Perspective Of Political Sociology Research Articles

The political use of informal settlements as a reserve of undesirability: displacement, confinement and informality in Madrid

In the 2010s, more than 10,000 people were still living in informal settlements in Madrid while clearance and rehousing policies had been implemented since the 1960s. This persistence is due to the fact that the policies have always been selective, combining instruments for filtering the populations accepted for rehousing and evicting those considered unsuitable. This article shows that informal settlements have been made governable by (re)creating and (re)shaping zones of informality which ensure a role of reserve of undesirability through displacement, confinement and informalization of informal settlements dwellers: to make rehousing and social policies viable in the city centre, regional policies have relied on spaces of confinement at the margins of the city which have ensured the role of hosting, channelling and controlling the most marginal population built as a ‘surplus’. The article combines a historical political sociology perspective using archives and statistical analysis to explain the institutionalization of the policies and their socio-spatial effects on the long term. A multi-situated ethnography is also used to investigate the governance of informal settlements policies and their socio-spatial effects in the 2010s.

Vigilante groups in Indonesia since the 2019 election: actors, movements, agency, and networking

ABSTRACT Vigilante groups in Indonesia are changing. These actors and activities are not only connected with conventional international vigilantes (i.e. extremism organizations) but also the local extremism organizations that recently emerged and perpetrated violence extremism and intolerant activities at the international, national, and local levels. These activities organizations have, for instance, encouraged the formalization of religious teachings and the elimination of things deemed incompatible with religion—including the ongoing secularization of the public sphere. Responding to religious and theological issues in the public sphere, these organizations aim to erase or replace those they perceive as hindering their plans. Diverse organizations, through their local, national, and international networks, have been able to operate at the local level. This article aims to analyze vigilante groups after Indonesia's 2019 general election by paying attention to vigilante actors, activities, agencies, and networks. This study uses networking and political mobilization theories, as well as the political sociology perspective. This study uses data collected through big data and bibliometrics, covering 200 articles published between April 2019 and May 2021, then analyzes it was using Nvivo-12 Plus.

When Bookchin faces Bourdieu. French ‘weak’ municipalism, legitimation crisis and zombie political parties

The French municipal elections of 2020 were marked by the emergence of ‘citizen lists’ in several cities. These lists are discussed here as ‘weak’ form of new municipalism: they integrate some ideas and logics of new municipalism without having the same level of radicality as the most emblematic international examples of the movement. By analysing these initiatives from a political sociology perspective inspired by Bourdieu’s work on the political field, we develop three main arguments. First, new municipalism in France emerged in response to a deepening political crisis. At the local scale, this crisis is fuelling a misalignment between urban societies and political parties that support entrepreneurial agendas. This has laid out the conditions for the emergence of a new municipalism, formed of complex and contradictory new social alliances. Second, this movement has been dominated by a ‘participationist ideology’. Citizens’ lists have placed strong emphasis on the search for innovative participatory tools, but have invested much less energy in the construction of an alternative urban political platform. Third, we underline the unfinished nature of the new municipalism revolution, where the movement’s impetus has been weakened by the resilience of ‘zombie’ political parties. In the end, the article highlights the need to take into greater consideration existing political and institutional contexts in the study of new municipalism.

The Trans- Ummah, the Extended State, and the Question of Universality (A study in the Meanings of the Quranic Texts)

The central idea around which this paper rotates is that there is- in the Islamic perspective of political sociology- a mutual relationship between the Ummah and the state. The assumption here is that the essential characteristics of the state stem from the characteristics of the Ummah. As a demographic, extra-territory, timeless and multi-ethnical, all is such an embracing Ummah that stands as the constituent domain of the state as well as its social incubator. Likewise, the state as a material entity- with a legal status- stands as an embodiment of the Ummah. This would also make it a kind of an extended state the boundaries of which end only where its demographic extension ends. To prove this hypothesis, we attempt in this paper to discern the meanings of the Qur’anic texts that are relevant to this setting. The analysis will proceed through two integrated themes: the first one looks into the textual meanings that portrays the existence of an Ummah- united around a doctrinal identity that serves as a melting pot for nationalistic, linguistic, and relativistic ties. The second theme looks into textual meanings that indicate the emergence of an Ummah- upholding a political program, which transcends geographical borders, and promises victory and firm establishment on the land.

