Post-conflict Northern Ireland Research Articles

The Violence of Peace: Post Good Friday Agreement Paramilitary Vigilantism in Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on post Belfast/Good Friday Agreement paramilitary violence in Northern Ireland, specifically the vigilantism of paramilitary style attacks (PSAs) carried out by the loyalist and republican paramilitaries. This localised form of violence, formerly referred to as punishment attacks, has been the most persistent form of paramilitary violence in a post-conflict Northern Ireland. This paper critically analyses the broad criminological literature on the emergence of vigilantism, including consideration of factors impacting police confidence. The findings are applied to Northern Irish PSAs from 1998 to 2023. The author analyses data relating to Freedom of Information (FOI) requests to the Police Service of Northern Ireland. The results of these FOIs indicate that loyalist and republican paramilitaries combined have been responsible for 3,260 PSAs from 1998 to February 2023. Paramilitary republicans have been responsible for 1,196 attacks and loyalists responsible for 2,064. The article considers the post-Agreement evolution of this violence in terms of victims, injuries, geographical location, and police response. The most recent data indicate a downturn in PSAs. However, there are still significant challenges faced in the development of broader trust for the criminal justice system, within certain areas of Northern Ireland.

'Abject and True Remorse': Loyalism and the Politics of Regret in Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT: This article examines the politics of apologies from loyalist armed groups. Using the CLMC 1994 ceasefire statement as a case study, it is based on original survey data; semi-structured interviews with ex-combatants, victims and others; and archival research. It also draws on the academic literature on apologies, transitional justice, political violence, historical institutionalism, literary criticism and the sociology of legitimacy and identity. It examines the broader role of apologies in post-conflict Northern Ireland before focusing on the political and historical context of the CLMC statement and its role as a palimpsest for subsequent loyalist engagement on legacy issues. It suggests that a close reading of the original statement and its afterlife reveals important apology-related themes concerning timing, presentation, leadership and truth recovery. Finally, the paper examines the vexed issues of collusion and criminality. It concludes that loyalists can exercise further agency and leadership through apologies before exiting the political stage.

Migrants, transcultural memory and World War I commemoration in post-conflict Northern Ireland

This article explores a community memory project on World War I led by first-generation migrants living in Northern Ireland. As a location recovering from 30 years of political violence, debates on commemoration are frequently reduced to the bi-partisan lens of Irish nationalism or British unionism. World War I is one episode often interpreted through this exclusivist framework. Recent immigration, however, raises questions as to how those who are neither nationalist nor unionist can partake in public memory debates. Drawing on the project’s experiences, I argue that incorporating migrants’ worldviews on the past can elucidate important transcultural analysis and positively aid in reframing simplistic ethno-national interpretations. Transcultural methods can illuminate cross-cultural themes and explicate differences and similarities across multiple groups rather than just two historically divided communities. Thus, transcultural approaches offer a novel means of generating holistic dialogue on memory which has transformative potential for a society transitioning from conflict to peace.

(Re)contextualizing the field. A Bourdieuian analysis of small rural school principal leadership in a post-conflict society

ABSTRACT As neo-liberal, economic and political fields increasingly contaminate the field of education, so a (re) contextualised understanding of the manifold and shifting social space small rural primary school principals occupy is of central importance to understanding practice. An understanding especially germane to a post-conflict divided and segregated society such as Northern Ireland. The paper draws on data from a mixed-method investigation including a survey of small rural school principals and case study research in five small rural primary schools. The findings are theoretically and conceptually informed by Bourdieu (1984) and his work on field, habitus and capital as a means to understand practice. The insight into principal practice that emerges is one that is, complex, fluid and uncertain; school leaders needing to negotiate diverse logics of practice as a response to the dominant fields in play at any given time. We contend that at one level, neo-liberal economistic imperatives and politicisation of education have led to a professional narrowing in principal leadership practice. While on another level, in a post-conflict Northern Ireland, we have arguably seen a professional widening, with principals afforded a leadership role potentially empowered to help balance cross-community religious tensions and facilitate peace and reconciliation.

Risk and refuge: Factors that facilitate and impede community supervision in post-conflict Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT Community sanctions often require the coordination of support between probation staff and a range of non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Despite these burgeoning partnerships, few studies have explored the experiences of such support in settings where community spaces and structures remain contested, where violence remains endemic; and where paramilitary influence endures. This explorative study captured the voices of justice involved young men to understand the barriers and facilitators of accessing support intended to reduce the latent criminogenic effects of living in a post-conflict society. This study found that young men experienced ecological stressors known to increase criminal coping. Exposure to paramilitary-related harms and a lack of trust in police as well as local NGOs had a tangible effect on support seeking. Further, adherence to traditional masculine norms exacerbated these issues. Practical implications are discussed.

