Populist Tendencies Research Articles

Technocracy, populism, and the (de)legitimation of international organizations

Our understanding of the contestation of liberal international order relies on an intuitive dualism. Technocratic norms underpin the legitimation of international organizations (IOs) because IOs embody a functional and depoliticized mode of problem-solving based on expertise and non-majoritarianism. Populist norms challenge IO authority as IOs create constraints on the popular will of the “true people.” We empirically examine whether this duality extends to the actors engaging in IO (de)legitimation by leveraging a novel and unprecedentedly fine-grained database on IO (de)legitimation by national governments. We find that (de)legitimation patterns of governments with technocratic or populist tendencies are far more dynamic and diverse than a dualistic account suggests. In particular, we find complex patterns of (de)legitimation that suggest challenges to and defenses of IO authority are driven more by a strategic, as opposed to an ideological, logic. We outline implications for the literatures on the international liberal order, technocracy, and populism.

How the crisis of trust in experts occurs on social media in China? Multiple-case analysis based on data mining

The importance of experts in the communication of scientific knowledge cannot be ignored, however, the crisis of trust in experts persists and is widening on social media in China. In this study, nine cases related to experts’ communication of scientific knowledge on Chinese social media Weibo during the period of 11 November 2022 to 22 January 2023 were selected based on the principles of high relevance, high discussion, and high visibility, and public comments on key post under the case were clustered and compared through data mining methods to understand what aspects of the public questioned the experts. The study found that the crisis of trust in experts on social media was the result of the combined effect of the experts, the media, and the public. Conflicting knowledge in expert systems, the perceived common-sense character of communicated knowledge, the lack of rigor and data-supported knowledge, the blurring of the boundaries between experts and administration and between experts and capital, and the dominance of instrumental rationality for experts could all affect public trust in experts. The media’s conscious or unconscious artistic processing of knowledge communicated by experts might mislead the public. The irrational emotion and populist tendencies of the public can amplify feelings of distrust towards experts. This study provides a theoretical and factual basis for understanding the mechanisms of the public’s behavior after receiving knowledge communicated by experts and for enhancing the effectiveness of science communication on social media.

The Connection Between Neoliberal Globalisation and Authoritarian Populism in the US

This study delves into the growth trajectory of authoritarian populism in the United States, focusing on its surge during the Trump administration. By dissecting the phenomenon from three different perspectives - political, economic and cultural - the paper provides a holistic understanding of its overall impact on the American landscape. The paper not only highlights the impact of this wave of populism, but also explores possible future strategies and measures that the US government may adopt in response. Furthermore, this study extends its utility beyond the borders of the United States. The insights and recommendations presented in this paper can serve as an important blueprint in an era where populist sentiments are becoming increasingly prevalent across the globe. Countries around the world can develop strategies to mitigate potential threats and challenges as they grapple with similar populist tendencies. In essence, this study can serve as both a diagnostic tool for understanding the extent of the rise of authoritarian populism in the United States and as a guide for countries around the world aiming to navigate and respond to such political currents.

The Janus Face of Democracy and Populist Tendencies

The Janus Face of Democracy and Populist Tendencies

Theorizing and mapping media ownership networks in authoritarian-populist contexts: a comparative analysis of Austria, Hungary, Slovenia, and Turkey

This paper aims to contribute to the ongoing discussions on authoritarian populism and the media, from the lens of the political economy of ownership. In contrast to studies that consider the link between media and authoritarian populism by focusing on the discursive structures of populist communication, this study analyses changes in the structure of news media ownership in four European countries that have been subject to authoritarian populism. By employing social network analysis, a methodology rarely used in media ownership research, we reveal how news media ownership concentration as well as changes in ownership structures have provided favorable conditions for the rise and endurance of authoritarian populism. Our study covers ownership developments during the period 2000 to 2020, in Austria, Hungary, Slovenia, and Turkey where authoritarian populist tendencies have been evident, albeit to varying degrees. Conclusions are drawn to illustrate how authoritarian populist actors in the sample countries not only capitalize on prevailing news media ownership structures, but also proactively intervene in ownership relations in order to increase influence over the diffusion of information.

