Political Statements Research Articles

Aftermath of the Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis: Media Discourse Analysis of Taiwan and India’s Perception of China’s Threat

This study examines Taiwan and India’s media discourse and political elite statements from 1 July 2022 to 1 October 2023, starting from the fourth Taiwan Strait crisis in 2022. We conducted a discourse analysis of over 121,901 news texts using extensive data analysis and text-mining software. Additionally, our research team conducted expert focus group discussions with renowned think tanks and research centres in New Delhi, India. Building upon the data text analysis findings, we further explored India’s stance on the Taiwan Strait conflict, its perception of the Chinese threat and the impact of the ongoing ‘new normal’ crisis on India’s Indo-Pacific strategic layout. The aim was to uncover common security needs and intersecting interests between the two countries, considering their different national interests and geopolitical considerations. Based on the analysis of textual mining and expert discussions, this study reveals the following: First, India is concerned about the current situation in the Taiwan Strait. Second, the current tensions in the Taiwan Strait will influence India’s strategic layout. Third, there is a growing consensus within India regarding the Chinese threat. In light of these findings, this study suggests that Taiwan and India share interests in democratic values, maritime traffic security and high-tech industry supply chains. Taiwan possesses expertise in China studies and a deep understanding of China’s military threat, while Taiwan and India possess specific technological capabilities. Based on these foundations, there are potential opportunities for further dialogue, exchange and cooperation in relevant fields between India and Taiwan.

DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE AS BENELUX COUNTRIES’ FOREIGN POLICY TOOL: STRUCTURAL AND TRANSFORMATIONAL ASPECTS

The article discusses the use of development assistance as a foreign policy tool by the Benelux countries, namely Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg. The paper aims to answer the question whether the development assistance provided by the Benelux states corresponds to their political statements which cite this policy area as a soft power instrument, or the three approaches to development assistance rather reflect other goals, e.g. beneficial economic cooperation with developing countries. The article analyzes international statistical data, sociological surveys and official development assistance-related documents, using qualitative historical and descriptive as well as genealogical and historical methods to trace the evolution of the three countries’ approaches. The concepts of small and middle powers, to which the Benelux countries belong, and the concept of soft power constitute the theoretical and methodological framework of the research. The article concludes that the Benelux countries’ approaches to development assistance are different, complex and changeable. The pursuit of economic goals helps explain at least some of the three states’ geographic and functional priorities, which translate into defining countries where Benelux’ companies are situated as key partners or specializing in the development assistance areas where these companies can be involved. This pursuit is most clearly evident in the Dutch approach, while Luxembourg seems to value soft power function more as it enhances the country’s image as one of the most generous donors and a responsible member of the international community. Unlike Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Belgium show a downward trend in the amount of assistance allocated (with the exception of 2015 and 2022), amid doubts about the effectiveness of development assistance and securitization of this area; however, the ongoing public debates keep relevant the use of development assistance as soft power vis-à-vis the countries of the Global South.

1908 Annexation of Bosnia in the Serbian Press

This study delves into the Serbian press's role during the Bosnian annexation crisis in 1908, a pivotal episode in Balkan and European history. Following the provisions of the Treaty of Berlin (1878), Austria-Hungary's occupation of the Bosna Vilayet and subsequent administrative control set the stage for a protracted legal and political conflict. The crisis reached its zenith in the autumn of 1908 when Austria-Hungary unilaterally annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), provoking a formidable reaction across Europe particularly in Belgrade. Serbia, perceiving BiH as a historic territory of paramount significance, emerged as one of the staunchest opponents of Vienna's actions. This resistance was fervently articulated in the Serbian press from August 1908 to March 1909, with leading newspapers such as Politika, Mali Žurnal, Pravda, and Carigradski Glasnik playing a central role in shaping public sentiment. This study aims to analyze the impact of the Serbian press on national opinion during the annexation crisis, examining the portrayal of domestic and international news, the coverage of protests and demonstrations in Belgrade and other Serbian cities, the movements of Chetnik detachments, mobilization announcements, and political statements. By scrutinizing these elements, the research seeks to illuminate the state of Serbian public opinion at the close of 1908 and throughout 1909 and assess the significance of the annexation for Serbian politics and national identity. The findings reveal that the Serbian press exerted substantial influence, inciting vigorous public reactions, sharp protests, and demands for military engagement.