Speaking Out on Sexualized Violence Through Artistic Storytelling in Post-conflict Northern Ireland.

Directly related to The Troubles, sexualized violence has been largely ignored, yet continues to affect significant numbers of individuals in Northern Ireland today. This article analyzes various women's stories concerning sexualized violence shared in testimonial theater projects in Northern Ireland. We argue that (a) artistic storytelling about sexualized violence in theater projects can be a tool to release individuals and the collective from the (normalized) silence surrounding these violent acts and (b) it is an epistemological transformative method of inquiry to address these acts with the aim of eliminating them.

Unreconciled accounts? Screen and performing arts in post-conflict Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT In any post-conflict society, the work of creating an effective framework for truth and reconciliation is fraught with challenges that those in power will often seek to manage and manipulate. In this article we explore the critical role of the arts within the discourse of political reconciliation in contemporary Northern Ireland. Taking contemporary theatre and screen culture as our case-studies, we assess the extent to which these modes of cultural production create alternative spaces for dialogue and reconciliation in a dysfunctional post-conflict democracy, where the responsibility of political institutions and elites is failing to adequately address the rights of victims and survivors.

EU PEACE funding: The policy implementation deficit

AbstractThis article explores the intersection of policy implementation, conflict/peacebuilding, and the role of the EU PEACE program in Northern Ireland (NI). Conflict societies see a great investment of external funds, attempting to promote conflict resolution. Specifically, this article analyses the fourth wave of such funding in NI to examine why the EU PEACE program has not fully brought about its intended policy outcomes. Using Matland's conflict‐ambiguity model of policy implementation, we identify how EU funds can be skewed to support local political interests. Simultaneously, the EU PEACE program continues to adhere to strict implementation criteria that makes little sense given the local context. Therefore, contrary to its objectives, the implementation of EU funding can compound rather than ameliorate divisions in postconflict NI. Instead of prescribing strict implementation criteria, EU policy could focus on improving the administrative capacity and discretion of local administration in devising locally relevant implementation strategies.

Overcoming the Troubles in Westeros: changing perceptions of post-conflict Northern Ireland through the diegetic heritage of Game of Thrones

ABSTRACT The fantasy series Game of Thrones (GoT) has become a phenomenon that reaches far beyond the television screens. Through extensive on-location filming, the series has linked its diegetic world of Westeros to countless heritage sites across several countries, most prominently Northern Ireland. Through narrative and special effects, GoT has overcoded these landscapes with their on-screen identities leading not only to a surge in tourists who want to travel to fictional locations such as ‘Winterfell’ and ‘King’s Landing’, but also affecting previously established global perceptions and local identities. Previously associated with the heritage of the Northern Ireland conflict, the so-called Troubles, GoT enabled a reimagining of this landscape through popular culture. A multi-sited visual ethnography on the impact of the series on the heritage landscapes of its filming locations reveals that popular culture can create a new heritage – even entirely fictional and one of blood and death itself – that can significantly contribute to overcoming national trauma and memory conflict. This sentiment was especially emphasized by people growing up and living in Northern Ireland, who saw their home’s reputation significantly improved and their new role as ‘Game of Thrones Territory’ as a unifying narrative in an inherently dissonant heritage context.

Embodied Histories of Gender and Generation in Post-Conflict Northern Ireland

‘Embodied Histories of Gender and Generation in Post-Conflict Northern Ireland’ by Dr Shonagh Hill examines a practice-as-research project that offered participants the opportunity to explore their experiences of gender and generation through a somatic movement workshop. Hill developed the workshop with Nicola Curry, the artistic director of Maiden Voyage Dance NI. Restrictive gender norms and violent conflict in Northern Ireland have cultivated a climate of repression that has impeded corporeal movement and expression in myriad ways. The practice-as-research was underpinned by the fundamental assertion of the value of embodied knowledge as a refusal of the silence and shame imposed on feminized bodies and as a means of engaging with the complexity of identity and lived experience. The workshop had two objectives: firstly, to examine the embodied experiences of different generations of ‘those who travel under the sign women’ (Ahmed 2017: 14), and, secondly, to address their relationship to feminism. The workshop’s attention to generational experience is set against a backdrop of sustained media focus on generational tensions articulated through a conflictual binary. Moreover, within the context of Northern Ireland, conflictual binaries serve to divert and stall progressive forces for change, and perpetuate ongoing crisis and collapse. The workshop findings highlight the need for intergenerational and intersectional models that might generate more complex ways of telling feminist histories of Northern Ireland, as well as a broader understanding of the invasive forces that shape embodied histories and of their legacy.

