Political Strike Research Articles

Львів як осередок національного відродження періоду “Перебудови”

At the turn of 1980s the Communist Party leadership dared to introduce a policy of “perestroikaˮ as a way to preserve Russia's political monopoly in a multinational country, the principles of which had been significantly shaken. However, the “perestroikaˮ was unsuccessful attempt to install democratic tools and the elements of a market economy into the autocratic Soviet background and its planned economy. This unnatural synthesis led to a partial weakening of the political regime in the country, which manifested itself in the form of a policy of publicity. It made the numerous communist crimes of the past decades, carefully concealed by the Communist Party publicly available and began the process of demolishing the Communist Party doctrine in general and communist structures in particular. For centuries, patriotic Lviv was one of the first cities in the USSR to perceive “perestroikaˮ not as a democratic renewal, but as an opportunity for Ukrainian national revival. In 1986–1987, “informalˮ societies appeared in the city. All of them came under the control of pro-Russian communist and Komsomol organizations in the city. However, the debating historical, cultural and artistic activities of the young “informalsˮ were filled with national content by semi-legal human rights unions, which advocated depriving the Communist Party of a monopoly on political power in the USSR and thus restoring Ukraine's state independence. The synchronization of the activities of “informalsˮ and human rights activists gradually transformed them into non-communist-controlled national organizations, whose program goals took on anti-communist features and whose activities gave rise to the first street protests. The key feature of 1989 was the rapid politicization of national societies, which lost their “informal” features and accepted the demands of the patriotic public of Lviv. This process resulted in strikes and “rally marathons, which turned the democratic movement into a national one and gave it liberating features. In 1990, the national societies of Lviv became the basis for the consolidation as well as the foundation of political parties that deprived the Communists of power in the city before the collapse of the USSR and the restoration of state independence of Ukraine. At this stage, the national movement was so politicized that it acquired pronounced state-building features. The final stage of Lviv's national revival was 1991. Patriotic citizens, led by political parties, were ready to repel the State Committee of Emergency Situations and were preparing for an indefinite political strike. After the failure of the coup in the USSR, the Lviv national authorities deprived Communist Parties of property and put this organization outside the law.

Purely Political Strike versus Protest Strike: Should the Right to Strike Be Limited to Industrial Disputes?

Purely Political Strike versus Protest Strike: Should the Right to Strike Be Limited to Industrial Disputes?

Trust in the police and the militarisation of law enforcement in Latin America

ABSTRACT Modern civilian police in Latin America has transitioned from an authoritarian past to a violent present. This institutional trajectory has evolved in the shadow of recurrent attempts by elected civilians to bring the armed forces back to domestic politics for partisan or personal gains. Current militarisation of law enforcement is another exploitation of the traditional supremacy of the armed forces over the police, which could have important repercussions on citizen trust in the police. Survey data from 28,874 adults in 18 countries were analysed to identify patterns of trust in both the armed forces and the police and to assess the impact of public support for the militarisation of law enforcement on citizen trust in the police. Results suggest that although both the military and the police are in general moderately appreciated by the citizenry, when criminal violence and political instability strike, public trust in the two security institutions starts to move in opposite directions. Subregional differences notwithstanding, the arrival of armed forces as iron-fisted guardians preventing society’s descent into violent chaos amidst insecurity and chaos typically damages police legitimacy. Declining trust in the police and increasing public support for the militarisation of law enforcement feed a downward spiral in high-crime environments that further discredits the police. Political implications of this legitimacy crisis are discussed, and policy solutions are recommended.

Violence and Resistance to the State: Georges Sorel’s Reflections on Violence

This paper explains the meaning and significance of violence in Georges Sorel’s Reflections on Violence (1908) through an examination of three distinctions that structure the book. First between the proletarian strike and the merely political strike; second between myth and utopia; third between violence and force. The paper looks to Sorel’s earlier and later writings, and to the strike actions unfolding around him, to argue that violence was a relatively novel topic for Sorel, and in the Reflections it is connected to an understanding of the State that comes to define it.