Experiencing ‘Taiwanese’ nationhood in the ambivalent heritage from the Japanese colonial era

ABSTRACT This study discusses how ordinary people experienced and reproduced Taiwanese nationhood in response to the ambivalent heritage of the Japanese colonial era. Heritage serves as a crucial instrument to convey the national imagining; nevertheless, it is unclear how ordinary people could gain a national meaning from the colonial-era heritage of hegemonic discourse. By interconnecting the theoretical ideas of ‘imagined community’ and ‘banal nationalism’, semi-structured interviews were conducted in this study to explore how ordinary people appropriated the colonial-era heritage as the notion of a ‘historic territory’ shared by a ‘national we’. Their discussions revealed intelligence attachments, local characteristics, personal memories, and political statements as scenarios from which they obtained gratification and admiration. The results also revealed that these social narratives extended the official narrative to reshape the colonial-era heritage associated with one particular group and era as the property of all Taiwanese, emphasising the recreation of nationhood through a bottom-up force.

The Interplay of Language, Ideology, and Power

Language is a powerful vehicle for ideology, serving not only as a means to political ends but also as a fundamental ground for attaining and maintaining positions of power. This article explores the intricate relationship between language, ideology, politics, and power, examining how linguistic devices such as implicature are utilized to influence public perception and shape political discourse. By analyzing specific political statements, the article demonstrates how language can imply more than what is explicitly stated, subtly indoctrinating individuals or groups with certain ideological positions. It delves into the role of language in reinforcing dominant ideologies, highlighting the challenges faced by those who question these ideologies. Through this analysis, the article underscores the critical function of language in both reflecting and propagating power dynamics within society. The study also investigates the concept of linguistic determinism and its potential implications for thought control. By understanding these mechanisms, we gain insight into how language is employed to seek consent, legitimize authority, and perpetuate ideological beliefs, ultimately shaping social, political, and power structures.

Politicizing terror: the (ab)use of counterterrorism law for authoritarian ends in Tunisia

ABSTRACT This article analyses Tunisian President Kais Saied's abuse of counterterrorism law and his culpability in the country’s democratic backsliding. Following his election in 2019, Saied, with a split government and a growing economic and political crisis, took extreme measures to end the political deadlock, including dissolving the country’s parliament and claiming emergency powers in 2021. We argue that Saied has moved beyond making temporary moves to ensure political stability and is now seeking to use the country’s counterterrorism law as both his “weapon and shield,” conducting a targeted arrest campaign against opposition figures, and solidifying his authoritarian control of Tunisia. The arrest campaign, conducted primarily under the 2015 counterterrorism law, commenced in early 2023 and has included several prominent political figures in Tunisia. The charges, often stemming from an offender’s political statements, were framed as violations of the counterterrorism law, and were therefore justified to stem the tide of extremism and terrorism in Tunisia. Such legal abuse has allowed Saied to present his authoritarian actions as within the limits of the rule of law, a common approach for entrenched authoritarians. The analysis of arrest patterns suggests that a continued abuse of the counterterrorism law will eventually erode Tunisia’s nascent democracy.

Embodying scenes of moral disorder: Bodily gestures as a site of signification in feminist TikTok activism

Abstract Platformisation has facilitated the emergence of new rhetorical spaces where activists can creatively structure and present their political statements according to medium-specific affordances. In this article, we examine a group of activists on TikTok who topicalise gender-based violence and gender inequality through multimodal means of communication in short videos. We approached these videos as rhetorical arenas for communicating compelling messages with the aim of appealing to the audience. We used digital ethnography, multimodal discourse analysis, and approaches to the mediality of the body to conduct our investigation and analyses. Our results explicate how affective cues and bodily signals are put to rhetorical and political use in TikTok stories to pursue social change. That is, bodily performances stage interrelational positionings in a visual format, conveying affective evaluations and judgements about the state of the world and forming rhizomatic threads of messages to mobilise support and to affirm identification among the members of the movement.

