Political Objectives Research Articles

Building a European Union ‘Treasury’: Explaining the European Commission's New Approach to Debt Issuance and Management

AbstractThis article examines how the European Commission went from being an occasional participant in capital markets in the 1970s to an established bond issuer by the 2020s. As a result of these changes, the Commission has moved away from its traditional model of back‐to‐back lending using a wide array of funding instruments towards the regular issuance of EU bonds and bills in the style of a European treasury. Using a principal–agent approach, we ask whether this shift was driven by member states seeking to reap the benefits of collective borrowing or rather by slippage by the Commission aimed at spurring European integration. Our results show that the Commission's occasional attempts to advance wider political objectives were rebuffed by member states, which, nonetheless, ultimately embraced the idea of a European treasury. Our findings emphasise the logic of delegation over agency slack when it comes to the EU's evolution as a borrower.

The relationship between American civil–military relations and military outcomes

Civilian control of the military is an inflexible requirement of the American republic, but there is contentious debate over how that control should be exercised. Both sides of the divide tend to agree that military results matter. Civil–military relations succeed if healthy discourse results in accomplishing the mission and obtaining optimal outcomes, but fail if the military does not accomplish the political objectives. This article advances the understudied thread of military effectiveness in American civil–military relations by testing the acumen of each side's judgment in 44 use of force decisions since the Second World War. In decisions on whether to use military force, military preferences have not yielded superior outcomes to civilian preferences, but there is evidence that military shirking from armed interventions has helped avoid ill-advised wars. Further studies should investigate decisions on how to use military force.

Ladies and (White) Gentlemen, Introducing Political Theory: Activist Learning and Teaching the Political Theory Canon

This paper seeks to enumerate the unique problems associated with teaching introductory political theory courses and offers a new framework for more inclusive teaching. It notes three problems associated with teaching introductory political theory: the importance of the “canon” of political thought, the lack of representation in the canon, and the canon’s emphasis on abstract and universal theory. I consider arguments that hope to challenge the canon such as attempts to deparochialize, creolize, and reanimate. The paper draws on these arguments to offer the framework of activist learning that can mitigate the challenges of the canon as they relate to the classroom. Activist learning borrows strategies from active learning pedagogy but addresses the specific problems of political theory. It takes the study of politics as itself a moment of political praxis and the student as an already aware agent in politics. What this means is that the canon and the material of introductory courses in political theory are subjects and sites of political contestation. Students are invited not only to collaborate in their own education but also to actively shape the field of political theory through their engagement.

(De)politicizing water: justice in times of water crisis

In times of climate change, water resources are shrinking at an alarming speed worldwide, making water a focal point of social and political contestation. Essential for environmental and human wellbeing, and economic prosperity, competing demands on water’s finite resources amidst the global water crisis raise critical justice questions regarding allocation, accessibility, legitimate recipients, or prioritized uses. Access to water is deeply intertwined with political decisions, as it heavily depends on infrastructure and governance. Depoliticization, however, renders water issues to technical or economic terms, aligning with neoliberal practices that commodify and privatize water resources. This approach often neglects the inherent political and social dimensions of water, privileging corporate interests while restricting access for the poor and powerless. This article examines how (de)politicization shapes such water realities by applying theoretical perspectives on (de)politicization and environmental justice. Through a systematic literature review and interpretative content analysis, we explore how (de)politicization is conceptualized in scholarly discussions, identifying common themes in the water context, the scales and regions addressed, and the roles of various actors and actions involved. Our research reveals a persistent tension between depoliticization and repoliticization. While depoliticization, though conceptually rather imprecise, obscures accountability and perpetuates neoliberal practices leading to exclusion, repoliticization, driven by activism, addresses policy deficiencies and amplifies marginalized voices. By illuminating these dynamics, this study enhances the understanding of (de)politicization in the water realm and its implications for justice.