THE PAINS OF PARAMILITARISM: The Latent Criminogenic Effects of Exposure to Paramilitary Violence Among Young Men in a Post-Conflict Society

Purpose: Whilst most people who experience adversity recover, there is a cumulative body of evidence that illustrates that the effects can be long lasting, and can even become debilitating over time. Links have been made between traumatic distress, mental health disorders and disturbances in behavioural and emotional regulatory systems that may in context elevate the risk of offending. Despite the burgeoning evidence around the criminogenic effects of adversity, few studies have examined the traumatic effects of paramilitary related adversity in the context of post-conflict Northern Ireland. Methods: With reference to DSM-V PTSD diagnostic clusters, the aim of this study was to explore the latent impact of adversity and latent trauma among justice involved young men and identify potential criminogenic effects of exposure to paramilitary related adversity. Results and conclusions: This study found that across the sample, young men had self-reported to have experienced significant adversity, including violent victimisation. Exposure to paramilitary adversity often began during early adolescence. The participants described symptoms that were consistent with clinically diagnosable disorders such as Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. Despite this, there appears to be a paucity of trauma screening and assessment, and few supports that victim could benefit from. In the absence of appropriate and evidence-based supports, many young men appear to find other (and more maladaptive) ways to cope. This exacerbates the risk of interfacing with the justice system and may even contribute towards a deterioration in wider psycho-social outcomes. Implications for practice are discussed.

Northern Ireland 25 years after the Good Friday Agreement: an introduction to the special issue

ABSTRACT In this introduction, we set up a theme that runs through the special issue. There are, we suggest, two dominant readings of the Northern Irish peace process – one ‘liberal,’ the other ‘nationalist’ – that see the region in the process of becoming a multicultural (neo)liberal democracy, albeit in different constitutional settings. The teleogical nature of these perspectives means, however, that they fail to grasp what is perhaps the most essential characteristic of contemporary Northern Irish society, namely its liminality. If we are to understand the true nature of post-conflict Northern Ireland, it is imperative, we contest, to grasp its quintessential ‘inbetweenness.’

Partners in prevention: the role of health systems in the prevention of youth violence in post-conflict Northern Ireland

Interpersonal violence is a wicked and complex issue with youth disproportionately affected. Its effects are multifaceted, placing an additional burden across systems. Despite this, there continues to be an exclusive focus on police recorded crime data in the context of post-conflict Northern Ireland. Given the enduring issue around police legitimacy, it is likely that police-related crime data are limited in its capacity to estimate incidences and trends of youth violence. Leveraging insights from other sources of data can add significant value in the prevention of youth violence. For example, there is significant utility in the use of health-related data in the prevention of higher-harm violence; however, in the context of Northern Ireland this has been under-evaluated. This retrospective cohort study sought to illustrate what could be gleaned using a novel approach to Emergency Department (ED) data. Routinely collected data captured from youth aged 12–25 attending an ED trauma centre for violence-related injuries between August 2020 and August 2021 were collated, coded and analysed. We found that young men were most likely to present to ED with violence-related injuries; incidences were temporally clustered across several months of the year (i.e. Summer); and younger aged youth were at greater risk of violence-related injuries during the afternoon and early evening. These findings illustrate the utility of health data for violence prevention and the potential for integrating administrative datasets in the design of prevention policy. Limitations and implications for practice are discussed.

Propagandistic Atavism in Post-conflict Northern Ireland: On Riots As Discursive Events

In Northern Ireland (NI), riots are frequently employed by communities as a means of voicing political discontent. In the post-conflict era particularly, NI has witnessed a growing pattern of (reactionary) riots enacted by marginalised communities who feel increasingly disenfranchised. Yet, this communicative capacity of riots remains largely unsung in the literature on political communication in NI. Significantly, such marginalised groups remain side-lined in NI’s public sphere in order to stabilise power-sharing arrangements. Historically, through state-censorship imposed during NI’s political conflict, “the Troubles”, such peripheral status impelled marginalised movements to utilise alternative media practices (e.g., political muralism) to draw attention to their agendas (Rolston, 1991, 2003; Hoey, 2018). In the post-conflict era, however, these marginalised actors are increasingly instrumentalising riots as publicly performed spectacles to publicise their political grievances. The loyalist riots of spring 2021 stand out as one such case study, wherein a marginalised community utilised a riot as a mediatised public platform to disseminate messages to external audiences that, up until then, had been inattentive to the concerns of loyalism. In lieu of the above, the following article’s objectives are two-fold: firstly, we expound a conceptual understanding of riots as “discursive events” before presenting an analytical instrument capable of analysing riots in this light. Secondly, relying on primary data, we apply this framework in an analysis of a case study of the 2021 loyalist riots in NI. Beyond demonstrating the expediency of discursive approaches in the analysis of riots, the findings of our case study illuminate the strategic, propagandistic and instrumental dimensions of the 2021 loyalist riots which research has so far neglected.