The political (a)symmetry of metacognitive insight into detecting misinformation.

Political misinformation poses a major threat to democracies worldwide, often inciting intense disputes between opposing political groups. Despite its central role for informed electorates and political decision making, little is known about how aware people are of whether they are right or wrong when distinguishing accurate political information from falsehood. Here, we investigate people's metacognitive insight into their own ability to detect political misinformation. We use data from a unique longitudinal study spanning 12 waves over 6 months that surveyed a representative U.S. sample (N = 1,191) on the most widely circulating political (mis)information online. Harnessing signal detection theory methods to model metacognition, we found that people from both the political left and the political right were aware of how well they distinguished accurate political information from falsehood across all news. However, this metacognitive insight was considerably lower for Republicans and conservatives-than for Democrats and liberals-when the information in question challenged their ideological commitments. That is, given their level of knowledge, Republicans' and conservatives' confidence was less likely to reflect the correctness of their truth judgments for true and false political statements that were at odds with their political views. These results reveal the intricate and systematic ways in which political preferences are linked to the accuracy with which people assess their own truth discernment. More broadly, by identifying a specific political asymmetry-for discordant relative to concordant news-our findings highlight the role of metacognition in perpetuating and exacerbating ideological divides. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

CEO activism is not equal to CEO activism: a typology of executives' political statements

PurposeWhen CEOs are publicly weighing in on sociopolitical debates, this is known as CEO activism. The steadily growing number of such statements made in recent years has been subject to a flourishing academic debate. This field offers first profound findings from observational studies. However, the discussion of CEO activism lacks a thorough theoretical grounding, such as a shared concept accounting for the heterogeneity of sociopolitical incidents. Thus, the aim of this paper is to provide an archetypal framework for CEO activism.Design/methodology/approachThe authors used a multiple case study approach on 145 activism cases stated by CEOs and found seven distinct statement archetypes.FindingsThe study identifies four main structural design elements accounting for the heterogeneity of activism, i.e. the addressed meta-category of the statement, the targeted outcome, the used tonality and the orientation of the CEOs’ positions. Further, the authors found seven distinguishable archetypes of CEO activism statements: “Climate Alerts”, “Economy Visions”, “Political Comments”, “Self-reflections and Social Concerns”, “Tech Designs”, “Unclouded Evaluations” and “Descriptive Explanations”.Research limitations/implicationsThis typology classifies the heterogeneity of CEO activism. It will enable the analysis of interrelationships, mechanisms and motivations on a differentiated level and raise the comprehensibility of research-results.Practical implicationsThe framework supports executives in understanding the heterogeneity of CEO activism and to analyse personality-fits.Originality/valueTo the authors’ knowledge, this marks the first conceptualisation of activism developed cross-thematically. The work supports further theory-building on CEO activism.

Not translating food as a political statement: the case of Najat El Hachmi

ABSTRACT The initial premise of this article is that food ‘goes beyond the need for nourishment’ (Chiaro, 2008, p. 195). The basic assumption is that food is a system of cultural representation. In line with Charron and Desjardins (2011, p. 1), our starting point is that ‘[l]anguage and food define and shape collective identities […]. Food not only shapes identities, but it can also act as a pivot or bridge language between divergent identities, a form of cultural mediation or translation.’ The first section analyzes how food has been studied in a wide variety of disciplines as a way of transmitting the characteristics of a culture, its identities, and ways of seeing the world. Within the context of food as a semiotic system that communicates, the second section focuses on the novels of Najat El Hachmi, those in which food is seen as a way of translating cultures.