Care workers, collectivisation and protest: a case for feminist and anti-capitalist resistance against the state

Nation-wide organised protests by Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs), arguably the backbone of India's fragmented healthcare system, form a watershed moment in feminist protest in India by centring demands for the regularisation of their ‘voluntary’ and undercompensated work. This distinct subaltern group (the ASHAs) engages with the state through dynamic political protest. This article critically explores the protest strategies adopted by ASHAs to better understand feminist protest on the Indian political landscape. It adopts a reflexive method of inquiry by unpacking how ASHA policy perpetuates institutional patterns of gender-based occupational segregation and how ASHAs, in turn, navigate and respond to these challenges. Somewhere between victimhood and agency, ASHA workers have reclaimed a site of struggle and resistance. Indeed, in the face of gender-based discrimination, ASHA workers are agitating on their own terms. A postcolonial feminist lens allows us to explore the axes of resistance adopted by ASHAs, including their medium of protest, which offers a space for different performative strategies: the self-sustained and self-contained leadership and mobilisation in which ASHAs reject gender-based stereotypes, exclusion, disadvantage and discrimination; and the use of protest to build sites of resistance, solidarity and negotiation. This theoretical framework offers valuable insight by shifting focus away from judicial strategies and towards ASHA workers as ‘protesters’ and as authors of their own narrative.

Komunikasi Politik: Strategi Kemenangan Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa Kabupaten Tegal dalam Pemilihan Legislatif Tahun 2024

Political communication plays an important role in political contestation. Political parties must maximize political strategies through party machines run by legislative candidates and political parties. PKB is the incumbent party in Tegal Regency which has a political strategy mission to maintain the most votes and seats. The strong emotional relationship between Nahdliyin and PKB is the key to the success of the political battle. The purpose of this study is to explore the success of the PKB party in maintaining the majority of legislative seats in the DPRD during three election periods. This study uses a qualitative methodology by taking samples from elected DPRD members from the PKB Faction and the Chairperson of the PKB Branch Representative Council of Tegal Regency. Data collection was carried out through interviews with various sources, including PKB DPRD members, leaders of the Tegal Regency National Awakening Party, and related literature reviews. The results of the study revealed that the political communication strategy used by PKB party legislative candidates is in line with the Philih Lesly planning model, characterized by focused organizational activities and the community being the main target of activities.

Respons Generasi Z terhadap Konser Musik dalam Kampanye Politik 2024

This article explores music concerts as popular culture used for the 2024 Election political campaign in Semarang. The background of the article is that music concerts are a form of popular culture that is close to generation Z, which is being used by presidential candidate pairs for the 2024 election as a political tool to attract the sympathy of generation Z because generation Z dominates the voter list for the 2024 election. The focus of this article is on music concerts for political campaigns which was held in Semarang. Data collection in this paper applies qualitative methods. The findings in this paper show that music concerts for political campaigns have become popular culture that suits the character of generation Z. Each pair of candidates tries to attract the votes of generation Z through these music concerts. By bringing the character closer to generation Z, namely choosing bands and singers who are invited as representatives of the values ​​and identity held by generation Z. However, this causes cultural reification because generation Z does invoive to the political goals of the campaign and is more prioritize watching their favorite bands and singers. Thus, efforts to attract the votes of generation Z become ineffective because the political objectives of the campaign are sidelined by the interests of generation Z in seeking entertainment. However, popular culture, politics and generation Z are three things that are interconnected and become an important part of the 2024 political campaign. Music, which previously functioned as entertainment and art, has turned into a political stage for candidates to attract votes from Generation Z.

The Impact of Hate Speech Regulations on Freedom of Expression an Indonesian Legal Perspective

This paper explores the impact of hate speech regulation on freedom of expression in Indonesia from a juridical perspective. The study focuses on the legal framework, including the Electronic Information and Transactions Law (UU ITE) and the Indonesian Penal Code (KUHP), both of which are central to the regulation of hate speech. Through an analysis of key statutes, court rulings, and case studies, this paper highlights the tension between protecting public order and safeguarding free speech. The findings reveal that vague legal definitions and broad enforcement of hate speech laws have led to selective prosecution, often targeting political dissent and criticism. These issues raise concerns about the erosion of democratic rights and the potential misuse of hate speech laws for political purposes. Recommendations are provided to clarify legal definitions, ensure proportionality in enforcement, and prevent the misuse of these laws in a manner that balances the protection of social harmony with the preservation of freedom of expression.

