post-Suharto Era Research Articles

REVISITING PRIBUMI – NONPRIBUMI DISCOURSES IN THE POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA

This study explores the ideological shifts surrounding the terms pribumi (native Indonesian) and nonpribumi (non-indigenous people) in the post-Suharto era (1998-2020). The data source are 173 news articles from the Indonesian press containing the term ‘pribumi.’ By employing Van Dijk’s ‘Ideological Square’ Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) the study portrays groups in terms of dominance, inequality, difference, and victimization to understand power dynamics and ideological constructions in the language. The findings reveal that pribumi are portrayed positively as rooted in ethnic origin, cultural heritage, and mainly Muslim identity in recent periods, but also as economically disadvantaged landowners. Conversely, nonpribumi are depicted negatively as foreign, racially distinct, and economically dominant. Negative representations of pribumi as oppressors and politically dominant are de-emphasized, while positive portrayals of nonpribumi as passive victims are mitigated. The study suggests that evolving nuances stem from democratic transitions and heightened identity politics tensions. Economic perceptions linked to these terms persist across periods. These insights might help scholars and policymakers understand mobilization patterns and potential identity-related conflicts, prompting further research into using dichotomous terms within specific social and cultural contexts.

Advancing Multicultural Education in Indonesia: Insights from Amin Abdullah’s Perspective

This article examines multicultural education through the lens of Amin Abdullah, a notable Indonesian Muslim scholar. Using a descriptive-qualitative approach, it reviews his works to elucidate his perspective. Abdullah’s ideas address Indonesia’s diverse social and cultural landscape, emphasizing intercultural understanding and tolerance, particularly in the post-Suharto era, marked by the resurgence of ethnic and religious identities. The article defines multicultural education and its goals, explores the influence of organizations like Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama on Abdullah’s thought, and discusses the implications for Indonesian education. It advocates for inclusive curricula, tolerance promotion, teacher training, and multicultural materials, while addressing challenges such as resistance from conservative groups. Integrating perspectives from other scholars, it offers a comparative analysis within the broader discourse on multicultural education, enhancing understanding of integrating cultural and religious diversity into Indonesian education, while noting potential limitations and practical application difficulties

The New Visibility of the Salafi Da’wah in the “Digital Space”: Fundamentalism and Political Identity in the Post Suharto

This paper investigates the new visibility of Salafist da’wah on the new media. The media such as cassette, bulletin, television and the digital made religious material and the agents be more visible in the secularized world. The basic inquiries is how the Salafi agent reforms their visibility in the post Suharto era and how it deals with their Islamism agenda in the media. Alongside that visibility has also revised the secular thesis on the privatization of religion it also marks the resurgence of religion globally. Through analysing the Islamic post in the social media content in Instagram and using a qualitative research (content analysis), this paper sees about the new visibility and rise of fundamentalism and the Salafi preaching in the digital space. This paper also finds that fundamentalism is a radical response to secularism, and modernization which originated from the colonial period. However, currently the fundamentalism is not in antagonistic relation with democratization, they embrace it as a medium to spread their idea widely and to shape their political identity. Indeed, in the “digital space” where any people could voice their ideas and accept limitless information, Salafi’s preachers also modify their preaching to be more casual look, friendly, attractive and inspirational yet the idea is still conservative. Such modification was taken to grabs more audience and to be more visible in the digital space. This research implies that Salafi da’wah was reforming its visibility, especially in the post Suharto era where Islam, politic and technology were intermingled relation.

The irony of Indonesia's democracy: The rise of dynastic politics in the post-Suharto era

This essay aims to study why politicians engage in dynastic politics within democratic institutions and how they reject institutional changes that may limit their ability to pass on political power to family members. While scholars have emphasized institutions as an enabling factor, it is unclear how the power struggle manifested to preserve the institutions that continually suit the interests of aspiring dynasts amidst the democracy shift and pressure. This study seeks to fill the gap by delving into how political players struggle to preserve the structures that allow them to form political dynasties. This study also presents an original empirical conclusion demonstrating that Indonesian political dynasties more than tripled between 2010 and 2018, or in only one election cycle. This study contends that the primary cause of the rapid growth of political dynasties in Indonesia is inextricably related to the gradual institutional changes following Indonesia's democratic transition in 1998. In the process, the parasitic symbionts—i.e. the aspiring dynasts—were able to make institutional drifts.