Shared education as a contact-based intervention to improve intergroup relations among adolescents in postconflict Northern Ireland.

Past research has shown that intergroup contact can be a promising intervention to improve intergroup relations and that contact-based interventions might be most effective during adolescence. In postconflict Northern Ireland, widespread residential segregation and a largely separate school system limit opportunities for intergroup contact between adolescents from the Catholic and Protestant communities. We evaluated whether a large-scale intervention to facilitate intergroup contact between students attending separate schools (the 'Shared Education' program) improves a range of outcomes relevant for intergroup relations in Northern Ireland. We conducted a 5-wave longitudinal, quasi-experimental study that followed a large sample of school students (N = 5,159, Mage = 12.4, age range: 10-14 years; 2,988 girls, 2,044 boys) from 56 predominantly Catholic or Protestant schools from sixth to tenth grade. We compared the developmental trajectories of students who, in 9th (14-15 years) and 10th (15-16 years) grade, shared some classes with students from the other community, as part of the program, to students who did not. We found that participating in shared classes had a medium-size, positive effect on the amount of intergroup contact students had outside of class, and small, positive effects on students' outgroup attitudes, outgroup trust, and intergroup empathy (but not on their intergroup anxiety, future contact intentions, deprovincialization, or multicultural beliefs). Our findings show that a school-based program of shared education can provide a viable and effective intervention to facilitate intergroup contact, improve intergroup relations, and foster social integration among adolescents at a large scale in a postconflict society. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Punition, blâme et stigmate dans une Irlande du Nord post-conflit : l’expérience d’anciens prisonniers politique

This paper examines the relationship between the politics of blame in post-conflict Northern Ireland and the treatment of politically motivated former prisoners. Using the examples of direct and indirect discrimination in the areas of employment and access to mental health services, the paper considers how the discursive operation of blaming produces evasions and attributions of guilt. It argues that such blaming practices have very real material consequences for the allocation or withholding of goods and burdens in the community. The paper notes also that the "cause of victims" is often appropriated by the press and other political actors for their own purposes, frequently to block the provision of public goods to one particular group of ex-combatants: ex-politically motivated prisoners. It concludes by posing a series of questions about blaming, justice and the moral authority of the victim in a transitional justice context. The claim of the paper is simply to offer some starting points for understanding the relationship between processes of blame, stigma and social exclusion.

Supplemental Material for Shared Education as a Contact-Based Intervention to Improve Intergroup Relations Among Adolescents in Postconflict Northern Ireland

Supplemental Material for Shared Education as a Contact-Based Intervention to Improve Intergroup Relations Among Adolescents in Postconflict Northern Ireland

Gender and Sexuality Politics in Post-conflict Northern Ireland: Policing Patriarchy and Heteronormativity Through Relationships and Sexuality Education

Gender and Sexuality Politics in Post-conflict Northern Ireland: Policing Patriarchy and Heteronormativity Through Relationships and Sexuality Education

“Is Austria a Catholic Country?”: Trust and Intersubjectivity in Postconflict Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT Media pundits, politicians, and academic observers have frequently described the Northern Irish Troubles as a religious conflict, a description the Irish republican actors of the conflict reject. In 2009 and 2011, I interviewed twenty-five former Irish republican women activists. Other scholars have argued that the emotions, feelings, and subjective experiences of the researcher can have several roles and functions and, thus, shape our research interests and decisions. Similarly, the interviewer’s presence, as much as the narrator’s perceptions, will shape the story the narrators tell. Based on these considerations, I discuss how the Irish republican women I interviewed projected their own Catholic convictions on me, despite stressing that they were not overly religious or even practicing Catholics. These women acknowledged that as I was Austrian, I was a “neutral outsider to the conflict” (as one woman put it), but nevertheless, they projected a supposed shared affinity on me. These projections shaped their answers during the interviews. Furthermore, while these women emphasized that their political motivation for Irish republican activities was not religiously driven, they were raised in a Catholic environment. Thus, these subjective experiences shaped their answers and attitudes towards the interviewer. In essence, this article examines, first, how Catholic convictions were projected on the interviewer by narrators in oral history projects on the Northern Ireland conflict and, second, what roles and functions these religious projections served during the interview process.

Women and peace-building in Northern Ireland’s print news media

This research sits at the nexus of women, peace-building and the news media in order to decipher how the representations of women and peace-building in post-conflict Northern Ireland affect women’s social situation in divided societies recovering from violent ethnonational conflict. Women are habitually associated with non-political community-level reconciliation through an assumed innate and feminine propensity to peace. This is amplified through gendered news media portrayals which serve to reinforce patriarchal social knowledge, and in turn, this disenfranchises women by foregrounding their femaleness rather than political expertise; and damages peace by marginalizing a significant demographic of the population and intensifying social inequality, which is the foundation for conflict.