasyon ile ikincil sonucu olan genel anksiyete bozukluğu, post travmatik stres bozukluğu, majör depresyon gibi ruh sağlığı sorunları için tedavi sürecinde yer almaktadır. Bu derleme tarih boyunca var olan savaş esnasında ve sonrasında hemşirelik hizmetlerinin incelenmesi amacıyla hazırlanmıştır. Bu çalışma ile toplumda yıkımlara, ölümlere, yaralanmalara ve bunların getirdiği ikincil sonuçlara sebep olan savaşların sadece yaşandığı zaman diliminde kalmayıp kuşaklar boyunca etkisini gösterdiği ve hemşirelerin, bu sürecin bireyin sağlığındaki olumsuz etkilerini azaltmada önemli işleve sahip olmaya devam edeceği sonuçlarına varılmıştır.

Архетипні основи інституційно-інноваційних проєктів сталого розвитку територій в умовах постмодерну

The decentralization and post-war recovery processes raise the issue of sustainable territorial development to a qualitatively new level, based on innovation and the search for appropriate resources. The study aims to analyse the features of building institutional and innovative projects within the new concept of territorial development resources based on the archetypal approach and develop practical recommendations for their implementation on the example of sub-ethnic groups of the Sumy region. The study based on world experience substantiates that the process of innovative development of territories should not focus solely on economic issues and technological change but should consider socio-cultural aspects that can be viewed as an essential component of the potential. Considering territorial archetypes when initiating changes and resolving issues of territorial development will allow the development of effective measures through the rational use of resource potential. It is determined that the question of considering socio-cultural historical and modern approaches to to studying settlements, cities, and landscapes (regional and local aspects), analysis of their formation, change and development in developing strategies. The importance of the regional component is illustrated by the experience of the EU, where local authorities are gaining more and more ground in finding the most practical and concrete opportunities for territories. It is determined that public administration undergoes significant changes under the influence of postmodernism, a new philosophy of building organizational structures, government, and management. It considers the uncertainty and ambiguity of new types of social systems and is seen as open to the future. The authors consider the application of postmodern theories to be fruitful in studying the impact of the socio-cultural environment on socio-economic processes and adaptation of innovations. This factor’s impact on economic entities’ behaviour has traditionally been regarded as exogenous. Given the use of postmodern methodology must be studied when trying to return people and actual processes to a place occupied by abstract variables and modelled dependencies. The influence of postmodernism at the territorial level is determined based on the evolution of innovation communities. This approach is consistent with the current EU regional policy, which aims to enhance regions’ development by improving competitiveness efficiency. It is proposed to consider the possibility of using institutional and innovative projects for sustainable development of territories, considering the archetypal resource component and the concept of innovation communities. Institutional and innovative projects are considered so-called «security-related products» of territorial development, which may include innovative projects and programs that involve a wide range of resources, including socio-cultural, focused on achieving sustainable development goals. It is substantiated that the use of tools for institutional and innovative projects should be considered in the context of the smart specialization of regions, making it possible to consider the socio-cultural component practically. Examples of the use of archetypes for the construction of innovation and institutional projects in the instance of two sub-ethnic groups of the Sumy region are considered. The main archetypes of goryuns and sevryuks are generalized, and paper provides the related institutional and innovation projects they will promote.

Monetary transformation: revisiting the end of the Bretton Woods order

ABSTRACT In the existing international political economy (IPE) literature, the demise of the Bretton Woods order is widely regarded as a key transformative moment in the development of the global political economy. Three successive waves of IPE literature have highlighted how the collapse of the monetary regime heralded the politics of exchange rates, the explosion of global financial markets, and new institutional configurations. Contrastingly, drawing on and developing heterodox theories of money, this paper postulates that the globalization of financial markets was rooted in the post-war processes of monetary transformation. More specifically, as the US dollar operated as ‘money of account’ and dynamically developed as social relation of credit and debt at the international level, the dual features of the US dollar secured the emergence of global financial markets in the 1960s and 1970s. Thus, the end of the Bretton Woods order entrenched the transformative features of the US dollar on an international scale such that the US dollar was firmly established as institutionalized money, and US government debts became ‘risk’-free assets.