The Neuhauses and Proletarian Culture. Intersection Points

The article, based on the materials of the local press, analyzes the directions of cooperation of the Yelysavetgrad family of Neuhaus with the Bolshevik regime in 1920–1922. The forms and types of cultural and educational work, typical for the period of the dominance of Proletarian culture as an organization of self-made creativity in the artistic field are depicted in a panoramic view - the activities of workers' groups, studios at clubs, the introduction of lectures-concerts with the practical participation of workers, peasants and soldiers. The introduction of the ideas of proletarian culture in the conditions of the destructive phase of the replacement of professional categories by populist tendencies is considered, which led to the leveling of professional musical art, the loss of positions of importance of consistent professional musical education in contrast to accessible amateurism.
 The main trends of the musical life of the town of Yelisavetgrad at the beginning of the Soviet regime were analyzed: the introduction of total control for professional musicians, registration of instruments, military service. Found documents regarding the confiscation of keyboard instruments (grand pianos, pianos, harmoniums) with further squandering and complete destruction of valuable piano instruments on the territory of the region are published.
 The performing participation of O.M. and G.W. Neuhaus, representatives of their families and former students in the cycles of historical concerts-lectures «Fires» and «Palace of Science and Art» for the proletarian public is described, the programs and the theme of the events are analyzed. The importance of concertsclavierbands, chamber performances-rehearsals of H.G. Neuhaus in Yelisavetgrad is interpreted against a background of the processes of educating a new proletarian audience. The reasons for the voluntary-compulsory return of the Neuhaus family as veterans of the pedagogical field to active concert activity are determined.

The illiberal model of state capitalism in Poland

Motivation: There is growing awareness that a new model of capitalism is emerging. The 2008–2009 Global Financial Crisis was a catalyst for redefining the role of the state in the economy, and as a result state involvement in the economy has been on the rise since then. We can also observe changes in political situation: democracy has been backsliding globally, authoritarian, and populist tendencies are growing. In some countries, those two tendencies are present, and as a result the illiberal model of state capitalism emerged. In recent years, in Poland, state involvement in the economy was growing and authoritarian tendencies were visible. In this context, it is worth asking if there is an illiberal model of state capitalism in Poland?Aim: The aim of the presented paper is to evaluate the political and economic situation in Poland and to check whether there are changes that could be interpreted as building illiberal state capitalism.Results: The results indicate that in Poland many illiberal statist tendencies could be identified.

Populism in youth: Do experiences in school matter?

AbstractMany view populist tendencies among youth with concern because adolescence is a formative period for political development. Of the many factors that shape young people's populist attitudes, experiences in school deserve attention since young people spend time in educational settings and schools share the goal of educating students to become informed and responsible citizens. However, the school context offers a wide variety of experiences, ranging from formal curricular to informal (climatic or participatory) characteristics. While empirical findings indicate that experiences in school affect the extent to which young people lean toward populism, results are not always clear and point to considerable gaps in the literature. Consequently, in this article, we discuss practical implications of studies on this topic and outline directions for research.

Saffron Republic: Hindu Nationalism and State Power in India. By Thomas Blom Hansen and Srirupa Roy

The growth, consolidation, and seizure of social and political power by majoritarian and populist tendencies in Indian politics have been variously examined, more so by several recent studies on the changing patterns of communal mobilisation. While on-ground, empirical research informs Nalin Mehta’s influential study (The New BJP: Modi and the Making of the World’s Largest Political Party, 2021), Amrita Basu and Tanika Sarkar’s edited volume, Women, Gender and Religious Nationalism (2022, ICAS-MP, Cambridge University Press), is an important intervention in the discussion on gender in Hindutva politics. Not only does Blom Hansen and Roy’s volume take the conversation forward—to use a cliché—in a decisive manner, it adds significantly to the already rich body of work on Hindu nationalism and its resultant outgrowths that exists. The volume is noteworthy primarily because of its attempt at interrogating the phenomenon of contemporary Hindu nationalism—or New (or neo) Hindutva—which is significantly different from earlier versions in both form and substance. The discourse has moved from one centred on temple politics to aspiration focused on foreign policy and economic achievements. Also critical to the developing phenomenon of neo-Hindutva is the substantial inroads it is making in regions in the south and east of India, far removed from the conventional understanding of the BJP (and Sangh Parivar, in general) as a cow belt-based political formation. The volume under review also brings to the fore crucial new research on the changing caste dynamics of contemporary Hindutva as caste has emerged as vital to intense Hindu nationalist mobilisation, particularly of the kind that translates into significant gains at the hustings. The volume, therefore, focuses on the reshaping of the Hindutva landscape in India, which now competes with more global forms of democratic authoritarianism or authoritarian populism. Since Hindutva is now widely regarded as an electoral strategy par excellence and mainstreamed in popular discourse, the present volume examines several issues of intense concern, particularly the phenomenon of governmental Hindutva, urban zoning on communal lines, the growing politics of segregation, the minority Hindutva project (in the form of the Muslim Rashtriya Manch) and the momentous rhetoric on development.