Policy mix comprehensiveness, resource availability and green innovation of firms

The functionalist view of policy mix comprehensiveness always regarded it as the extensive use of policy instruments and strategies to solve the multiple failures in sustainability transitions, but ignored the politic and power relations embodied in. To fill this gap, this study extended the concept of policy mix comprehensiveness from the perspective of political sociology, and proposed that the policy mix comprehensiveness represented the complex and tangled relations between governments and the governed, which might increase risks and administration burdens, thus impaired the green innovations of firms. This study further proposed that the resource availability of firms could moderate the relations between policy mix comprehensiveness and green innovation of firms. 22989 firm level data from Chinese textile industry were collected to verify the hypothesis. Our research found that policy mix comprehensiveness has positive correlations with green management innovation of firms, while has negative correlations with green technology innovation of firms, thus impaired the overall green innovation of firms. The financial resources, political resources and knowledge resources could moderate the relationship between policy mix comprehensiveness and green innovations. In doing so, our study provided a foundation for future research to explore the interactions between government and the governed and the organization behaviors in policy mix research.

Esterilización forzada de hombres indígenas: una faceta inexplorada

Este artículo tiene como objetivo explorar la problemática de la esterilización forzada en la población indígena, desde la perspectiva de la sociología política y en diálogo con la antropología médica, los estudios de género y los derechos humanos. Su metodología se basa en un estudio de caso en el que fueron esterilizados hombres indígenas mexicanos, y se complementa con una revisión documental que permitió la construcción de un caso teórico comparativo, a partir de lo ocurrido en Perú, ambos casos inscribiéndose en la década de 1990. El principal hallazgo radica en que la esterilización forzada, si bien obedece en gran medida a una política de control poblacional, en el caso particular de la población indígena, también se relaciona con la militarización que implicó la lucha contrainsurgente, desplegada desde el Estado frente a la actividad guerrillera que caracterizó en aquellos años a América Latina.

Analysis Of Social Structure And Power Relations In NW Anjani Community

In Political Sociological perspective, Nahdlatul Wathan is not only present in religious narration of Sasak Community but also has been able to build social structure with certain typical characteristics. Putting Islamic fundamentals, nationality, and NW-ism, the social structure of NW citizens reflects more the communal community, the one with high social interaction intensity and religious character. In its development, the dynamics of Nahdlatul Wathan community in communal dimension reflects a complex power relation, not only in “piety” classification and teacher-student relation but also shifting to education and intellectuality levels, resource ownership, family hegemony, and territorial egocentrism. This article will address the interaction pattern built within NW Anjani-affiliated community and power relation developing within it. This study employed structural-functional theory to read structure and system running, and power-relations theory to read the power developing in the social structure. This study describes that NW Anjani has a variety of basic values remaining to be held on tightly by its citizen as social capital and social interaction glue. The dynamics of NW Anjani community also reveals strong and functional power relation and gives significant implication to the citizen community wholeness. However, the shift of paradigm and social action of most NW Anjani citizens remains to be apparent from communal toward-non communal community, and from authoritative power relation toward symbolic authority resistance.

Why is There Zero Women Candidate for Governor Election in West Java, Indonesia?

Democracy requires active public political participation. Sustainability of general elections is vitally important in democracy. As a developing country, Indonesia is still struggling to implement its democracy. Interesting phenomena in Indonesian democracy, the number of women who run their candidacy in an election is still limited. For instance, in West Java Province Regional Election, there are no women candidates for governor or vice governor. The political sociology perspective sees these phenomena as the patriarchal culture that the community prefers male leader to women. This research aims at understanding causes of why there are no female candidates in the general election in West Java. This research makes use of quantitative approach with survey method aimed to explain political views of West Java society about female candidates in a gubernatorial election. The area of the research covers West Java province, involving 500 respondents. The data was collected by using the questionnaire distributed by Google Form to people living in this area. The data were then analyzed by inferential statistics. This study indicates that West Java residents still hold strong ideology on gender differences, believing that a good leader should be male. Even in the smallest scope of institution, men is suppossed be a leader. In addition, there is a dichotomy between the public and the personal space for male and female duty. Women are suggested to stay at the private space, while male has a duty at the public sphere. It is also evidenced in the research that women voters have little tendency to elect the female candidates. This occurs not just because of their patriarchal cultural background, but also due to their education. It is indicated that even female voters had higher education, their tendency to elect the women candidate was still low. Â

