post-Cold War International Order Research Articles

The EU at a Strategic Crossroads: A Geopolitical Player in Great Power Games?

The current shifts in the post-Cold War international order are bringing the attention to notions of great power competition, demonstrating once again the geopolitical significance of Europe and Asia for global politics. This article applies concepts from the classical geopolitical thinking of Halford Mackinder and Nicholas Spykman as an ‘optic tool’ for analysing current global events and for considering the European Union’s (EU’s) strategic direction in light of the interests of the United States, Russia, and China in Europe’s wider region. With the American post-Cold War global preponderance steadily waning and the rising challenges from the east in the face of Russia and China, the EU finds itself in a position that requires the redefinition of its geopolitical identity and strategic pursuit of its own interests. A look through the classical geopolitical concepts of the Heartland and the Rimland reveals that the EU is an extraordinary player in geopolitics as it has the potential to determine (1) access to the Eurasian Heartland via its influence over Eastern Europe and (2) control of the maritime Rimland by virtue of its geography, alliances, and its potential participation in Beijing’s New Silk Road initiative. These findings are discussed by considering the EU’s potential foreign policy directions vis-à-vis the US, Russia, and China. European Union, United States, Russia, China, Eurasia, Geopolitical theory, Foreign policy, Grand strategy, Strategic Autonomy

Položaj Rusije u multipolarnom svetu i strateške opcije Srbije

By relying on realistic theories of international relations, using the methods of content analysis, synthesis and comparison, it is possible to monitor and prove the phenomenon of establishing a balance of power in contemporary international relations. One of the key factors in that process is certainly the Russian Federation. The aspiration to redefine the post-Cold War international order and to shape a new one - multipolar and polycentric, is noticeable in Russia's strategies, as well as in the appearances of officials and concrete actions. Undoubtedly, Russia is positioning itself as one of the independent poles in the changing structure of the world political system, which is why it is necessary to consider the strategic options of the Republic of Serbia in that context. The paper consists of five parts. The introductory part is dedicated to the presentation of the framework - methodological and theoretical, as well as key concepts. The second part explains the structure of the world political system and the phenomenon of balance of power, while the third part specifically shows this through the current (foreign policy) positioning of Russia (influence on the transformation of the world political system and balance of power). The fourth part analyzes Russian - Serbian relations, their quality and content, while the fifth part discusses the strategic options of the Republic of Serbia. The time frame of the research is limited to the period from 2008 and the beginning of the global financial-economic crisis until today. For the purposes of the research, contemporary political science, security, economic, legal and historiographical literature was used, as well as primary sources related to decisions of international organizations, institutions of Russia and Serbia, as well as statements of officials relevant to this paper.

War in Ukraine: A power play between Democracy and Authoritarianism

This article provides an analytical discussion of the crisis of democracy and the rise of authoritarianism in the context of the Russia-Ukraine War. Some of the fundamental aspects of the post-Cold War international order are addressed in this respect, including emerging powers, anti-Westernism, authoritarianism, and new threats in international relations. It is argued that the post-Cold War period brought both stability and instability to the global world order. On the one hand, the United States' victory in the ideological conflict between the East and the West led to the dominance of the Western system and its influence in the Middle East and Central Eastern European region with the call for democracy. On the other hand, the growing intervention of the US in intra-state disputes through the deployment of NATO has become a major concern to Russia and many other nations along the eastern border. This intensified anti-Western sentiment in emerging countries, with the rise of many Authoritarian governments. Many of the conflicts that the world has witnessed since the end of the Cold War are the result of such anti-Western feelings. This resulted at the beginning of a new era of war and conflict on a global scale. Russia's war in Ukraine is one of the recent examples. Russia is attempting to maintain its sphere of influence to avoid joining NATO and the West, regardless of the cost or repercussions of the war. As a result of these conflicts between great powers, several new powers emerged, resulting in a multi-polar world order. Today, it is emphasized that the ability and willingness of great powers to cooperate in addressing these dangers will determine the course of the world.

Russia’s war with Ukraine and Russia’s revisionism on the international stage

Russia’s armed conflict with Ukraine, ongoing since 2014, has created conditions for Russia to revise the balance of power in Eastern Europe, and even the international order established after the Cold War. The aim of this article is firstly to show Ukraine, in a highly synthetic way, as a state at a crossroads but simultaneously a key state in terms of Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet area, then the motives for Russia’s redrawing the post-Cold War international order, taking into account the location and role of Ukraine. The article merely indicates the problem of research, and does not claim the right to comprehensively cover the issue in question.