The Issues of the Number of Western Armenians and Ethnic Composition of the Population of Western Armenia at Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920)

References to the issues of the number of Western Armenians and the ratio of Armenians to other ethnic groups in Western Armenia on the eve of the Armenian Genocide occupy a special place in the context of processes related to drafting a peace agreement with the Ottoman Empire and Armenia’s delineation after WWI. These issues were tackled by diverse Armenian official and non-official organizations struggling for the formation of an integral Armenian state, as well as Turkish authorities manipulating, inter alia, also demographic arguments against the Armenian claim for Western Armenia and the Entente Powers (particularly the United States of America and Great Britain) needing statistical data for deciding the fate of the Ottoman Empire. In the post-war processes the long-distance controversy of the Armenian and Turkish sides over the issues in question can be figuratively characterized as one of the stages – “battles” of the “statistical war” that emerged after 1878, i.e. following the entry of the Armenian Question into the international diplomatic agenda. This article aims to present and analyse the statistics on the number of Western Armenians and the ratio of Armenians in Western Armenia to other ethnic groups on the eve of the Armenian Genocide presented by Armenian and Turkish delegations at Paris Peace Conference, as well as data circulated by the US and British diplomacy. It will try to explain the connection between the delineation of Armenia and the number of Western Armenians, the demographic composition of Western Armenia on the eve of the Armenian Genocide. The calculations of the number of Western Armenians have had a certain effect on deliberations around demarcation of the border between the Republic of Armenia and the Ottoman Empire in the context of post-war world regulation.

Examining the Role of Economic Actors in Post-war Reintegration Processes: Case of Sierra Leone.

This paper examines post-conflict peacebuilding activities in Sierra Leone by critically looking at the role of economic actors in the reintegration process of its post-war Disarmament Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) initiative. The civil war that lasted for 11 years in Sierra Leone, put doubts on the national governments ability to effectively provide both victims and perpetuators, the necessary protection and assistance needed to fully assume responsibilities within the communities. Because of this, poverty was further entrenched, thereby increasing the countries susceptibility to return to conflict. Though reintegration processes are continuous, integrative and involve exhaustive budgetary commitments, the process, in Sierra Leone was short-termed, not well coordinated and took time to begin delivering. With the United Nations, World Bank and the weak national government leading the process, financing was often insufficient or late, in combination with the lack of a coherent planning strategy; all these factors contributed to lapses in socio-economic profiling, skills and vocational training and spread disillusionment and resentment among ex-combatants and victims. Using content analysis, the paper argues that, post-war countries need active, equitable and profitable economic sectors if they are to graduate from conflict and from post-conflict aid-dependency. Moreover, as social contracts and corporate social responsibility to communities they govern and operate in, economic actors must create enabling environments and, generate jobs to support legitimate local capacities. The utility of this paper lies in the idea that for any post-conflict country to attain long-term social and economic development, reintegration programme design and activities, must holistically incorporate critical economic actors.

The Dead, the War, and Ethnic Identity: Ghost Narratives in Post-War Srebrenica

Based on field research, this article studies the role of ghost narratives about the dead killed in the genocide of the Bosniak people in Srebrenica. It focuses on three clusters of belief narratives spread among the Bosniaks: narratives about ghosts of the unburied dead; narratives about the dead buried in the cemetery for the victims of the massacre; and narratives about a murdered imam appearing at the site of a demolished mosque, calling the faithful to prayer. The article argues that these stories are the effects of the persistent denial of the genocide by the Serbian population and of a strong sense among Bosniaks that justice has not yet been properly restored nor the perpetrators adequately punished. Ghost narratives play a significant role in the war discourse: through them, the Bosniak inhabitants of the Srebrenica region, lacking social and political power in the Serb-dominated territory, are able to articulate and maintain their memory of the massacre, reclaim the space, acquire some sense of control over the situation, and thus, ultimately, acquire some empowerment. Moreover, ghost legends occasionally prove vehicles for the transmission of ideological messages in the post-war identity processes of the Bosniak ethnic community in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Forgotten Lives: Connecting Gender, Security, and Everyday Livelihoods in Ukraine's Conflict