Régler l’heure de religion : l’enseignement de la religion catholique comme dispositif administratif entre les écoles publiques italiennes et l’Église catholique

This article deals with Catholic religious education in Italian State schools from a political-sociology perspective. The ‘hour of religion’ works as an arrangement, not limited to classrooms, that involves practices of control across State schools and ecclesiastic administrative bodies. The school’s management of this arrangement leads to practical negotiations between teachers and personnel, related to its legitimization as a subject of ‘religious culture’. However, bureaucratic rationalization also occurs in Church dioceses, through the management of human resources and periodic checks of teachers’ ‘proofs’ of faith. Catholic religious education appears then as a case study of the informal, hybrid regulation of religion in the ‘grey areas’ of State institutions.

Social Movements, Collective Action and Activism

Collective action and oppositional political activism are firmly established features of any society and pose a challenge to inequality, exclusion and injustice rooted in the oppression of people. Oppressive practices and exclusionary policies are often the catalyst for participation in collective action to generate a conscious move towards social, cultural and political change. Over 100 years ago the suffragette movement in the UK and the nationalist movement in India employed peaceful tactics (viewed as law breaking) with spectacular outcomes and impact which could not have been foreseen. To acknowledge the history of movements globally is crucial in the understanding of new social movements which is the focus of this special issue. Viewed from the perspective of political sociology, the range of interests of social movements is reflected in the articles published in Sociology since the 1960s to the second decade of the twenty first century, with terms such as ‘collective action’, ‘networks’ , ‘democracy’, ‘power’, ‘resistance’, and ‘citizenship’ in their titles. Furthermore, the concept ‘social movements’ has been applied to new areas such as education, for example in the article by Mirza and Reay (2000, included in our collection) which considers supplementary schools as a new social movement. This requires us to reconsider or rethink social movement theory commensurate with contemporary collective action (Ryan 2006, included in our collection). Indeed, a range of theories has been developed over time to understand the rise of social movements and their achievements. This special issue brings together a range of articles with particular ideas about social movements that have developed over a number of decades.

The Transformation of Ronggeng Dukuh Paruk

Two main Things is analyzed in this study, The first is the view of the trilogy, when its exotication much symbolized by Srintil and Dukuh Paruk was viewed in complex, divine and yet paradoxal object. This analysis was coming from the study of the genre which flourished in Indonesian literary on 70’s and 80’s, also from the political sociological perspectives when rapid development triumphed the rational masculinity over irrational superstitious during 1980’s New order era.The second is the view of the trilogy when it was filmed in 2011 entitled Sang Penari. To be a more suitable with audience, the exotication including the life of Ronggeng is made to be a more pop icon than its complexity. The study was using the the arguments of orientalism and using the illustration of mainstream pop culture audience in Indonesia after the reformation era in 1998. The broader objectives of the study, is to give a deeper understanding to many pop culture artifacts in Indonesia, in terms of formation, pattern and type of communication. This study is more in interpretive path comparing several books and writings.

El estudio de iniciativas deportivas locales para jóvenes migrantes desde una perspectiva política: retos metodológicos y prácticos

Los procesos de incorporación de los jóvenes migrantes han sido estudiados desde nuevas aproximaciones. Entre éstas, la actividad física y deportiva se ha reivindicado como espacio para la integración social y cultural. La mayoría de las investigaciones se han basado principalmente en perspectivas etnográficas para conocer mejor las experiencias reales de práctica deportiva de los migrantes y sus familias. Sin embargo, existen menos ejemplos enfocados en el análisis del discurso político. Este artículo explora algunos de los retos metodológicos que pueden surgir cuando se eligen las políticas deportivas como tema de estudio. Los principales retos metodológicos considerados incluyen, en primer lugar, entender cómo la población objetivo de estas iniciativas deportivas es definida y etiquetada y, en segundo lugar, desarrollar una selección de criterios comparativos para los diferentes niveles de participantes institucionales. Un análisis en profundidad de estos retos metodológicos puede ayudar a reflexionar sobre los constructos ideológicos del deporte como espacio de integración y subrayar la contribución de la perspectiva de la sociología política a los estudios migratorios existentes.