Alternative Participation: The Current Literature on Political Protest in Latin America

Alternative Participation: The Current Literature on Political Protest in Latin America

The Impact of Alai Suri Kurdayeti Magazine in Disseminating National Awareness

This paper, titled "The Impact of Alai Suri (Red Flag) Kurdayeti Magazine on the Propagation of National Awareness," delves into an examination of the content within Alai Suri Kurdayeti Magazine during the period of the mountain struggle and the revolutionary era, spanning from 1981 to 1982. Despite the protracted history of the Kurdish people's struggle for their national rights, the establishment of a comprehensive national identity remains an indispensable intellectual and vital requirement within Kurdish society, intrinsically tied to the notion of national consciousness. The manifestation of a national identity fundamentally hinges on shared national principles, a common language, culture, religion, history, collective aspirations, and unified political and legal principles, all of which necessitate a heightened state of national consciousness. Throughout the history of the Kurdistan liberation movement, diverse strategies have been employed to attain this identity, with media engagement serving as one prominent avenue. During a particularly sensitive period in Kurdish history within South Kurdistan (1981-1982), the Kurdish Socialist Party (PASOK) issued Alai Suri Kurdayeti Magazine. This publication, apart from accomplishing its political objectives, aimed to acquaint Kurdish society with various facets of life and intellect. Its purpose was to cultivate national thought and consciousness while alerting the community to the imminent threats they faced.

Nikolai Bulganin and Nikita Khrushchev in Burma in 1955: thaw, decolonization, and ambivalences of the Soviet official language

In the article, the author examines the function of ambiguity and contradiction in the Soviet official political language of the Thaw period in the context of internal and external political transformations. The two-volume publication, entitled “Mission of Friendship: N.A. Bulganin and N.S. Khrushchev’s Visit to India, Burma, Afghanistan”, published in 1956 and dedicated to the journey undertaken a year prior, serves as the principal source. Recent historiography has devoted significant attention to the internal contradictions and inconsistency of Soviet policy, particularly the clash between domestic and foreign policy objectives in the context of decolonisation processes from the 1950s to the 1970s. This shift in focus has marked a notable departure from the dominant theoretical perspective of totalitarianism. In examining the case of Bulganin and Khrushchev’s visit to Burma, the author seeks to discern the underlying contradictions, their degree of explicitness in the official Soviet text, and their impact on foreign and domestic policy. The analysis reveals that the ambivalence evident in the official narrative was, in large part, a strategic maneuver, though in many instances, it was the product of ad hoc improvisation aimed at harmonizing disparate political objectives. The existence of contradictions and ambivalences enabled the emergence of disparate political discourses, which undermined the rigidity of the official Soviet rhetoric while simultaneously rendering it more adaptable and malleable.

Research and Exploration of Ideology and Politics in the Course of Emergency Critical Care

In order to realize the fundamental task of “Setting up morality and cultivating people”, this study reports the ideological and political objectives, teaching design and effect of the course of emergency and critical care, and provides reference for the ideological and political education function of the specific course.

The victims' shoes trope and emerging solidarity in political protest

AbstractBy providing an overview of the rich and surprising ways in which the victims' shoes trope becomes utilised in political protests as the focus of interaction ritual chains, this article elaborates on the three distinct ways through which moral communities of solidarity position themselves. Firstly, moral communities are often formed around aspects of large‐scale atrocities such as commemoration, victimhood and past injustices that, I argue, strengthen nationalist sentiments. The second type of moral communities of solidarity are those that demand ‘rights’ and claim ‘duties’ for promoting particular sectoral agendas. In the third type, the shoes serve to build solidarities that are future‐oriented and aim at promoting universal human rights. By using Goffman's Frame Theory and Collins' Interaction Ritual Chain Theory, this article analyses protests from around the world in which the victims' shoes trope has been utilised to tackle a wide range of subjects—gun and domestic violence, unemployment, Covid‐19 policies, institutional abuse, road safety, commemorations, antiwar and climate protests and more.