Recent debates within Women, Peace and Security (WPS) scholarship (e.g., Bergeron, Cohn, and Duncanson 2017; Elias 2015; True 2015) have underlined the need to position the WPS agenda in the context of broader feminist security analysis as defined by early feminist international relations scholars (e.g., Tickner 1992). More precisely, this requires integrating feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist political economy (FPE). At the center of these largely theoretical reflections is a concern that gender-responsive peace-building efforts have too often been undermined by postwar neoliberal economic processes. This essay provides an empirical contribution to this debate, taking the case study of Ukraine as an atypical example of how WPS has been adopted and implemented for the first time during an active conflict. The integration of FPE and FSS proves especially relevant for a country in conflict, where economic austerity policies come along with increased military expenditure. The essay illustrates that the bridging of security and economy is entirely absent in Ukraine's WPS agenda, which has largely prioritized military security while failing to connect it to the austerity policies and the gendered structural inequalities deepened by the ongoing conflict.

Drawing on the continuum: a war and post-war political economy of gender-based violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina

ABSTRACT Current understandings of why and how gender-based violence continues beyond the end of conflict remain siloed along theoretical and disciplinary lines. Recent scholarship has addressed the neglected structural dimension when examining the incidence and variation of post-conflict gender-based violence. In particular, continuum of violence and feminist political economy perspectives have offered accounts of gender-based violence during and after conflict. However, these approaches overlook how war and post-war economic processes interact over time and co-constitute the material basis for the continuation of gender-based violence. The war and post-war political economy perspective that we leverage examines critically the distinction, both in theory and practice, between global and local dynamics, and between formal and informal actors in post-conflict societies. Exposing these neglected structural and historical interconnections with evidence from post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina, we demonstrate that the material basis of gender-based violence is a cumulative result of political and socio-economic dynamics along the war-to-peace trajectory. Our findings point to the need to be attentive to the enduring material consequences of interests and incentives formed through war, and to the impact of post-war global governance ideologies that transform local conditions conducive to gender-based violence.

Rebels in Northern Uganda after their return to civilian life: between a strong we-image and experiences of isolation and discrimination

This article is based on biographical interviews and field research carried out in two adjacent regions of northern Uganda on local peace and post-war processes. It focuses on the situation of former rebel fighters following their return to civilian life. In the case of Acholiland, these are primarily former “child soldiers” of the so-called Lord’s Resistance Army who were recruited by violent abduction; in West Nile they are primarily men who more or less voluntarily joined local rebel groups as adults. The following questions were investigated: How do rebels who have returned from the “bush” speak about their past and their present? What discourses do they confront within the groupings, or we-groups, to which they are regarded as belonging and whose collective knowledge they refer to? What is the nature of their present situation and how can it be socio- and psychogenetically explained and interpreted?

The ‘Jewish cardinal’? Aron Jean-Marie Lustiger (1926–2007)

Cardinal Aron Jean-Marie Lustiger died at the age of 80 in 2007. Archbishop of Paris from 1981 to 2005, he was a towering and controversial public figure, both within the Catholic church and in European society more broadly. Since his death, he has remained a subject of intense interest. This essay will analyse two films about him – the 2012 documentary Aron Jean-Marie Lustiger (Jean-Yves Fischbach) and the 2013 fiction film Le Métis de Dieu (Ilan Duran Cohen) – as prisms through which the thought, policies and achievements of Lustiger can be examined and assessed. Primarily a charismatic man of faith, Lustiger was also widely engaged with the history of his times. It will be argued that his personal trajectory, frequently through his own direct agency, offers insight into several crucial layers of the cultural and political history of France, including the Occupation years; the Jewish question; the post-war recovery and decolonisation processes; Franco-German reconciliation; the restructuring of the universities; the chaotic socio-political movements around 1968; the development of the European Union; and the complex transformations of church life since the Second Vatican Council with the concomitant shifts in the relations between church and state.

Shifting the Lens

Using Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Latino Critical Theory (LatCrit) as an analytical framework, this article examines school desegregation in Denver, CO, to trace the history of racial formation in the post-World War II United States. As the first case to address de facto segregation in the North, Keyes, et al. v. School District No. 1, et al. is an important moment for understanding postwar racial processes. The case demonstrates both that race is a fluid category and that Mexican Americans are more central to the history of school desegregation than many scholars have acknowledged. Keyes provides an excellent case study into the dynamics of race making because the outcome of the Supreme Court’s decision ultimately hinged on whether Mexican American students were White or non-White. By shifting the lens to racial formation, I suggest that historians have critical insights to gain from including CRT and LatCrit in our methodologies.