The N400 effect captures nuances in implicit political preferences

We conducted a study in San Antonio, Texas, in the weeks preceding the 2022 state Governor election to determine if implicit or explicit measures of political preference could predict voter behavior. We adapted an established event-related potential (ERP) paradigm showing political statements to participants one word at the time where the last word made the statement pro-Republican or pro-Democratic. Our sample of college students included decided and undecided voters, and was reflective of the demographic make-up of south-central Texas. Our implicit measures were an established authoritarianism scale and the N400 effect to the sentence-final word. The N400 is an ERP to any stimulus that engages semantic memory and has been shown to measure implicit disagreement with political statements. Explicit measures of political preference and authoritarianism were predictive of vote choice. The expected N400 effect was found for Democratic voters, with larger amplitude to pro-Republican than pro-Democratic statements. Surprisingly, decided Republican voters showed no difference in N400 responses to pro-Republican and pro-Democratic statements and there was no group difference in the N400 effect. In turn, the N400 was not predictive of voter behavior. We argue that the N400 effect reflected individual political preferences, but that ultimately voter behavior aligned with partisan identity.

Others as Security Threats: Securitizing Discourses, Social Magic, and the Bureaucratic Field

For over 20 years, there has been an ongoing debate about what is primary in the process of securitization—discourses or practices. Traditional research on securitization tends to analyze discourses and practices separately, which can be seen even in studies that attempt to combine these two approaches. In this context, the concept “discourses” refers to a wide range of public political statements, while the concept “practices” mainly refers to the strategies of security professionals. I argue that, in order to gain a better understanding of securitization processes, the research focus should be narrowed to first-order securitizing performatives and the related securitizing practices. This approach will highlight political statements that can genuinely alter social reality, bridge the gap between discourses and practices, facilitate the analysis of institutional mechanisms of securitization, and help obtain much new relevant empirical material. The potential benefits of the proposed approach are illustrated through the analysis of two cases: the Italian case and the Russian case. For the Italian case, the analysis includes declarations of states of emergency related to the exacerbation of the “nomad issue.” For the Russian case, it examines legal acts stipulating the official recognition of migrants as prone to terrorism.

Poster 398: Patient Perceptions of Social Media Use by Orthopaedic Surgeons: Comparing Responses Across the US

Objectives: The purpose of this study was to characterize content posted by orthopaedic surgeons on social media (SM) while investigating patient perceptions of this content from various regions of the United States. Analysis was included regarding how this content may influence the respondents’ healthcare decisions. Methods: SM posts by orthopaedic surgeons were reviewed and categorized. A patient survey was written to assess respondent SM usage practices as well as respondent perceptions of these categories. The survey was administered in the clinic of 13 separate orthopaedic surgeons via QR code. Survey results were analyzed for differences in SM utilization. Patient responses were assessed to judge perception of social medial content types. Results: There were 674 completed patient surveys. The 18-24 (89.3%) and 25-34 (87.6%) age groups were more likely to report daily use (p=0.002), but SM utilization was high among all age groups. 23% of patients reported using SM to see information about their healthcare at least once per month, 38% of patients reported reviewing the SM account of a physician at least once per month, and 23% of patients reported that they were likely or very likely to view the SM account of their own physician. 26% of patients reported that SM content is likely or very likely to influence which physician they see. Patients held the most consistently positive view of posts educating patients regarding common injuries, discussing sports team coverage, providing patient testimonials, and posts illustrating examples of imaging used to diagnose and treat patients. Patients held consistently neutral views of posts educating colleagues, discussing research and presentations at national meetings, displaying aspects of surgeons’ personal lives, and supporting marginalized groups. Several post categories elicited negative or highly polarized responses including those discussing research publications, showing surgical techniques or pictures/videos taken during surgery, or political statements. Conclusions: SM is an increasingly useful tool to help physicians interact with patients or build a practice. Physicians who wish to interact with patients should consider posting content viewed most positively including posts educating patients, discussing sports team coverage, and patient testimonials. Content that is viewed less favorably should be posted sparingly or with a sensitive tag. The most effective way to reach large patient populations appears to be through Instagram, Facebook, Tik Tok, Snapchat, and LinkedIn, in that order. Further ongoing study is required to understand the differences between physician SM content focused on interacting with patients compared to content focused on interacting with other physicians.