Analysis of the Changes and Reasons for the ethnic Chinese Policy of Indonesian Government in the post-Suharto era

After the May 1998 "May riots", Suharto stepped down from power and Habibie was sworn in as president, marking the beginning of the post-Suharto era in Indonesia. During the successive presidencies of Habibie, Wahid, Megawati, Susilo, and Joko Widodo, they each adjusted policies towards the Chinese Indonesians, respecting Chinese customs and safeguarding their political and cultural rights, resulting in an improvement of their status. The Indonesian government's policy adjustments towards the Chinese Indonesians went through a gradual and multi-faceted reform process, reflecting progressive values. Internationally, peace and development, democracy and progress became the trend of the times and Indonesia-China relations rapidly developed. Domestically, the rise of the democratic reform movement, the urgent demand to revitalize the economy, the advocacy of the Chinese Indonesians, and the personal traits of leaders all became significant driving forces behind the adjustment of ethnic Chinese policies.

The Collapse of the New Orde Regime Resulted in Changes in Indonesia's Economic Policy

The reform era or the post-Suharto era in Indonesia began in 1998, to be precise when President Soeharto resigned on May 21 1998 and was replaced by the then vice president, BJ Habibie . This period was founded bya more open socio-political environment. Issues during this period included the push for democracy and a stronger civilian government, elements of the military trying to maintain influence, growing Islamism in politics and society in general, and demands for greater regional autonomy . The reform process resulted in a higher degree of freedom of speech , in contrast to the widespread censorship during the New Order . As a result, political debate has become more open in the mass media and artistic expression has increased. Events that have shaped Indonesia in this period include a series of terrorist incidents (including the 2002 Bali bombings ) and the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami . Using the knife of deconstruction of critical legal theory and socio-legal methodology with statutory, historical, conceptual and legal political economy approaches, three questions are raised, firstly the role of law in the market reform agenda which underlies the idea of limiting the role of the state in the economy; second, how is the role of the state in the economy being debated in the MPR and; third, what are the implications of the market reform agenda for the results of changes to the economic constitution.

Rising Islamic Conservatism in Indonesia Islamic Groups and Identity Politics

Edited by Leonard C. Sebastian, Syafiq Hasyim and Alexander R. ArifiantoIndonesia entered the new order Era in the mid-1998 or post-Suharto era, which served as a significant transitional period that gave rise to a range of ideas, identities, and interests to the surface (Hefner 2005; Hasan 2006, 13; Hilmy 2010). One of them is the emergence of Islamic conservatism movements (Hilmy 2010). Consequently, the new and various transnational Islamic movements that emerged in that era have colored the landscape of Indonesian Islam. The term conservative itself refers to currents that reject progressive interpretations of Islamic teachings (van Bruinessen 2013). The separation of modernist and conservative groups cannot be separated from the current political tendencies in Indonesia, particularly in the quest for power. Political polarization using religion to mobilize the masses has been an inseparable thing in Indonesia (Warburton, n.d.). The post-Suharto era became one of the decisive elements since it did not accommodate the conservative spectrum of Islam (Mietzner and Muhtadi 2018).

Searching legal format: Reshaping the role of state and religion in Indonesia post-Suharto

This study showed the nexus between state and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), being the mainstream Islamic group addressing political ideology beyond Pancasila. The transnational influence views religion as an ideology, not faith, resulting in the different nation’s elites response. Furthermore, the government failed to formalise the relationship by endorsing NU to take concrete measures in the area. This study demonstrated how Indonesian religious organisations could maintain stability. The post-Suharto era evinced the special relationship between the state and the largest Muslim organisation, helping the government to defuse militant doctrines. Furthermore, this study defied the secularisation theories to set aside the religion’s role in adapting national democracy or social development. The findings indicated that the compromising politicking religion could strengthen the national identity and ideology shield of external infiltration doctrine.Contribution: This article examines the problem of contemporary nationalism post-Suharto and the variety of potential disintegration. Indeed, the appearance of nationalist-based religious groups such as NU strengthens the nation’s integrity by building awareness of binding religion and nationalism.