Prawo do strajku generalnego. Rozważania de lege lata i de lege ferenda

The right to a general strike. Considerations de lege lata and de lege ferenda The right to political (general, universal) strike is undoubtedly polycentric in nature, since in order to properly decode and interpret it, it is necessary to refer to both axiology, philosophy and national and international law, including EU law. Moreover, a political strike is in fact not only a result of axiological assumptions, accepted philosophical or doctrinal and political considerations. It manifests the state of the State and the level of democracy in terms of the struggle for the improvement of working and remuneration conditions, social sphere or public sphere.

O direito de greve como manifestação do exercício da democracia: Análise da decisão do TST sobre a legitimidade da greve política

Esta pesquisa analisa quais as possibilidades e os limites do direito de greve política como manifestação do exercício da democracia, examinando decisão proferida pelo Tribunal Superior do Trabalho no Brasil. O estudo inicia por examinar a relação entre liberdade sindical, direito de greve e exercício da democracia. A seguir, o artigo sistematiza a legislação brasileira e internacional sobre liberdade sindical e direito de greve. Por fim, a pesquisa considera se o direito de greve pode ser exercido diretamente em face do Estado. O estudo propõe que limitações constitucionais e legais no plano nacional e internacional ao exercício do direito de greve não implicam no reconhecimento restrito do direito de greve, abrangendo apenas as relações entre empregado e empregador. Assumir a possibilidade do exercício do direito de greve diante do Estado significa entender seu papel fundamental de instrumento político para a participação democrática dos trabalhadores.

How does violence affect exporters? Evidence from political strikes in Bangladesh

AbstractUsing novel daily data, we examine the impact of political violence on firm‐level export activity. Our data cover the universe of political strikes and export transactions in Bangladesh during 2010–2013 and allow us to examine the effects of these strikes at a highly granular level. We first show that multiday political strikes lower the likelihood that a firm will export by 6.30 percentage points. We then examine whether these disruptions result in adverse effects on export prices. Given that this violence creates greater risk of missed shipments, importers may respond by demanding lower prices as compensation. We provide the first evidence of such adverse price effects of political violence. Our results suggest that during July to December, 2013, when there was a multiday political strike every 5 days, the prices of time‐sensitive Bangladeshi products declined by 1.59%.

The Right to Strike and Legal War in Walter Benjamin's “Toward the Critique of Violence”

Abstract The object of this article is to show how, at the beginning of his essay “Toward the Critique of Violence,” Walter Benjamin uses the questions of the right to strike and law of war to exemplify the way in which the state monopoly has no other goal than to preserve the law itself. In so doing, the question of the boundary between violence and nonviolence is put into conversation with the distinction made by Georges Sorel between the political strike and the general revolutionary strike.

The 1919 Forty Hours Strike

The 1919 Forty Hours general strike is most often remembered for the ‘Bloody Friday’ police riot in Glasgow on 31 January. The article argues that its true significance lies elsewhere. It was as a political strike that carried forward the lessons of the wartime shopstewards movement into the postwar period, that drew organisationally on the experience of Bolshevik revolution in establishing area ‘social committees’ and provided a model for the development of Councils of Action as deployed in 1920 and 1926. The strike’s success in mobilising support across Britain impacted powerfully on the policies of the postwar coalition government. It was instrumental in reversing plans for a deflationary budget in favour of expenditures on housing, pensions and health – described by Lloyd George as ‘insurance against Bolshevism’. On Clydeside the experience of the strike, and the military occupation it provoked, marked a defining moment in the creation of a new working-class identity bridging workplaces and communities and consolidating support for socialist politics.

The activity of the Union of Unions in the period of the Russian Revolution of 1905

The article deals with the activities of the Union of Unions during the Russian revolutionary unrest in 1905-1907. The author focuses on the fact that the organisation consisted of united various socio-political unions and was aimed at the fighting for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly and for universal suffrage. The main attention in the article is paid to the decisions of the delegate congresses of the Union, which took place during 1905-1906. The association was headed by Pavel Milyukov, who had always regarded the Union as a prototype of the future party of constitutional democrats. The author gives a generalised description of the Union’s initiatives to boycott the elections to the first State Duma, to participate in the all-Russia political strike and the December armed uprising in the fall of 1905. The article traces the difficult relationship of zemstvos and the Union of Unions, which failed to determine its position in relation to them. As a result, the author makes a conclusion that during the recession of the revolution, the Union of Unions ceased to carry out active work and gradually disintegrated, it had failed to find its place among revolutionary organisations.

