Politics In Argentina Research Articles

Politics in Argentina 1890-1930: The Rise and Fall of Radicalism

Politics in Argentina 1890-1930: The Rise and Fall of Radicalism

Politics in Argentina 1890-1930: The Rise and Fall of Radicalism, by David Rock

<i>Politics in Argentina 1890-1930: The Rise and Fall of Radicalism</i>, by David Rock

The “Social Pact” as Anti-Inflationary Policy: The Argentine Experience Since 1973

Inflation has long been a fact of economic and political life in Argentina. The Peronist government which assumed office in mid-1973 attempted to control inflation through the so-called Social Pact, a wage-price agreement of two years’ duration involving the leading labor union organization, a leading businessmen's organization, and the Argentine state. An awareness of the principal issues of the economic situation is essential to an understanding of the crisis of contemporary Argentina, and a description of the evolution of the Social Pact reveals some of the essential contours of the economic debate. But the importance of the Social Pact extends beyond mere economic considerations. The study of the latest Argentine experience with anti-inflationary policy suggests some generalizations about the nature of populist political movements, the symbolic functions of economic policy initiatives, and the functions of such policies in co-opting private economic actors and legitimating governmental interference with free market forces. It also reveals some important characteristics of Argentine politics, especially concerning relations between the state and private economic groups. With economic and political implications of comparative significance, the Argentine Social Pact is an important case study in political economy.

The Peronist Left, 1955–1975

The ‘Peronist Left’ has become one of the chief actors in the often violent drama of Argentine politics today. It is the object of this article to place the events of the more recent past, at least since the return of Peronism to power in 1973, within the framework of the development of the ‘Peronist Left’ since the fall of Perón in 1955. Obviously the article makes no claim to be a comprehensive treatment of the subject. Such a treatment could only be part of a much more extensive study of the Argentine working class and the Peronist movement. In particular, the article concentrates on an analysis of the political ideology of the different currents that have made up the ‘Peronist Left’ since 1955, whilst recognizing that this ideology must ultimately be seen in the far wider context of the social and economic development of Argentine society. The first part will highlight the main features of this Left in the 1955–73 period and analyze the main currents within it. In the second part of the paper the events of the last two to three years will be looked at within this context.

Analyzing the Argentine Political System

Analyzing the Argentine Political System

The Study of Argentine Politics Through Survey Research

What causes a country that has experienced exceptionally high growth rates and living standards to stagnate with only poor and uneven economic advance, especially after it has achieved one of the lowest rates of population growth among the American republics? What forces lead to the intensification of civil violence and conflict among social and occupational groups, encouraging a pattern of military intervention in politics? What impact do patriotism, popular perceptions of leaders' decisions, and a sense of political legitimacy have upon these processes of economic growth and group conflict, and what kinds of leadership can best utilize appeals to constructive nationalism and self-sacrifice in order to promote growth and reduce conflict? Do long periods of frustrated expectations and economic stagnation tend to give citizens patterns of attitudes and behavior that make conflict more likely and growth more difficult?

Priests and Peronism: Radical Clergy and Argentine Politics

For sheer fascination, few countries in the world can offer a more intriguing post-war political history than Argentina, whose experience with Peronismo will long challenge the explanatory powers of social scientists. That this complex working-class political movement founded by Juan Peron could persist through seventeen years of proscription, together with the exile of Peron, is by itself unusual. That Peronismo not only survived these conditions but retained sufficient integrity and vitality as a political force to take center stage once again in 1973 after successive civilian and military regimes had demonstrated their inability to cope with the nation's problems is remarkable indeed. Among the forces which help to account for this unique political history, the activities of the Movimiento Sacerdotes para el Tercer Mundo, or Third World Priest Movement, have received little if any attention. This religio-political movement of the Left, which crystallized among Catholic priests in the mid-1960s, became, in the relative political vacuum of the time, not only an important actor in its own right but a vocal and highly publicized advocate of the Peronista cause as well. In the following analysis I want to show how Tercermundista' activities were instrumental in laying a foundation for the return of Peronistas to political participatin and in paving the way for Peron's triumphant return. Then I describe and evaluate the political relationship that developed between Tercermundismo and Peronismo from mid-1968 to Peron's death on July 1, 1974. As a whole the analysis is composed of four parts. In the first I examine the conditions which gave rise to Tercermundismo in order to show how Tercermundistas sought an alliance with the Peronistas. In this connection I look at the Tercermundistas approach to social analysis, its conception of a good social order, and its definition of the target groups of the liberation process. A second subject of analysis is the role of Tercermundismo as a political opposition movement from 1968 until Pero'n's return to power. Here I look at Tercermundismo as an agent of political change. A third part of the analysis concerns the mutual impact Tercermundismo and Peronismo had on one another during t4is period. Finally, in part four of the essay I formulate and attempt to answer some basic theoretical questions which arise from Argentina's recent experience with converging populist movements from the religious and secular left.