Style on Trial: The Gendered Aesthetics of Appearance, Corruption, and Piety in Indonesia

Abstract In the two decades since the end of Suharto regime in Indonesia, two apparently distinct public industries have emerged in tandem: gendered forms of religious style, glossed as modest fashion, and legal efforts to hold citizens accountable for theft, glossed as corruption. Many of the most high-profile anti-corruption cases in the past decade have brought these two fields into semiotic interaction, as female defendants increasingly deploy forms of facial cover associated with extreme religious piety to signal humility and shame when appearing in court, in the process complicating the relationship between religious semiotics and criminality. Analyzing how and why these two genres of political communication have intersected in the past decade, and to what effects, requires situating these shifts in the context of dense aesthetic archives in which the spectacularity inherent to fashion resonates with the unique impulses of a post-authoritarian political landscape in which uncovering secrets is especially alluring. I argue that the hermeneutic impulses motivating popular fascination with criminal style, often circulated via social media, open new analyses of the ethical relationship between beauty and justice. Building on the scholarship on transparency and on the human face, I argue that putting gendered religious style at the center of the analytical frame—from religious self-fashioning to court appearances, and as forms of political protest—reveals the ethical impulses behind seeing and being seen, and the faciality of scandal.

China–Latin America relations in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative

AbstractMotivationAs a leading programme aimed at promoting “connectivity” and “exchanges of people,” BRI is providing a new avenue to expand China's presence and influence in Latin America and contribute to its rise at the systemic (global) level. Research shows that China's BRI in Latin America is not merely an economic initiative, but offers a combination of economic, political, and strategic objectives and consequences.PurposeThe purpose of the research is to examine China's BRI in Latin America from geopolitical perspectives, as well as its motivations, focuses, and consequences. It contributes to the scholarly discussion by analysing China's BRI in the greater picture of China's rise at the systemic (global) level and examining it through a political economy lens.Approach and methodsThe research examines China's BRI in Latin America with a special focus on large‐scale infrastructure projects that may have geopolitical implications and transform the built landscape in the region. The research is based on a critical review of the literature, and especially the Chinese academic literature, government documents, and corporate documents provided by some Chinese companies involved in large‐scale BRI projects.FindingsThe research finds that BRI helps China increase its economic and political co‐operation with the states of Latin America. China is increasingly capable of reaping not only economic but also geopolitical benefits from BRI by intensifying economic and, by extension, political relations with Latin America.Policy implicationsChina's BRI in Latin America looks to obtain not merely economic, but also political and strategic benefits from China's “soft” power. Chinese policy‐makers should be aware that China's “soft power” and interest could be strengthened if BRI could be implemented in accordance with the principles of advancing democratization, “good governance,” and environmental protection.

Conspiracy Theories as Productive Practices: Toward a Theory of Conspiratorial Style, Agency, and Politics

This article reviews anthropological explorations of conspiracy theories—in dialogue with insights from other disciplines, primarily political science, philosophy, and social psychology—to frame conspiracy theories as productive social practices. While conspiracy theories are often depicted through their epistemological shortcomings and associated with social and political margins, this article traces the nascent threads across anthropological scholarship to reach an emic understanding of those narratives and their sociopolitical reverberations and proposes approaching conspiracy theories through their style, agentive implications, and political effects. Conspiratorial style, the article argues, pertains not to the content of the narrative but to its incessant seeking of covert operations beyond readily visible forms as well as a growing flexibility regarding the narrator's belief in the narrative's veracity. The agentivizing dynamic generated through conspiracism differentiates contemporary conspiracism from its predecessors and involves an empowering current. Finally, the article focuses on how contemporary conspiracism is intricately linked to political contestations.