INFLUENCE OF REFERENDUM 2016 ABOUT BREXIT ON CAREER OF DEFINITE BRITISH POLITICIANS FROM NON-RULING PARTIES

The purpose of given article is to consider the influence of the referendum 2016 on exit of the UK from the European union (EU) on position of leaders of some British political parties. Given article is based on the British parliament’s data of, data from the official site of the Labour Party and on the British press articles. The historical-genetic or descriptive method is used as the basic method of the research. This article considers the influence of the British referendum 2016 on the career of the leaders of the various British political parties. It shows the internal political struggle for the leader’s place. It is noticed that the most dramatic struggle was in oppositional Labour party which splited on a top of party and the leader supported by ordinary Labour members. The first have raised the question about a vote of no confidence because of their dissatisfaction with the leader’s activity, the second have supported the leader who as a result has won the Labour party’s elections. As for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) there was a change of the leader at his own desire, and struggle was not such sharp, but it took place after the resignation of the leader. It is underlined that other parties were not influenced by the referendum 2016 results because they or are either in decline, or their have minimum political influence. As a conclusion the British referendum 2016 is said to have become the catalyst of political strike, nominal because of it has not occurred or there was a change of leaders.

How Do Exporters Cope with Violence? Evidence from Political Strikes in Bangladesh

Using novel, daily data we examine the impact of political violence on firm-level export activity. Our data cover the universe of political strikes and daily, export transactions in Bangladesh during 2010 to 2013 and allow us to examine the effects of these strikes at a highly granular level. We first show that multi-day political strikes lower the likelihood that a firm will make an export shipment by 6.30 percentage points. We then examine whether these disruptions result in adverse effects on export prices. Given that this violence creates greater risk of missed shipments, importers may respond by demanding lower prices. We provide the first evidence of such adverse price effects of political violence. Our results suggest that during July to December, 2013, when there was a multi-day political strike every five days, the prices of time-sensitive Bangladeshi products declined by 1.59 percent.

언론사 내부에 있어서의 언론의 자유 침해와 정치파업의 문제 : MBC파업사태와 징계무효판결과 관련하여

In 2012, the court ruled in favor of the MBC labors’ union over their strike demanding resignation of Jae-Chul Kim, a former president. Therefore all of the disciplinary measures gainst the strikers were annulled. In 15th century, messpublication became possible thanks to the invention of printing. Church exercise rigid censorship on printed matters against church. Strikes against the pre-screening were organized by then, and people’s constitution alfreedom of speech was secured by the new-richcitizens with the influence of Enlightenment from Great Britainin 17th, 18th century.BR The value of liberty of speech is to organize and deliver free thoughts and it is a fundamental prerequisite of democracy in any constitutional states. However, the problem lies on the internal screening on the purpose of management, and on the fact that if necessary, the company can dismiss their own journalists. Since it is not about a private company, it could be said that freedom of speech can be violated. From the point of view of civil liberties, the company and the media are considered to be the same, and they are judged as in a private company’s case. BR But in the modern society, the liberty of press is not necessarily violated only by the government but as I mentioned earlier, screening and infringement within the company can be a matter.BR If the discharges to the employees in the media company are treated like the ones in private companies, this paralyzes one of the media’s most important roles that is conveying people’s right to know.BR At the same time, we cannot ignore the possibility of information control by the media companies. It means that violations within the media companies are violation of constitutional liberty of speech. In addition, in case discharged journalists organize strikes and demand the resignation of CEO, we need to figure out if it is economical or political strike; I compared related constitutional issue with another country’s theory.BR MBC strike is unique because it has both economical and political meanings. If the most valuable role of the press is to conveying the truth while protecting public interests, the court’s rule on the strike can have the same meaning.

Union Density and Political Strikes

Why do trade unions organize antigovernment strikes in some countries but not in others? This article argues that there is a curvilinear relationship between union density and political strike activity. Political strikes are rare in countries with low union density, since effective protests require a basic level of organizational capacity. They are also rare in countries with high union density, since a government that faces a strong union movement has powerful incentives to adjust its policies in order to avoid open confrontation. But political strikes are relatively common in countries with moderate levels of union density, since it is difficult for governments and unions to find viable compromises when the strength of the unions is not secure. The empirical part of the article estimates the relationship between union density and the likelihood of political strikes in two samples of advanced democracies.