Leader and Vanguard in Mass Society: A Study of Peronist Argentina, by Jeane Kirkpatrick

The Argentine political system constitutes a type of traditional Latin politics under conditions of mass society. This book examines the mix of advanced industrial technology, regime instability, military and mass participation, and personalismo that characterizes contemporary Argentine politics. It suggests that this mix of traditional and new, of democratic and autocratic elements may become increasingly common as technological advances are achieved in societies with an autocratic political tradition.The Peronist movement is identified by the author as a particularly clear-cut embodiment of this pattern of politics. A Caesarist movement in a technologically advanced society, Peron, the Peronist vanguard, and the working-class mass base are important for Argentine politics and relevant to a number of broadly influential hypotheses concerning political movements and political development.Both the micro and the macro levels of Argentine politics are examined. An interaction model derived from past and present political practices is presented, and the underlying political culture is explored. Using data from a stratified national sample, the author examines the perspectives--identifications, expectations, and demands--of Argentines generally and of Juan Peron's mass following in particular. The Peronist world is described, its size and social composition delineated. Three chapters are devoted to analyzing Peronists' perspectives on the functions and influence of such groups as the military, the Church, landowners, and the trade unions; Peronists' perceptions of government and their relationship to it; and the political demands of the movement. In each of these chapters, Peronists' orientations are related to those of other Argentines.Several important conclusions are presented in the book's last chapter. For instance, the author finds that the Peronist movement was well within the national political culture and asserts that, although it dealt with the concrete bread-and-butter issues of daily life and shared a common ideology between leaders and masses, it lacked the radical impulse for destroying the traditional order and, as such, was not an alienated mass movement. In an epilogue, Professor Kirkpatrick comments on developments in Argentina under General Ongania and observes that the chronic instability of Argentine governments results from elite rivalries rather than from deep divisions in mass opinion.This is the 12th volume in the MIT Comparative Politics Series.

Argentine Liberalism and the Church Under Julio Roca, 1880-1886

Julio Roca and the Generation of 1880 are best characterized by their liberalism. Indeed Argentine politics ever since the fall of Juan Manuel de Rosas had adopted an increasing liberal tone. These beliefs included the encouragement of constitutionalism, federalism, freedom, and democracy. The last two points were rather vague; and democracy, especially, was interpreted in a more theoretical than practical way by the aristocracy that remained in charge of political, economic, and social affairs. However, efforts to stress the immigration of workers and capital from Europe, a relatively free trade policy, and public education for all were more clear and determined. On most of these points, the leaders of the nation seemed to agree. But on another point, that of the role of the Roman Catholic Church in Argentine life, there was sharp disagreement. At no time was this more evident than during Roca's first administration, 1880-1886.

The Function of the Little-Known Case in Theory Formation or What Peronism Wasn't

Americans in general have tended to interpret Peronism in terms of global trends salient to the United States rather than as a stage in Argentina's historical evolution. The public's image of Peron remains largely that of a pro-Axis dictator-a view owing much to the publicity newspapers gave to the neutrality of the Argentine government during World War II. A subsequent drop-off in attention left this dated perception behind in the popular mind. Argentina, after all, was where Hitler is alive and well. Only recently have Americans registered the fact that it is actually Peron who is alive and well and playing a central role in Argentine politics. The subordination of Argentine reality to global concerns may also be seen in Washington. We need only recall the swift change in United States policy toward Peron once our preoccupation shifted from defeating the Axis to containing the Communists. Indeed, the reversal was so marked that the Truman Administration found it difficult to bring public opinion along with it. Efforts to reach a rapprochement with Peron in 1945 struck many as a sellout approaching that of the Molotov-Rib-

Recessions and Rebellions in Argentina, 1870-1970

THE REVOLUTION of September 5, 1930, is generally considered a turning point in Argentine political development because it marked the first in a long series of military coups. During the fifty years prior to the revolution of 1930, there was not a single successful rebellion against the central government; national politics were characterized by civilian leadership and the regular constitutional change of presidents.' In contrast, since 1930 no civilian elected to the presidency has successfully completed a full term of office. Despite this remarkable change, it would be inaccurate to conclude that the use of force appears in Argentine politics only during the post-1930 years. Between 1870 and 1930 there were eight instances of armed rebellions against the central government, as well as various uprisings against local government. From 1930 to 1970 an additional i8 rebellions took place, making a total of 26. These are listed chronologically in Table 1.2 Armed rebellions serve as a useful starting point for examining political change in Argentina. As historical events, rebellions are relatively easy to pinpoint; at any given moment there either is or is not an armed rebellion under way, and its existence as an historical fact is not questioned.3 Rebellions are important for many reasons, not

Student Politics in Argentina: The University Reform and Its Effects, 1918–1964. By Richard J. Walter. (Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1968. Pp. xviii, 236. $7.50.)