Reinterpreting the first pillar of the nation: (Dis)continuities of Islamic discourses about the state ideology in Indonesia

ABSTRACT The article analyses discourses of Islamic actors in Indonesia about the state ideology Pancasila (lit. Five Pillars). It discerns three discursive positions that exist in Indonesia since its independence, namely full acceptance of Pancasila as the state ideology, complementing Pancasila with Islamic law, and outright rejection of Pancasila and its replacement by (political interpretations of) Islam. Having a particular focus on the post-Suharto era (since 1998), the article compares more recent discourses with the ones from earlier phases in Indonesia’s post-colonial history indicating discursive (dis)continuities. It is particularly concerned with reinterpretations of the first pillar of the Pancasila, that is the belief in the One and Only God, that is today used by conservative and Islamist figures to call for the implementation of Islamic law. The article argues that this indicates a major shift in discursive positions, as the rejection of Pancasila and its complementation with Islamic law have become increasingly illegitimate views. Under present political conditions in Indonesia, the article concludes, the only position that is left for the Islamist camp is to accept Pancasila as it is and to combine it with a reinterpretation of the first pillar as guarantor for the implementation of Islamic law.

Customary Rights and Freshwater Ecology in Pluralistic Societies on the Monsoonal Island of Sumba (Eastern Indonesia)

This article evaluates the ways water is made and unmade on Sumba Island when subjected to tensions between Indigenous and off-island political ecologies. Located in the eastern Indian Ocean, Sumba has a semi-arid, monsoonal climate with an uplifted coral reef geological structure where a spatially and temporally dynamic hydrological system shapes people’s access to freshwater. Customary adat societies on the island have histories of struggling to maintain the integrity of their own political ecologies, further increasing the precarity of their access to freshwater. The topic of the research reported on in this paper was determined through collaboration with members of the Kodi community in western Sumba who urged the author to study the problem of water. This article highlights ongoing threats to the further degradation of local societies’ rights to control their customary territories and freshwater within them by summarizing the phenomena of water grabbing in Indonesia. Zooming in on three projects that manifest as water grabs, this article finds, respectively, that water grabbing occurs under the guise of forest protection and production, behind the veil of philanthropy, and for economic development with military backing. In all three cases, water grabs take place in the context of a decentralizing nation-state where the ways adat is understood and the ways laws regarding it have been interpreted and enacted have changed through time and have varied between communities, partly in relation to the societies’ proximity to centers of colonial and postcolonial power as well as the development of activities in their territories. On Sumba the content of adat and relationships among distinct adat societies evolves on a bioculturally diverse island that is home to numerous Indigenous ethnolinguistic communities. Consequently, people’s responses to interventions into their political ecologies vary. More broadly, the context for this study is the intersections of water grabbing and social change during the Reformasi, the post-Suharto era of decentralization in Indonesia.

Keberadaan Dewan Pengawas Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi Pasca Revisi UU KPK

ABSTRACT: Post-Suharto era has encouraged Indonesia to give birth to various new institutions, including the existence of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). Over time, various elements that support the improvement of the performance of the KPK are formed through new norms contained in laws and regulations, including the existence of the KPK Supervisory Board (Dewas KPK). This study aims to examine and analyze the duties, authorities, and urgency of the KPK Council; while at the same time examining the potential of the KPK Council as an 'inhibitory' factor in eradicating corruption. This legal research uses a conceptual approach and legislation based on primary legal materials and secondary legal materials. The results of the study stated that although the existence of the KPK Council has the same duties as the judiciary, it actually encounters problems; because, the existing provisions give rise to inconsistencies regarding the position of the KPK Council. On the other hand, the urgency of the establishment of the KPK Council is one of the efforts to strengthen the supervision aspect of the KPK's performance in order to be able to avoid various risks of abuse of power. Furthermore, there are three factors that have the potential to become "inhibitory" factors in eradicating corruption after the existence of the KPK Council, including the obligation to wait for permits regarding the conduct of wiretapping, searches and confiscations; there is potential vulnerability to political intervention; the potential for slack in the performance of the KPK itself.
 KEYWORDS: Corruption Eradication Commission, Supervisory Board, Law Number 19 of 2019.