The Firm and the Nation: The Role of Fantasy in the Czech Populist Movements of ANO and SPD

Populism in Central Europe remains an elusive subject to grasp. In relation to neoliberal hegemony, the question remains whether populism represents its rupture or consolidation. This paper explores populist tendencies in Czechia by analysing the discourses of two prominent politicians, Andrej Babiš and Tomio Okamura, in their campaigns ahead of the 2017 parliamentary elections. Drawing on post-structuralist discourse theory, the analysis looks for key signifiers, narratives and ways certain topics are articulated, making use of a theoretical account of populism as a political logic, rather than an ideology, as well as the concept of fantasy derived from lacanian psychoanalysis. Exploration of the relation between fantasy and populism is of vital theoretical relevance. The paper focuses on corruption as a possible dislocation of neoliberal hegemony that led to an organic crisis. In the context of extreme distrust in politicians and parties both Babiš and Okamura presented anti-corruption narratives that gained resonance, both rearticulating neoliberalism in specific ways and relying on fantasmatic narratives. While Babiš drew on neoliberal discourses surrounding citizenship and work, Okamura radicalized them into an exclusionary populism that seeks to rid society of “parasites”. Both blame the elites - connected with corrupt politicians and their business godfathers.

Populism and Liberal Constitutionalism

Our paper focuses on the impact of populism on the functioning of constitutional democracy in Europe. To analyse such a complex issue, a survey has been elaborated, which tries to outline how the current populist tendencies influence the institutional framework of constitutional democracy and to what extent such parties aim and are able to undermine the long-term prevalence of rule of law. To achieve this goal, the survey monitors, amongst others, the use of referenda in European countries; the presence of instruments of participatory and direct democracy; which are the political programme of populist parties, and in particular what are their ambitions concerning institutional reforms; whether the status, the independence, the competence and the composition of the constitutional court and the judiciary are contested. The survey also examines whether the protection standard of the most important fundamental rights are relativized, or are intended to be relativized by the populist parties of the different countries. We approached young constitutional scholars from certain member states, at the initial stage of their academic career, and asked them to fill the survey.

A nova vaga de populismo autoritário internacional da década de 2010 também chegou à África? Os casos de Moçambique e Angola

ABSTRACT This paper deals with the possible impact of the most recent international authoritarian populist tendencies on sub-Saharan African political systems. Contrary to the main currents of interpretation, this paper argues that we are not in face of a new international influence or role model being locally followed, but in face of the most recent example of a long political-historical path of selective assimilation of international trends to local political systems as structured after independence. We are not witnessing to poor local replicas of the most recent international wave of authoritarian populism of 2010s, but to another selective assimilation of political features to serve the existing and locally dominant systems. Through the analysis of the specific cases of Mozambique and Angola, this paper theoretically and historically discusses the nature of regimes and political systems through a critical approach on the most recent historical/political science discussions of so-called hybrid regimes, combining liberal and illiberal features, that resort to concepts such as illiberal democracies, façade democracies, electoral autocracies, semi-authoritarian states, competitive authoritarian regimes, post-neo-liberal States, or new competitive authoritarian regimes, among others.

Public attitudes towards experts in China

ABSTRACT Previous studies in China’s policy process have paid limited attention to public perceptions of experts. Through an original survey, we explore public attitudes on expertise, i.e., the merits of expert opinion and expert autonomy. We find that professional experience is the most important criterion on which respondents evaluate experts. The higher a respondent’s political trust is, the more likely he or she is to recognize the benefits that experts may offer. We also find an underlying populist tendency towards the role of experts in policy making, respondents in general agree that the will of the people should be prioritized over expert opinion.

Leadership configuration in crises: Lessons from the English response to COVID-19.

Our study examines the empirical case of the political leadership response to Covid-19 in England. It shows that, rather than the ideal configuration of leadership suggested by theory, within which individualistic and collective leadership blend, a less balanced configuration emerged that can be characterised as incoherent. In England, an individual political leader behaved in an authoritarian way, which ignored evidence about how to address Covid-19. So, rather than an individual orchestrating a collective leadership effort to address complex issues, leadership was rendered fragmented and chaotic. We suggest that the English context, characterised by populist tendencies and neoliberal economic policy, shaped the poor leadership response to Covid-19.