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The Social Base of Peronism

ONE OF THE MOST critical issues in Argentina's recent political history concerns source of popular support for Juan Per6n. His followers ardently maintain that El Lfder won devotion from the common people; detractors insist that he hoodwinked and exploited gullible illiterates. Historical and sociological interpretations have emphasized Peron's connection with the urban working class and displaced migrants, but these observations raise as many questions as they answer.' What sort of urban community, working class, or migration? How about other social sectors? What happened in rural areas? Voting returns from 1946 presidential election offer one promising means for attacking such problems. It was this election, of course, which marked beginning of Peron's decade-long dictatorship. Starting his climb to national prominence in 1943, Peron launched his impossible candidacy in late 1945 and overcame combined opposition of all former national political parties-plus indiscreet resistance of U.S. State Department-to win a solid 54 percent majority. Most commentaries upon this extraordinary achievement have derived from eyewitness accounts, partisan state* author is Associate Professor of History at University of Wisconsin, and would like to thank Graduate School at Wisconsin for helping to fund this research. David R. Olson provided expert assistance in computer programming; Michael Leavitt and James R. Taylor gave valuable advice on presentation of data. 1. Recent analyses include Gino Germani, Politica y sociedad en una e'poca de transici5n: de la sociedad tradicional a la sociedad de masas (Buenos Aires, 1963), Ch. 9; Samuel Baily, Labor, Nationalism, and Politics in Argentina (New Brunswick, N. J., 1967); Peter G. Snow, The Class Basis of Argentine Political Parties, American Political Science Review, 63:1 (March 1969), 163-67; Peter H. Smith, Social Mobilization, Political Participation, and Rise of Juan Peron, Political Science Quarterly, 84:1 (March 1969), 30-49. For some conflicting views on general question of Peron's popularity see Joseph R. Barager (ed.), Why Pero'n Came to Power: Background to Peronism in Argentina (New York, 1968).\An important new study, based on a survey taken in 1965, is Jeane Kirkpatrick, Leader and Vanguard in Mass Society: A Study of Peronist Argentina (Cambridge and London, 1971), esp. Chs. 4 and 5.

The Army and Politics in Argentina, 1928-1945, by Robert A. Potash

<i>The Army and Politics in Argentina, 1928-1945</i>, by Robert A. Potash

Student Politics in Argentina: The University Reform and Its Effects, 1918-1964

Student Politics in Argentina: The University Reform and Its Effects, 1918-1964

Student Politics in Argentina: The University Reform and Its Effects, 1918-1964.

Student Politics in Argentina: The University Reform and Its Effects, 1918-1964.

Industrial Trade Associations in Argentine Politics: Historical Roots and Current Prospects

The Industrial trade association movement in Argentina is split into two rival organizations: the Argentine Industrial Union (U. I. A., and the Confederation of Industry (C. I.), a component of the General Economic Confederation (C. G. E.). The U. I. A. represents primarily Buenos Aires interests, the C. I./C. G. E. (hereafter the Confederation) primarily industrialists of interior provinces. As such the schism between the two reflects political and economic divisions which have characterized Argentina since the nation originally freed itself from the Spanish crown.This study traces the historical background of hostility between the U. I. A. and the Confederation to determine whether the split is as irreparable as both sides claim. Has the future of the Argentine industrial sector been foreclosed by polemics arising from the nation’s peronista past?

Industrialists and Politics in Argentina: An Opinion Survey of Trade Association Leaders

The role of the Latin American industrialist as a potential modernizing agent promoting social and economic evolution has received increasing attention in recent years. Yet discussions of the industrialist's role have been largely impressionistic; few opinion surveys of the industrialist's goals and values are available. This study was based on such an opinion survey of industrial trade association leaders in Argentina, a nation in which the debate over the role of the industrialist in social evolution has received wide attention.The industrial trade association movement itself is split into two factions: the porteño-dominaied Argentine Industrial Union (UIA), created before the turn of the century, and the interior-based Confederation of Industry (CI), founded during the second presidency of Juan Domingo Perón. The ability of the sector to strengthen its political position hinges largely on the need to develop greater rapport between these two groups of industrialists.

The Army and Politics in Argentina 1928-1945. Yrigoyen to Perón

The Army and Politics in Argentina 1928-1945. Yrigoyen to Perón

Argentina, An Introduction to Argentina and The Army and Politics in Argentina 1928–1945: Yrigoyen to Perón

Argentina, An Introduction to Argentina and The Army and Politics in Argentina 1928–1945: Yrigoyen to Perón