Art, land reclamation and green governmentality in Indonesia: Teja Astawa'sDewa Murkaand Tita Salina's1001st Island — The Most Sustainable Island in Archipelago

The artworks1001st Island — The Most Sustainable Island in Archipelago(2015–16) by Tita Salina andDewa Murka(2016) by Teja Astawa are compared as a means to provide insight into ways artists have been interrogating recent urban discourse in Indonesian contemporary art. This article engages with the critical vocabulary proposed by urban historian Abidin Kusno, which analyses green discourse in the changing Indonesian urban landscapes of the post-Suharto era, and explores how these two artworks reflect Kusno's analysis. Salina's multi-media installation and Astawa's painting address two land reclamation projects in areas that have faced rapid urbanisation: Jakarta and Bali. The artworks evoke questions about tradition, spirituality, environmental sustainability and socioeconomic inequality. The artworks are formally and contextually analysed before being compared and evaluated in relation to Indonesian urban history and discourse. Both artists reflect Kusno's critical analysis of green discourse in Indonesia. Salina's work shares parallels with the tools applied by the government in Jakarta, as her artistic practice similarly requires communities to participate in its creation. Meanwhile, Astawa's work mostly reflects the narrative of green discourse. This conclusion invites further investigation into the Java-centrism of urban discourse and the varying ways in which green discourse may be taking place across the Indonesian archipelago.

Does Democratisation Promote Competition? Evidence from Indonesia*

Abstract Does democratisation promote economic competition? This paper documents that the disruption of political connections associated with Suharto's fall had a modest pro-competitive effect on Indonesian manufacturing industries. Firms with connections to Suharto lost substantial market share following his resignation. Industries in which Suharto family firms had larger market share during his tenure exhibited weak improvements in broader measures of competition in the post-Suharto era relative to industries in which Suharto firms had not been important players.

Exploring the Reality and Aspirations of Muslims

Islam in Indonesia has played an important role in socio-political development in its recorded history. However, it is also true that there have been various theological and political debates and disagreements in the umat. The implementation of syari’at Islam is one of the major subjects of such discussions. The emergence of liberal movement in the post-Suharto era also brought about the difference of opinion among Muslims. In other words, the umat has never been united as a single entity in Indonesia. This “divided” umat faces several challenges in the present day in Indonesia. That includes terrorism committed by militant Muslims. In addition to the effort to prevent terrorism, it is equally important to de-radicalise perpetrators of such violent and barbaric acts. Despite some discrepancy in the umat, we see several attempts and cooperation of Muslims to make former terrorists reintegrated in the society. This paper shows how the re-radicalisation programme for former terrorist executed. The author also intends to examine the socio-political development of the umat in modern Indonesia with regard to subjects of syari’at Islam and liberal movement. Based on these examinations, sociological analysis on religion is also presented in the paper.

Local Elections and Local Politics in Indonesia: Emerging Trends

This article analyses local elections held in the post-Suharto era in Indonesia with a special reference to pilkada (pemilihan kepala daerah langsung [direct elections of local leaders]) between 2005 and 2008. Using the state-society perspective, it argues that local elections have seen the rise of new political dynamics and rapid growth of electoral activity in regions. Pilkada has brought about the emergence of coalitional politics, political ideologies or streams (aliran), the rise of ‘little kings’ (raja kecil), an increasing number of businesspeople entering local politics, the use of gangsters/goons (preman) in local elections, a boom in political consultancy, and the increase of the novote camp. There are grounds for optimism regxarding the intensity of the interaction between the local state and society in the regions. The people in the regions have now had the opportunities to vote for their leaders directly, something which was impossible in the past. There is no doubt that the electoral competition for candidates is going to be very important because the availability of good potential local leaders varies between the regions. Political parties themselves have to improve their performance and build a proper recruitment process so that they can find good candidates who can attract voters.

The History of Urbanization in Java Island: Path to Contemporary Urbanization

The paper presents the historical analysis of the spatial transformation and emerging urban reality in Java Island. The historical approach used to understand the urbanization dynamics from the year 1200 until the present time. The study passes through important historical events: early Archipelago, precolonial, colonial state, late colonialization, Japanese occupation, Indonesia’s independence, Indonesia’s democratic experiment, guided democracy, new order, fall of the new order, and post-Suharto era, in which the history of urbanization pattern is also visualized on the map. From a long time frames the colonial state, new order, and the post-1997 financial crisis are the most important influence for Java’s urbanization. From the study, it reveals that the urbanization in Java Island has undergone a series of events that made the urban population contracted or expanded; hence its centers moved to different places. The study also underlines the influence of colonial and economic crises which made Java, and particularly Jakarta, to emerge as the epicenter of urbanization in Indonesia, as Jakarta’s urban development was further enhanced after Indonesia’s independence.