POLITICAL AFTERTEXT IN LINE WITH MODERN POLITICAL PRACTICES

The purpose of the research is to establish in modern political culture the concept of “zatext” and its various types in order to effectively resist provocations and disinformation of political opponents, apply adequate political technologies, achieving their political goals. The article suggests using the interdisciplinary term “zatext” to consider political strategies that are dynamically developing in the context of transforming international relations. The results of the study show that the system of diplomatic and political discussions, statements and communications is currently changing dramatically: texts with a double bottom, essentially texts with overtones, are being replaced by direct speech, in which the accompanying overtones are immediately stated, clarifying the main theses without ambiguity and hints. Against the background of the unscrupulous use of fakes at various political levels by Western countries, Russian political leaders have chosen tactics and strategies of honesty, openness and direct debunking of unscrupulous machinations on the part of political opponents. Conclusions. Thus, a new political trend is being formed - to create a new world order, which is based on equal interactions between Russia and all sincere and constructive allies. A new political culture is also emerging, based on universal human values, the desire for universal peace and the co-evolutionary development of world civilizations.

“I Am Kurdish, My Homeland Is Kurdistan”: Excerpts from Selahattin Demirtaş’s Testimony before the Turkish Court

Abstract Selahattin Demirtaş, head of the left-wing pro-Kurdish People's Democratic Party (HDP) in Turkey, was arrested in 2016; his detention stemmed from fabricated charges, allegedly originating from his speeches, political statements, and purported involvement in the Kurdish riots of October 2014, known as the Kobani Protests, across northern Kurdistan. The following excerpts are derived from Demirtaş’s extensive testimony before the Turkish court, spanning nine days between December 2023 and January 2024. He and his legal representatives facilitated the compilation of these statements and the subsequent exchange of edited copies.

Lifestyle Eco-Influencers Advertising: Is Engagement Driven by Content or Fandom?

This research examines the main common characteristics among the contents of five eco-influencer accounts from different Western countries. A quantitative content analysis was performed on 187 Instagram posts published by eco-influencers from the United Kingdom, United States, Belgium, Spain, and Peru. The topics that eco-influencers deal with the most are promoting veganism, spirituality, environmental and political claims, product advertising (their own and third-party), and personal life, generating the most interactions in the accounts. Carousels win on engagement for eco-influencers on Instagram despite videos being sponsors’ favorite format. Both sponsored content and sponsors themselves are well-received, with over half of all posts featuring them. It seems evident that the social capital of influencers encourages environmental commitment, although there is a particular bias to appreciate the person more than their activist message. In light of the results, this research contributes to the social capital theory of influencers by demonstrating that influencers show personal content and emotional appeals, such as activities with their families, personal reflections, and political statements that give them a high sense of authenticity, but which, blurs the barriers between the public and private spheres.

Британская общественность и германская угроза в 1935–1936 гг.

The article delves into the reaction of British society to the actions of Nazi Germany in the years 1935–1936, as Germany undertook steps aimed at dismantling the established system of international relations in Europe based on the Treaty of Versailles. The international situation that arose as a result of these actions posed a challenge primarily to those countries that were at the foundations of this system. Great Britain was one of the main states that had to speak in favour of the principles of the existing international system. Drawing from press materials, political statements and declarations, as well as contemporaneous diaries and memoirs, the author reconstructs the nuanced stance of British society towards the potential threat posed by the Nazi regime. The spectrum of opinions regarding the intentions of the German leadership, the reasons behind radical pronouncements and actions of Hitler, are examined.