조어대(센카쿠열도)의 영유권 분쟁과 당사국간 법리에 관한 연구

The dispute between China and Japan regarding Diaoyutai is believed to be quite similar to the controversy surrounding Dokdo in terms of historical and post-war processes except for the point that the phenomena of occupation is different with regard to Dokdo. China's claim to Diaoyutai is based on historical title and continuous use while the basis of Japan's claim is summarized as preoccupancy of ownerless land. Even though Japan acknowledges that China discovered Diaoyutai, Japan claims that the act to establish sovereignty over the island from the standpoint of International Law was not taken by China. However, at that time, effective occupation was not an essential prerequisite for the acquisition of a territory. That is to say, from a legal perspective, the legal right for an area could be established based on the discovery of the land, and so it is thought that Japan is applying the current criteria of International Law in a manner that is inappropriate. When we review the post-war process, the San Francisco Peace Treaty does not directly mention Diaoyutai. But based on the said treaty, we can note that Japan gave up all rights for the southern area that is north of the boundary line that equates to latitude 29 o and that includes the Ryuku Islands and Diaoyutai. Of course, the provisions for the territory in the San Francisco Peace Treaty and its disposal are not the final factor for the judgment regarding dominium of Diaoyutai. However, it seems clear that Japan's attitude and interpretation regarding the issues of Diaoyutai, the Kuril Islands and Dokdo is problematic.

HIV/AIDS Dimensions of Disarmament, Demobilization (DDR) and Security Sector Reform (SSR) Processes in Post-Conflict Reconstruction

Countries emerging from conflict situations face enormous social, economic, security and political challenges. Contemporary conflicts tend to lead to state and societal collapse, and are characterized by sexual violence and the destruction of fragile economies. Ensuring a safe and secure post-conflict environment for the pursuit of normal life is integral to post-war reconstruction and development processes, and post-conflict environments offer entry points for addressing both the origins and the effects of wars. Accordingly, this article argues that disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR), and security sector reform (SSR), provide important opportunities for incorporating HIV/AIDS issues into broader national security frameworks. Further, the article argues that securitizing HIV/AIDS can ensure that responses to the epidemic are prioritized, but also that the treatment of security personnel should not be privileged over treatment of those who are infected in the larger population.

In the Shadow of the Algerian War: The United States and the Common Organisation of Saharan Regions (OCRS), 1957–62

The traumatic decolonisation of Algeria has tended to overshadow more peaceful transfers of power elsewhere in the French African Empire. This is particularly so in the case of the Sahara, where local populations accommodated themselves exceptionally well to colonial rule after the First World War. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the political stability of the region, combined with its newly discovered energetic resources and strategic value as a nuclear testing site, led the French to reflect upon ways of preparing for the Sahara a future separate from the rest of Algeria, the fate of which was increasingly clear as de Gaulle had no choice but to gear his policy towards self-determination. The Common Organisation of Saharan Regions (OCRS) intended to merge all French territories in the Sahara, in an attempt to guarantee prolonged French control over the region while justifying it on the grounds that oil revenue was to finance the development of the areas where extraction took place. The widely publicised developmental concerns of the initiative were at odds with its neo-colonial undertones, and it could not have escaped the attention of the two successive US administrations that had to deal with the controversial question of their position vis-à-vis a NATO ally embattled in what seemed a lost colonial cause. The role of the US in post-war decolonisation processes has been given more prominence in recent historiography, but it had never been studied in the case of the Sahara, in spite of repeated French fears of American interest in Saharan oil resources at the time of the Algerian war. Based on State Department archives, this paper throws lights upon an often-forgotten aspect of Franco-American relations in the context of the decolonisation of European empires.