Russia’s War And The Future Of European Order

Russia’s war in Ukraine fundamentally challenges the post-Cold War international order. Yet the scenario of a renewed Cold War must be balanced by alternative visions of European order. This contribution reassesses the concepts of interdependence, socialization, normative power, and international society taken from international relations theory to develop some general lessons for European order and concrete pointers toward alternative policy paths. Such an order needs to build on a more honest engagement, serious great power management mirrored by societal linkages, and creative thinking about joint institutions and regional overlaps.

Regional Security Complex Theory: Why Is this Concept Still Worth Developing?

The Theory of Regional Security Complexes (RSC) provides a conceptual framework to encompass the emerging new post-Cold War international security order. It proposes a model of regional security which makes it possible to analyse, explain and predict the development of the situation in a given region. It is based on the assumption that it is the regional level, not the global or the level of a single state, that constitutes the optimal basis for conducting security analyses. So far, few researchers have attempted to challenge the theoretical assumptions of the RSC concept, and few have tried to develop or supplement it. At the same time, it is clear that the emerging new types of challenges, changing the state’s behaviour, force the revision or updating of some existing theoretical frameworks. It also applies to the Regional Security Complex theory and the adaptation of its conceptual framework to the surrounding reality so that it can continue to be reliably studied. This article considers the possibilities of further evolution of the RSC theory and, in particular, analyses the state of its development to date and proposes solutions to complement it and adapt it to newly emerging phenomena.

Travelling Theory and its Consequences: José Ortega y Gasset and Radical Conservatism in Post-Cold War Japan

The last decade of the Cold War and the early years of the post-Cold War international order saw the emergence of a radical conservatism in Japan which has since taken root as a key ideological force in the country’s conservative political culture. This article traces the neglected but important influence of José Ortega y Grasset’s theory of the masses on this contemporary movement. However, in this journey across time, space, and culture, the theory of mass society has mutated. The article examines the ways in which Japanese radical conservative thinkers Susumu Nishibe and Keishi Saeki interpreted and applied Ortega’s work to critique the development of Japan’s contemporary political landscape. Radical conservatives transformed Ortega’s theory of the modern masses and his argument for elite liberalism into a critique of the liberal international order which favours reactionary nationalism. To understand this shift, the article examines the conceptualisations of modernisation and national identity as a necessary background to such theoretical and political appropriation.

Russia in the Post-Cold War International Order

This paper argues that while Russia has always had a strong need to be acknowledged as a great power, its ability to sustain that position has been under question since the onset of global modernity during the 19th century. Although generally able to sustain a plausible military profile, Russia has been amongst the less successful modern states in economic terms, not least because of its difficulty in establishing an efficient relationship with capitalism. This unbalanced development continues in place today and shows no sign of changing. Russia’s decision to link itself strategically to China, puts its great power status increasingly at risk as it becomes an ever-more junior partner to the rising Asian giant.

Sad delusions: The decline and rise of Greater Europe

The end of the Cold War was accompanied by the idea that the fall of the Berlin Wall represented the beginning of the unification of Europe. Mikhail Gorbachev talked in terms of a “Common European Home,” an idea that continues in the guise of the project for a “Greater Europe.” However, right from the start, the transformative idea of Greater Europe was countered by the notion of “Europe whole and free,” whose fundamental dynamic was the enlargement of the existing West European order to encompass the rest of the continent. This was a program for the enlargement of the Atlantic system. After some prevarication, the enlargement agenda proved unacceptable to Moscow, and while it continues to argue in favor of transformation its main efforts are now devoted to creating some sort of “greater Eurasia.” There remains a fundamental tension between Atlanticist and pan-continental version of the post-–Cold War international order in the region. This tension gave rise to conflict and war: in 2008 (the Russo-Georgian War) and again from 2014 (Ukraine), and to what some call the Second Cold War. The continent is once again divided. However, pan-continentalism is far from dead, and although Greater Eurasian ideas have thrived, some sort of Greater European continentalism remains on the agenda. Is this, though, no more than a “sad delusion” or a genuine possibility?

Contestations of the Liberal International Order: From Liberal Multilateralism to Postnational Liberalism

AbstractThe 1990s saw a systemic shift from the liberal post–World War II international order ofliberal multilateralism(LIO I) to a post–Cold War international order ofpostnational liberalism(LIO II). LIO II has not been only rule-based but has openly pursued a liberal social purpose with a significant amount of authority beyond the nation-state. While postnational liberal institutions helped increase overall well-being globally, they were criticized for using double standards and institutionalizing state inequality. We argue that these institutional features of the postnational LIO II led to legitimation problems, which explain both the current wave of contestations and the strategies chosen by different contestants. We develop our argument first by mapping the growing liberal intrusiveness of international institutions. Second, we demonstrate the increased level and variety of contestations in international security and international refugee law. We show that increased liberal intrusiveness has led to a variety of contestation strategies, the choice of which is affected by the preference of a contestant regarding postnational liberalism and its power within the contested institution.