SPORT, POLITICS AND BLACK ATHLETICS IN SOUH AFRICA DURING THE APARTHEID ERA: A POLITICAL-SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE

The article examines the relationship between sport and politics in South Africa from a political-sociological perspective, with a specific focus on the status of black athletics in apartheid South Africa. The narrower focus aims to outline how white civil society and the National Party government utilised athletics as a mechanism to enforce the policy of separateness/apartheid in the South African society. In the process, white dominated political structures and centralised political processes were used to dominate and regulate black athletics in South Africa (1894-1976). The structures and dynamics of black athletics were, for more than a century, manipulated and dictated for political and related reasons. The manipulation took place in three broad identifiable periods, namely: 1884-1960 – the period of “informal” segregation, when the national body, provinces and clubs used race as a mechanism to enforce cleavages in society. The second period stretches from 1960-1976, when the National Party adopted a more assertive direct role to enforce their sports policy. The last period, between 1976 and 1992, signified another direction change, when government stepped back and only set the broader framework for the regulation of athletics in South Africa. In each of the periods, the politics-sport power relationship will be explained in relation to the regulation of black athletics in the country.

GAGALNYA KOMUNIKASI POLITIK: STUDI SEMIOTIKA ROLAND BARTHES PADA IKLAN POLITIK ANDRE ROSIADE

This research aimed to describes the failure process of Andre Rosiade to be a Mayor candidate of Padang in 2013 from the perspective of political sociology, particularly political communication. This study found that Andre Rosiade started his socialization by using massive political advertising media. This effort was quite successful in raising the level of popularity and electability. However, in political communication only done (depending) with one political party, he failed. Roland Barthes called this phenomenon with the concept of the death of the author (The Death of the Author). This study was a qualitative research. Interviews, observation and literature study were data collection tools. The collected data were analyzed by the method negativa semiotics of Roland Barthes. The results showed that political communication built intensely by Andre through the media was not enough to convince the Party of Social Justice (PKS) to carry him become a Mayor. For Andre, political communication which he did deemed always to have denotative meaning, but it was considered to have connotative meanings for the political party.

Reforms and Changes in Nepal: Political-Sociological Perspectives on State Restructuring Process in the Post-Democratic Period

<p>Transitions, by definition, bring changes and the 1951, 1979-80, 1990 and 2006 transitions in Nepal were changes towards democracy. But all transitions before 2006 did not herald major inclusive reforms. Pedestal on the perspectives of Political Sociology, this article argues that political actors, including parties, pressure groups and social movements, operate within a wider social contexts and issues. The socio-political formation of the modern Nepali state is extremely bucolic and power centric hence who rules is a vital concern in Nepal. Political actors inevitably rule, shape, and in turn are shaped by blistering issues faced by the society. Issues as State restructuring often becomes a blistering controversial issue when a country is going federal on the basis of desegregation. Nepali society is extremely diverse and complex hence steps forward in Nepal is possible only from macro perspective which could be a yardstick in developing the Nepali society. As Nepal is a state of many nationalities, hence in post republican State restructuring in Nepal, not xenophobia but positive protests, civil society and political parties /opposition and factual devotion will provide the common bond of harmony in variety. In the process, the affects of public opinion, civic society, ideologies and social tendencies outside of the formal institutions of political power remains decisive.</p><p>Crossing the Border: International Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies<br /> Vol.3(1) 2015: 81-98</p>

Reforms and Changes in Nepal: Political-Sociological Perspectives on State Restructuring Process in the Post-Democratic Period

Transitions, by definition, bring changes and the 1951, 1979-80, 1990 and 2006 transitions in Nepal were changes towards democracy. But all transitions before 2006 did not herald major inclusive reforms. Pedestal on the perspectives of Political Sociology, this article argues that political actors, including parties, pressure groups and social movements, operate within a wider social contexts and issues. The socio-political formation of the modern Nepali state is extremely bucolic and power centric hence who rules is a vital concern in Nepal. Political actors inevitably rule, shape, and in turn are shaped by blistering issues faced by the society. Issues as State restructuring often becomes a blistering controversial issue when a country is going federal on the basis of desegregation. Nepali society is extremely diverse and complex hence steps forward in Nepal is possible only from macro perspective which could be a yardstick in developing the Nepali society. As Nepal is a state of many nationalities, hence in post republican State restructuring in Nepal, not xenophobia but positive protests, civil society and political parties /opposition and factual devotion will provide the common bond of harmony in variety. In the process, the affects of public opinion, civic society, ideologies and social tendencies outside of the formal institutions of political power remains decisive.Crossing the Border: International Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies Vol.3(1) 2015: 81-98