Land struggles, livelihoods, and trajectories of agrarian change in the Polochic valley, Guatemala

ABSTRACT This article assesses the impact of political contestation on trajectories of agrarian change in the Polochic valley, Guatemala. Livelihood surveys were carried out in four Indigenous Maya-Q’eqchi’ agrarian communities, two of which obtained access to land as a direct outcome of grassroots resistance to land grabbing. By situating livelihood strategies within the broader political economy, I argue that political contestation has inadvertently reproduced a functionally dualist agrarian structure that sustains the agroexport plantation economy while leaving little potential for expanded reproduction among campesino households. Agrarian social movements must look beyond land access alone to achieve the transformative change they seek.

LITURATERRA [Entrevista: 2024, 3] A política contra o destino: o modo de pensar as alternativas

Brazilian philosopher Roberto Mangabeira Unger, a professor at Harvard University (USA) for over forty years, presents and discusses his perspective on politics in this interview. In it, he discusses elements of his social and political theory, one of the highlights of which is his treatment of institutional issues in an original way that differs from conventional institutionalism. He begins by defining the distinction between right and left in contemporary circumstances. It defines the possible types of politics. He deals with the fundamental concepts of his theory of institutional alternatives, explaining the nature of his experimentalist proposal. It approaches the organization of powers with a different emphasis from the dominant reflection on political institutions, always uncritically focused on the issue of stability, and proposes that the main objective of politics is to provide structural transformations. It argues that the democratic regime should have its center of gravity focused on majorities and not minorities. And he suggests that the central cause of the current crisis in democratic societies is of a programmatic nature: we have not yet been able to clear away the rubble of bankrupt social democracy. The general theme discussed was a new institutional model that would enable liberal societies to overcome the dead end in which they find themselves. The interview took place on May 22, 2022, in the district of Araras, in the municipality of Petrópolis (RJ).

Abortion Law Illiberalism and Feminist Politics in Comparative Perspective

Since the 1970s, a liberal politics has dominated comparative abortion law, one almost too ubiquitous to name. This article tracks departures from liberal abortion law in Europe and the Americas that have reshaped the field of comparative abortion law. Section 2 examines the repurposing of liberal abortion law for illiberal ends in a conservative moment of authoritarian governments and their anti-gender campaigns. Drawing on larger ideas of autocratic legalism, the article analyzes how governments and courts have used the features of liberal abortion law to revoke or defeat abortion rights. Section 3 examines the counter-emergence of a feminist protest politics that has abandoned liberal abortion law in a democratic remaking of society and state. Today, in abortion lawmaking through democratized institutions and in the unmaking of abortion law through direct action, feminist movements are reclaiming comparative abortion law and its politics.

Queering Authoritarianism in Uganda: Dissident Sexualities and Tropical African [anti]-Aesthetics in Stella Nyanzi’s No Roses from my Mouth

In this article, I argue that queering female sexualities as ‘dissident sexualities’ Stella Nyanzi in her collection of prison poems, No Roses from My Mouth (2020), harnesses the aesthetics of radical rudeness (insults) through expressions of humor, innuendo, and anecdote grounded in the Baganda cultural repertoire, to critique President Yoweri Museveni’s authoritarian regime in Uganda. Her poetry draws attention to queer sexualities grounded in stylistics of dissent. Humor in the prison poems allows Nyanzi to develop an audacity that alludes to the authenticity of her queer consciousness. To this end, the article teases out how radical rude poetics, a corollary of tropical [anti]-aesthetics, affords Nyanzi a literary platform to manipulate pejorative imagery, libidinous metaphors, subversive phrases, and lewd expressions entrenched in humor as political protest. More evocatively, the article asserts that within the context of tropicality, radical rudeness as pan-Africa’s anti-aesthetic response to the Western (English) culture of politeness is focused upon in No Roses from My Mouth as a literary fuse that expands tropical aesthetic’s critique of colonialism/postcolonialism in Africa to poetically confront authoritarianism in Uganda.