Sovereign climate bonds: Policy innovation for just transitions in developing countries

This paper proposes sovereign climate-aligned bonds (SCBs) as an innovation that could mobilise climate investment towards developing countries. The research focuses on identifying the mechanisms underlying the issuance of SCBs in developing countries to unlock climate investment from capital markets and what they imply for facilitating just transitions. The research bridges scholarship across three fields: policy innovation, climate finance and just transitions, undertaking semi-structured interviews in two samples: SCB direct managers and intermediary and expert organisations. Drawing on Seychelles’s blue bond and Indonesia’s green sukuk as case studies, the research found that gaps in the public budgets of both countries were the main triggers for issuing SCBs and internationally, the influence of international organisations (World Bank and UNDP). Domestically, national wealth, access to international markets, alignment of the instruments' characteristics with political agendas and compatibility with regulations were key factors. SCB benefits, such as capital mobilisation, new investors and transparency, were perceived to outweigh additionality concerns or reputational risks (though higher transaction costs compared with non-green issuances remained a consideration). SCBs may be used as political statements in support of climate agendas, surpassing the perceived benefits of the mobilised capital. A legacy of exclusive dynamics in private markets remains a structural barrier for SCBs to be transformational in addressing climate change. Risk-return rationales and the exclusion of climate from countries’ risk profiling place developing countries in a more challenging position. While these instruments may not be sufficient to close the climate investment gap, they have an important role to play.

Hate Speech in American Political Discourse: A Functional-Linguistic Analysis

The aim of this paper is to analyse how the concept of hatred is represented in American political discourse. The problem of intensified hate speech requires thorough linguistic investigation as political discourse is becoming more openly conflictual. The empirical material of this study comprises public speeches by American politicians, politically themed analytical articles in the press, and posts and statements of politicians in social networks. The main method used in the analysis is the functionallinguistic analysis of discourse. The author analyses confrontational communicative tactics, e.g. discrediting, scorn, insult, accusation, mockery, etc. The objects (or victims) of such rhetoric are political opponents of the subject of speech, who may have different points of view, religious beliefs, cultural backgrounds and social status. Hate speech, which is an extreme form of how the concept of hatred can be verbalized, may be directed against confessional and ethnical groups. The paper places a special emphasis on the communicative goals and intentions of discourse participants who resort to hate speech. Usually it is the desire of the subject of speech to publicly demonstrate disrespect, mock, belittle the authority of opponents and favourably represent oneself in the eyes of the audience. The rhetoric of hatred comprises such typical means as negative and offensive epithets and metaphors; hyperbolic, comparative, rhetorical and lexical constructions with the pragmatical meaning of irony. In situations when the subjects of speech emphasize the difference between them and their opponents (national, religious, social etc.), the functional fields of the concept of hatred and the “in-group/out-group” concept may overlap. In these cases, the communicative goal of the speaker is to alienate political opponents and emphasize their dissidence in a negative way.

Immigrant threat, perception of unsafety, and political articulation of immigration and multiculturalism in European countries

A large body of work has examined the relationship between population composition and risk of victimization. Past research has also suggested that the nature of political rhetoric may have profound impacts on perceived threat, fear of crime, and moral panic. This study constitutes the first attempt to examine the relationships between the negative political articulation of both immigration and multiculturalism by extreme right-wing parties and the perception of unsafety risk in European countries. We employ data from the 2018 European Social Survey (ESS), which we merge with data from the Manifesto Project Dataset, a comparative dataset on political statements. The results reveal that individuals who reside in countries with higher levels of negative political articulation of immigration and multiculturalism express greater perceived unsafety. The results also show that higher levels of perceived immigrant threat amplify the relationship between negative political articulation of immigration and perceived unsafety. Finally, news exposure amplifies the effect of the negative political articulation of immigration on the perception of unsafety when perceived immigrant threat is higher. Our findings underscore the importance of the political context and the potential of political elites to shape public perceptions, including the perception of unsafety.