Kaori Kawai has been conducting field research on the Dodoth since 1998, producing the first anthropological study of the Karamoja region by a Japanese scholar. Kawai's research has revealed aspects of the Dodoth's environmental cognition (Kawai 2002), concepts of land and animal property (Kawai 2004a), and raiding practices (Kawai 2004b, 2006, 2009) in works that are only available in Japanese. This review examines Kawai's findings concerning raiding. Raiding as Interaction Kawai's (2004b) article entitled 'Raiding and Inter-group Relationships in the Dodoth' analyses the increasing and decreasing in size of a specific herd of cattle between 1983 and 2003. The data were collected through interviews with members of the household owning the herd. The earliest recorded losses happened in the 1980s, a time when all pastoral households in Dodoth suffered from raiding and drought. In the early 1980s the household had less than ten cattle. In 1981 and 1982, the head of the household was given four bulls and four goats by a Toposa friend from Sudan. Another bull was received in 1983, from a Dodoth friend in exchange for a cow. It was only following a bridewealth in 1986 that the herd started to grow significantly. In 1989, after raiding against the Acholi, there were 51 head of cattle. In the following ten years, the herd produced some 208 cattle and suffered relatively low mortality. The gains through bridewealth exceeded the number of cattle paid out. A further 19 cattle were gained from a raid against the Turkana in 1996. By 1999 the herd was more than 200 head strong. In 2000 and 2001, the household was raided again--the second time by a raiding party of Turkana, Jie and Karimojong. Some 100 head of cattle were lost in the first attack and 48 in the second. The household then embarked on new raiding and in two years the herd size had recovered to 123 head. Beside raiding, Kawai emphasizes the importance of donations and exchanges in providing a foundation population for herd reconstruction. In the case of the household under analysis, twelve cattle were received from friends within the Toposa, Turkana and Karimojong. Individual relationships allowing exchanges and gifts were possible only temporarily, and limited by group relationships. The relationships between ethnic groups do not appear to automatically dictate individuals' actions. The Turkana are allowed to use Dodoth grazing land, reflecting a mutual attitude that has no regard for attribution of territory or past enmity. Individuals within these groups do not appear to characterize one another outside their shared context of the here and now. As it is nicely put by Kawai, it is not necessary for a Dodoth man negotiating with a Turkana the exchange of a donkey for a bull to be conscious of ethnic enmity (Kawai 2004b: 560). The Dodoth do not apply moral judgement to raiding, whether it is their own act or a suffered attack.... In their narratives of damage suffered from raiding, the emphasis is put on actual consequences rather than moral aspects: people talk about 'having suffered a loss' rather than 'having been robbed' (Kawai 2004b: 559; see also Hazama 2002). Raiding appears to be conceptualised as one amongst various possible forms of interaction between different groups, rather than a deviation from a standard of legitimacy or morality. In Kawai's sample, two brothers of the head of the household had been killed by Turkana, and one of his Turkana friends had been killed by a Dodoth (Kawai 2004b: 562). Inconsistent relationships of enmity and amity can occur sequentially, with both parties holding attitudes that include varying levels of self-representation and mutual representation (see also Kitamura 2002). Constructing Social Space Kawai's (2006) paper entitled 'Movement and the Divinatory Reading of Animal Intestines: Production Mechanism of Social Space in Relations between the Dodoth and Neighboring Groups' looks at the role of raiding as a determining factor in the mobility of kraals (cattle-camps). …