Fostering Religious Education for Transformation in Indonesia: Dialogue with Transformative Learning Theory

This essay attempts to construct a model of religious education for transformation that effectively addresses the growth of everyday religious conflict in Indonesias post-Suharto era. Using the lens of transformative learning theory, this essay emphasizes that the task of religious education should not merely serve as an intra-ecclesial agency of church or religious maintenance but must retrieve its task to reconstruct and to transform social situations. Such a vision emphasizes the task of religious educators to inform and form people to bring them into the fullness of life for themselves and others to transform the world. This essay draws insights from two scholars in transformative learning theory Jack Mezirow and Paulo Freire who point out two foundations for transformation: (1) critical reflection, and (2) dialogue. These two visions can inspire religious educators to introduce critical reflection in their curriculum and to develop interreligious education that nurtures dialogue and collaboration. By focusing on developing critical reflection and interreligious education, religious education can offer transformation in Indonesian society plagued by ongoing conflict.

Harmony Is Beautiful: A Reappraisal of the Aestheticisation of Politics in ‘Beautiful Indonesia’ Miniature Park

In this paper I reflect on the general nation-building project entailed in one of the most compelling and better-studied cases of political imagineering: Jakarta's ‘Beautiful Indonesia’ Miniature Park (Taman Mini ‘Indonesia Indah’). Conceived and driven by Indonesia's second president, Suharto, and his wife Ibu Tien in the early 1970s, this park was meant to visualise and construct the then-emerging Indonesian cultural and moral ethos in an ambiguous opposition to Soviet monumental Jakarta. By contrasting these two political spaces and exploring the vernacular concepts of beauty (keindahan) and harmony (kerukunan), I focus on the park's aesthetic dimensions and on the ways in which these dimensions articulate with the projection of a particular kind of moral nation. The account of my first visit to the park—and the country—as a graduate student and a participant of an Indonesian governmental programme of ‘cultural diplomacy’ provides first-hand material to set the stage for my analysis of the park in the post-Suharto era.

Development as a Threat to Indigenous Peoples’ Rights in Indonesia

This article examines the hypothesis that the developmental priorities of Indonesia in the post-Suharto era, in particular three legislative Acts that purport to protect indigenous peoples’ rights, in fact serve to undermine these rights. These Acts are: the Basic Agrarian Act, the Forestry Act, and the Plantation Act, and relate to land use for development purposes and also affect the autonomy of indigenous peoples. Despite being crucially important, these Acts have had detrimental effects on indigenous peoples’ lives. This article, using a qualitative socio-legal approach, analyses the historical and political contexts of the Acts to determine whether they enhance or undermine indigenous peoples’ rights, and how the government uses the Acts for suppression. This analysis identifies reasons for the weak regime, notably that the legislative Acts on land-related sectors are used as a political tool to suppress local communities, while allowing the government’s land market businesses to exploit natural resources.

Social Capital and Civic Engagement in Times Of Tension: An Evidence from Interethnic Relation Developed in Stella Maris Credit Union Pontianak, West Kalimantan

This paper begins by questioning the sustainability of civic engagement with the notion of ‘social capital’ as the key concept of Peace and Conflict Studies. The main question is: to what extent does socio-political tension affect forms of civic engagement? This paper examines interethnic relations (Dayak, Malay, Chinese, and Javanese) developed in the Stella Maris Credit Union (SMCU) in Pontianak, West Kalimantan, Indonesia under the context of ethnic tension. SMCU is a microfinance association where people with various backgrounds (religion, race, and ethnicity) interact in an economic community, sharing benefits and values. In the beginning, SMCU was initiated as an economic program of Stella Maris Catholic Church in North Pontianak. This church did not only serve the church members, but also for all ethnicities and religions through Pontianak. As a site drastically impacted by ethnic conflict in the post-Suharto era, Pontianak recently has been growing as a city of ethnic diversity. However, the recent rise of ethnic tension has contested this growing multiethnic coexistence. It is important to see the strength of civic engagement in responding to issues of conflict in a multiethnic society. This study explores SMCU members and their personal experiences, wondering whether the tension may or may not affect the forms of civic engagement. It argues civic engagement can sustain under the moment of socio-political tension. Developing economy and peace education are the main reasons for interethnic relations among SMCU members. Moreover, although there are treats for the plural society, experiencing diversity in the form of associational and neighborhood relations contributes to social coexistence. This study finds that forms of civic engagement among the members shape expressions and attitudes of resilience in facing social tension.