Re-Negotiating the Post-Cold War International Order: Russian Diplomacy under Putin - Strategy, Methods, and Instruments

Re-Negotiating the Post-Cold War International Order: Russian Diplomacy under Putin - Strategy, Methods, and Instruments

Regional Integration and Development in Africa: Between the Rock and a Hard Place

Since independence in the late 1950s, and in the early 1960s, regional integration in Africa has been identified as an important strategy for the acceleration of development in the continent. The reality of the Post-Cold War international economic world order also stimulates the intensification and fine-tuning of existing regional arrangements leading to the establishment of a supra-national organization and capacity building institutions to address the problems of underdevelopment in Africa. As a consequence, numerous integration groupings have been reorganized and created but their achievements have largely been modest due to inappropriate integration approaches. It is against this background that this article examines the interlocking nexus between regional integration and development in Africa, and maintains that Africans need to adjust their orientation as well as take a major shift towards economic complementarity among member states of integration blocs for the actualization of laudable development. It concludes that inward looking and the involvement of all Africans in the regional integration processes would be the best approach for regional integration to foster development.

Koniec zimnej wojny, transformacja Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej a moc eksplanacyjna i prognostyczna teorii stosunków międzynarodowych

The aim of the article is to show the explanatory and prognostic power of theories of international relations (neorealism, neo-liberal institutionalism and social constructivism) in the situation of visible problems with predicting the end of the Cold War and explaining the democratization process in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. In the face of significant changes that have influenced the formation of a new post-Cold War international order, it is necessary to consider the importance of the theory in adopting appropriate research strategies so that on the one hand, it is possible to predict the course of events with some degree of probability and on the other, to explain their essence and importance. The end of the Cold War and the process of transforming the countries of Central and Eastern Europe thus pose a general and extremely important question about the possibility of developing a scientific approach to the analysis of international relations, which goes beyond only short-term observation of current events. The article analyzes the most important theoretical approaches in the context of adopting such a research strategy, thanks to which one could depart from the dominance of extreme, mutually exclusive positions. The great debates that have been held so far have shown that wealth in science is not a one-sided approach, even if at some point or time we are dealing with the supremacy of a particular theory or a methodological approach. The fiasco of the science of international relations in predicting the end of the Cold War has shown the necessity of undertaking such activities whose task would be to combine rather than exclude. The end of the Cold War and the transformation process of Central and Eastern Europe are therefore treated as case studies that help in testing the theory of international relations as adequate instruments for analyzing the changing international situation.

Resurgent Authoritarianism and the International Rule of Law

Modern rule of law and post-war constitutionalism are both anchored in rights-based limitations on state authority. Rule-of-law norms and principles, at both domestic and international levels, are designed to protect the freedom and dignity of the person. Given this “thick” conception of the rule of law, authoritarian practices that remove constraints on domestic political leaders and weaken mechanisms for holding them accountable necessarily erode both domestic and international rule of law. Drawing on political science research on authoritarian politics, this study identifies three core elements of authoritarian political strategies: subordination of the judiciary, suppression of independent news media and freedom of expression, and restrictions on the ability of civil society groups to organize and participate in public life. According to available data, each of these three practices has become increasingly common in recent years. This study offers a composite measure of the core authoritarian practices and uses it to identify the countries that have shown the most marked increases in authoritarianism. The spread and deepening of these authoritarian practices in diverse regimes around the world diminishes international rule of law. The conclusion argues that resurgent authoritarianism degrades international rule of law even if this is defined as the specifically post-Cold War international legal order.

Regional Peacekeeping and the Transformation of Nigerian Foreign Policy, 1990-2000: A Perspective

In the 1990s, Nigeria mobilised West African states to international peacekeeping missions in Liberia and Sierra Leone under the auspices of the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). The initiative did not only become a model for other regional organisations across the globe, it also placed Nigeria in a more influential position in international conflict management, especially within Africa. But while the scheme helped Nigeria to score some marks in international conflict management, it, however, left significant impression on the nation’s foreign policy. It is on the above premise, therefore, that this article examines how and why Nigeria’s participation in conflict resolution within West Africa was influential to its foreign policy perception, goal and strategy between 1990 and 2000. The study is approached through the historical inquiry. While the impact of the regional peacekeeping programme on Nigeria’s foreign policy is acknowledged, the paper, however, concludes that the emerging post-Cold War international order and political leadership in Nigeria were the considerable factors, which presented the opportunities for such imprint to be registered.