Presidentialization of Parliamentarism in Serbia – Causes and Consequences

Although the principle of separation of powers in Serbia has been regulated following the parliamentary model in the span of three decades, it has in practice functioned most often as a semi-presidential system. This paper analyzes two groups of factors that are the cause of presidentialization. Institutional factors that systematically create an environment suited for presidentialization include shortcomings in the constitutional design, the proportional electoral system and oligarchic tendencies in the party system. Direct election gives the President of the Republic strong legitimacy, and by retaining the position of party leader, in an electoral system with closed electoral lists and weak intra-party democracy, the head of state can easily control the parliamentary majority, the government and the parliament, thus upsetting the balance of power. Another group of factors that strongly affect the action of the aforementioned institutional aspects are a political culture with a strong authoritarian tradition and a lack of respect for the constitution and the democratic tradition. The consequences are strong authoritarian and populist tendencies and a departure from the liberal concept of democracy. The options proposed by the academic and political public as a solution to the situation blocking the consolidation of democracy in Serbia include the normativization of the incompatibility of office of the head of state and party leader, the abolition of direct elections, and a semi-presidential system.

Präsidentschaftswahl zeigt Frankreichs Spaltung

AbstractFrench presidential elections 2022 have significantly strengthened anti-EU populists. Traditional mainstream centrists are not among the big three election winners, while far-right Marine Le Pen deftly addressed the plight of the disengaged. The country’s rural-urban divide masks significant differences in voting motives; Paris is a stark outlier. Unemployment rates, low skills, and car dependency fuel Le Pen’s support, as well as xenophobia. The province has fought back against neglect by electing populists. It is doubtful whether place-based policies will solve the structural cause of the populist tendency by the next presidential election in five years.

Mediatized Voices of Science: News Media Narratives of Science and Populism in the Philippines

ABSTRACT The news media are presumed to play a central role in bringing science to a wider public. However, the surge of antidemocratic forces helps illuminate the populist and anti-populist tendencies of media in demystifying science. This article shows that science and politics share an intrinsic affinity under contemporary populism. The digital reportage on the science and politics nexus uncovers media populism which largely crystallizes the mediatization of politics in Rodrigo Duterte’s Philippines. A reading of science-related articles published by the leading dominant news media outlets unfolds discursive narratives that impact the watchdog function of the Fourth Estate. “Government science” mainstreams official State accounts including the anti-science sentiments of Duterte. “Reforming science” is a middle-ground, reformist-inspired narrative that features legislative and policy measures. And “alternative science” advances the voices of non-State formations and challenges the administration’s science agenda. The implications of these narratives on media populism are presented.

Europe’s “Neonationalism” Read through the Lens of Fratelli tutti

The rise of nationalist and populist tendencies and their exclusivist discourse and consequent polarizing effects challenge the Christian narrative, especially if politicians openly look for support within the Catholic Church and Christian churches, thereby referring to Europe’s Christian heritage and Judeo-Christian roots. This article shows how Fratelli tutti can be read as a response to this attempted exclusivist interpretation of Christian identity. Pope Francis is not unaware of the underlying dynamics that lead people to become exclusivist rather than embrace inclusion, as is shown by his remarkable recognition of the sentiments of fear and resentment. As a response, however, he refuses to interpret Christianity so narrowly that it can be used to legitimize the construction of walls to keep “the other” outside enclosed communities. By taking the Good Samaritan as his focal point, Francis reorients Christianity toward its inherent cosmopolitan roots with a call to move from fear to fraternity.

Stefano Bottoni. Orbán: Un despota in Europa.

Stefano Bottoni. <i>Orbán: Un despota in Europa.</i>

Confidence in Merit-Based Public Administration in the Context of Right-Wing Authoritarian Populism

The rise of right-wing authoritarian populism (RWAP) challenges modern democratic governance and the legitimacy of a career-service, nonpartisan, merit-based public administration—hallmarks of modern democratic institutions. Using citizen survey data collected for the first 2 years of the Trump presidency, this study finds that some core features of RWAP are negatively related to confidence in public administration. Generally speaking, the populist tendency appears to be a significant source of negative affect toward public administration.