Legislação, Educação e Política: percepções sociais sobre a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases e o Plano Nacional de Educação (2011-2020)

This paper analysis the relationship between education and legislation, in the perspective of Political Sociology, based on the perceptions of citizens on the Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educacao Nacional and the Plano Nacional de Educacao (2011-2020), based on the following issues: what degree of knowledge of the population on the LDB in its 15 year lifetime? (3) what level of public interest and expectations about the PNE? The methodology consists of the survey technique, applying questioning with national sampling of 1,010 respondents, as well as bibliographic and documentary research. The theoretical scope is focused on Weberian political sociology, in which education and legislation are seen as resulting from historical Western rationalization. The data show low popular interest in LDB and the PNE. However, schooling raises the level of knowledge / interest. Education is recognized as an important national issue, but the political connotation is just outstanding, especially when it comes to the recognition of the parliament as a forum for debate on educational policies. The role of the parliament is associated with providing and monitoring of resources.

Transnational self-help networks and community forestry: A theoretical framework

Global forest governance is generally analyzed as highly fragmented, meaning that it involves a multiplicity of actors and institutions. This fragmentation may be one explanation of the proliferation of multiple discourses around forest governance produced by some dominant actors. In this context, community forestry organizations are seeking, through their association in the form of transnational self-help networks, to promote alternative discourses around their own model of communitarian governance. These recent experiences question the traditional concepts and approaches that only consider community forestry organizations at the local scale.Based on a transnational political sociology perspective and on concrete experiences from Mesoamerica, this paper aims to present an innovative analytical framework to understand how transnational self-help networks of community forestry contribute to transform norms of forest governance through their discourses. It aims in particular to capture the mechanisms leading to the translation of norms between scales and the production of discourse coalitions within the network. The goal is finally to consider transnational self-help networks of community forestry as full-fledged actors within global forest governance, with the capacity to transform the nature of key norms of governance, particularly those directly affecting their own model.

Teorías críticas del Estado y la disputa por la educación superior en la era de la globalización

The authors of this work have, for some time, addressed the study of changein higher education institutions from a political sociological perspective, andbased on theories on the State and power. A re-politicization of universities canbe identified due, in large part, to the new competing demands that generatestructural tensions: to produce skilled manpower for the global market, to takea leading role in promoting the “knowledge economy,” and to democratize accessfor disadvantaged groups, among other requirements. In this context, theauthors argue that it is even more necessary to analyze this institutions froma theoretical framework which takes into account the power relations withinand without these institutions. Finally, an analytical perspective focused onhegemony is proposed, which permits increased understanding of the majorchanges facing higher education institutions in the era of globalization.

Conflictos territoriales y perspectivas de desarrollo de la energía eólica en el istmo de Tehuantepec

<p>El presente artículo versa sobre los conflictos territoriales que surgieron a partir del desarrollo de energía eólica en el istmo de Tehuantepec oaxaqueño. Tal problemática se inició en 1994, con la instalación de la primera central eólica en Latinoamérica, denominada “La Venta I”, y en la actualidad continúa profundizándose debido a la llegada de más proyectos del mismo tipo. El trabajo se elaboró desde la perspectiva de la sociología política, orientación teórica con la que se analiza el proceso de transformación de la estructura territorial agraria mexicana en el istmo de Tehuantepec, el cual devino un plan de desarrollo energético, que provocó una confrontación entre dos grupos de interés sobre un mismo territorio: propietarios rurales y empresas eólicas. ¿Quiénes son los protagonistas de esta transformación territorial?, ¿qué cambia y qué permanece en este proceso histórico? Para el análisis de este complejo proceso de “modernización” y cambio de política energética, se compuso este texto, organizado en tres apartados que intentan englobar los aspectos más relevantes del problema.</p>