Regional identity and support for integration: An EU-wide comparison of parochialists, inclusive regionalist, and pseudo-exclusivists

The rise of “new regionalism” is one of the most salient features of the post-Cold War international order. Despite the resurgence of regionalism in Europe, little consensus exists on how regional identity impacts public opinion toward the European Union. To remedy this problem, this study examines the impact of three types of individual-level regional identity on support for integration: parochialism (exclusive regionalism), inclusive regionalism, and pseudo-exclusive regionalism. Contrary to scholarly expectations, the multilevel analysis reveals that inclusive regionalists are as equally Eurosceptic as parochial regionalists. In general, regional identity depresses support for integration unless it is expressly combined with a supranational identity. This finding holds true even in minority nations, where respondents are, on the whole, less Euro-friendly.

Introdução: Rússia, União Europeia e espaço de vizinhança – políticas e práticas em análise

Este artigo serve de breve introdução ao número especial da Revista Debater a Europa dedicado ao estudo das relações externas da União Europeia com especial ênfase a leste, nomeadamente nas relações com a Federação Russa e com os estados da Parceria Oriental. O artigo contextualiza e mapeia a temática de acordo com os contributos vários que reúne, e que remetem num primeiro momento para a análise da concetualização da ordem internacional pós-Guerra Fria e como os entendimentos desta e do posicionamento dos diferentes atores na mesma ajudam a compreender dinâmicas de cooperação e rivalidade; e num segundo momento analisa estudos de caso que ilustram estas dinâmicas com enfoque na Parceria Oriental através dos estudos sobre a Ucrânia e o Cáucaso do Sul, bem como com o contributo sobre os três estados do Báltico, estados- -membros da UE.

The International Regime for Treating Civil War, 1988–2017

The post–Cold War international order has promoted a “standard treatment” for civil wars involving the use of mediation to end conflicts and the deployment of peacekeeping forces to implement the resulting settlements. The United Nations has played a leading role in applying this standard treatment, which enjoys broad international support. By contrast, Western efforts to promote more robust humanitarian intervention as a standard response to civil wars remains controversial. While effective in relatively permissive postconflict environments, international mediation and peacekeeping efforts have proved insufficient to resolve harder cases of civil war, such as those in South Sudan and Syria. The UN has struggled to make the standard treatment work where governments refuse to cooperate or low-level violence is endemic. Growing major-power tensions could now undermine the post–Cold War regime for the treatment of civil wars, which, for all its faults, has made a significant contribution to international order.

Civil Wars & the Post–Cold War International Order

By the standards of prosperity and peace, the post–Cold War international order has been an unparalleled success. Over the last thirty years, there has been more creation of wealth and a greater reduction of poverty, disease, and food insecurity than in all of previous history. During the same period, the numbers and lethality of wars have decreased. These facts have not deterred an alternative assessment that civil violence, terrorism, failed states, and numbers of refugees are at unprecedentedly high levels. But there is no global crisis of failed states and endemic civil war, no global crisis of refugees and migration, and no global crisis of disorder. Instead, what we have seen is a particular historical crisis unfold in the greater Middle East, which has collapsed order within that region and has fed the biggest threat to international order: populism in the United States and Europe.

France in Mali: Towards a new Africa strategy?

Abstract This article addresses the question whether the French military intervention in Mali in 2013 (Operation Serval) and the follow-up Operation Barkhane are evidence of a new French military strategy in Africa. The first part briefly sets out the chronology of events that led to the French intervention. The decisionmaking process in Paris that led to the decision to intervene and the sequence of events following the intervention is then examined, in order to show that this raised important questions about the viability of the key principles – partnership, ‘Africanization’ and ‘Europeanization’ – that informed and underpinned France’s Africa policy from the late 1990s. It is argued that Operation Serval and the follow-on operation, Barkhane, need to be understood, first, in the context of the importance attached to Africa as a privileged arena for the projection of French power overseas. Second, they must be understood in the geopolitical context of the neo-liberal post-Cold War international order, within which France, as a major western power and permanent member of the UNSC, feels it has a responsibility to undertake certain actions. Third, they should also be understood against the background of the failure to reform the institutional architecture of Africa policymaking, in particular the roles of the Ministry of Defence and the ‘Africa cell’ at the Elysée Palace, which have traditionally played a pivotal role in Africa policy. Finally, the article argues that a new Africa strategy did emerge under President Hollande, albeit in an unplanned and incremental manner, but that the resulting policy is some distance from representing a renovated, or ‘normalized’, Africa policy based on a new partnership with Africa.