Эрих фон Фалькенгайн: черты биографии

The article is devoted to basic stages of Erich von Falkenhayn’s (1861–1922) biography, who was the head of German armed forces in 1914–1916. Analyzing on the basis of different sources style of making decisions, his relations with competitors from the military elite, finally replaced him on a post of head of OHL, author dismisses some popular historiography’s myths, comes to conclusion about an injustice of in an estimation both most Falkenhayn, and strategy he preferred. Character traits Falkenhayn, his readiness to execute the duty, despite of failures in career are shown, than he favourably differed from the ill-wishers who have interfered political strike and in general predetermined crash of monarchy in Germany. The author considers true scale of the contribution of the chief of Great General Staff in successes and failures Imperial Germany during the First World War.

‘The knife in the hands of the children’? Debating the political mass strike and political citizenship in Imperial Germany

German trade union leader Ludwig Rexhäuser compared workers who might use the political mass strike to children one could not trust with a knife. No other worker leader so openly disparaged the masses, and some embraced worker activism. Nonetheless, pre-1914 German Social Democrats, in debating the mass strike, differed sharply over whether and which workers could be trusted with political agency, how workers could attain political maturity, and what tactics citizens might or should legitimately use. The contested nature of political citizenship within Germany's most democratic movement illuminates just how complex democracy and democratization have proven in practice.

Internationalist Mobilization during the Collapse of the Soviet Union: The Moldovan Elections of 1990

In September 1989, speaking to the Republican Strike Committee of the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic (MSSR), Erkin Nurzhanovich Auel'bekov, assistant chairman of the All-Union Soviet of Nationalities, asked a question of great importance to Soviet citizens in the increasingly fragile union: “Is there such a thing as a Sovietnarod(people), or is this just an empty fiction?” For Auel'bekov and the assembled strike committee, the answer was not in doubt. “Certainly for all of us here,” he continued, “there is such anarod.There is a passport, there are Soviet people (sovetskie liudi) and, moreover, there is justification for thinking that this is the most important achievement of the past seventy years of Soviet power.” Soviet patriots, they agreed, needed to protect thisnarodfrom the process of “nationalization” that threatened the Soviet Union and its constituent people both locally in Moldova and more broadly in the union in general. The protection of this achievement in Soviet nation building became the mission of an “internationalist' ” movement as it moved from a strike campaign to stop language laws in 1989 to an election campaign in 1990. The political strike of 1989 had achieved none of its immediate goals and as internationalist activists moved into the second phase of the conflict over the future of Moldova they invoked imperiled Soviet achievements as they first attempted to take the Moldovan government through the ballot box, and failing at that, to take the eastern region of Transnistria out of Moldova.

Deconstructive Justice and the “Critique of Violence”: On Derrida and Benjamin

This essay presents a critical interpretation of Derrida's deconstructive reading of Walter Benjamin's text, “Critique of Violence.” It examines the relationship between deconstruction and justice, and the parallel Derrida draws between deconstructive reading and Benjamin's account of pure violence. I argue that Derrida blurs Benjamin's distinction between the political general strike (which simply inverts state power relations) and the proletarian general strike (which non-violently disrupts such power relations). As a consequence, Derrida criticises Benjamin's metaphysical complicity with the violence that lead to the Holocaust. Derrida's deconstructive reading of Benjamin, I conclude, underplays its Marxist dimensions, privileging the theological and textual dimensions of Benjamin's thought over the political and historical.

Patterns of violence in Karachi, Pakistan

Objectives: Government reports on violence in developing countries are almost universally based upon police data, which are typically incomplete and unreliable. Violence in Karachi was evaluated using ambulance service, not...

Le conflit des cheminots de novembre-décembre 1995 : les avatars politiques d'une grève corporative

How does the December 1995 rail strike stand out from other labor conflicts at the SNCF (the French national rail company) ? The division existing within occupational categories and among unions was overcome by the will to defend a status and retirement systems. The mechanical effects of these vested labor interests led to a political strike for defending the company as a public service. The transformation of a bread-and-butter strike into a political movement led the unions to lay hold of the new issues that could eventually destabilize the arrangements based on such vested interests.