War and Postwar Transformation of Urban Areas: The 1948 War and the Incorporation of Jaffa into Tel Aviv

War is a distinctive form of human-made catastrophe whose impact in many cases reaches far beyond the actual places of its occurrence. While regarded a catastrophe in areas exposed to acts of belligerency, in the rear war might generate a process of major development, resulting in a conclusive spatial transformation process. In both front and rear areas, the outcomes of wartime drastic processes are mostly short lived, gradually eradicated through the dynamics of postwar restoration and development. Drastic wartime events may turn cities into areas of devastation, depopulation, and misery but may also generate rapid development and change. In war-stricken areas of the stormy twentieth century, such as Europe, East Asia, and the Middle East, the formation of urban spaces and the shaping of urban landscapes were consequent to interplay between drastic and dynamic processes. Wartime emergencies frequently resulted in a rapid and wide-ranging though ephemeral process of spatial change. Postwar years were times of opportunity for restoration and reshaping. The impact of drastic and dynamic wartime and postwar processes on urban areas is depicted in the case of Tel Aviv—Jaffa during and following the 1948 war.

Shared Fantasies and Elite Politics: The Sri Lankan ‘Insurrection’ of 1971

The conventional view that the 1971 Sri Lankan insurrection was a highly organized and centrally directed attempt by a Marxist conspiratorial party (Janata Vimukti Peramuna) to seize State power is both partial and incomplete. Partial, because it incorporates the urban bias inherent in Political Science and thus ignores significant aspects of the insurrection, such as the purely rural locus of the fighting. Incomplete, because it requires ad hoc explanations to account for the supposed success of the JVP in attracting rural supporters. An alternative interpretation, based on fieldwork at the time, is that the insurrection was the product of post-war processes of rural class formation.

Hegemony, Modernisation and Post-war Reconstruction*

This paper seeks to understand some of the fundamental continuities between post-Second World War US-led reconstruction and the current (and thus far largely failed) attempt to effect a reconstruction process in Iraq. It argues that behind the rhetoric of benign rehabilitation lies the realpolitik of hegemonic interest. It finds that atheoretical and ahistorical analyses predominate in the study and execution of the post-war reconstruction industry. Focusing on technocratic “how to” solutions rather than “why” has produced anodyne conclusions, typified by uncritical pragmatism and bland admonition. This article argues that the hegemon uses post-war reconstruction processes as an opportunity to preserve and extend an international order friendly to its principles, its security and its prosperity. * In preparing this paper, the author benefited greatly from the comments and suggestions of Dr Roger Mac Ginty, Dr Oliver Richmond and Dr Robert Jacoby.

Peacemaking and Democratic Peace Theory: Public Opinion as an Obstacle to Peace in Post-Conflict Situations

Democratic Peace Theory rests on several assumptions. Structural variants assume that, in all states, the public is more peaceful than its leaders and that, in democratic states, institutional checks and balances restrain bellicose leaders. Normative variants assume that democratic peoples and their leaders share norms encouraging the peaceful resolution of disputes with other democracies and respect for the wishes of other free peoples. These assumptions are challenged, however, by the experience of post-conflict peacemaking by democratic states. When negotiating peace, public opinion tends to be more bellicose than its leaders, even when the former enemy has become either democratic or quasi-democratic. This paper examines the post-war peace processes between France and the Federal Republic of Germany from 1949–1954 and between Israel and the Palestinian Authority since 1992. It argues that the logic of democratic peace theory might apply to states with no past history of war, but not to states which have recently been to war.

City Fragments and Displaced Plans in War Torn Mozambique

This article explores why a massive effort to promote peace, democratic governance, economic recovery, and poverty-reduction in Mozambique produced social, economic and spatial fragmentation in urban areas. Drawing on the experience of several Mozambican cities in the immediate post-war period, the article shows how international peace-building, economic transition, and decentralised governance had unintended consequences that fragmented and fractured urban areas. Interdictory spaces, distorted housing markets and widespread corruption are among the features of the urban landscape fostered by these post-war transitional processes. In contrast to the profound effects of wider forces on urban spatial, social and political relations, efforts to plan the cities have been strikingly ineffective. Possible causes for this failure are discussed and include the high levels of donor dependence, internal political struggles over the role of planning, the limited levels of political enfranchisement, and the conceptual basis of contemporary planning. The article concludes with discussion of the challenges to planning for urban settlements that better meet the needs of the Mozambican people.