Political Role Research Articles

Shaping Eurasia's Future: The Evolving Role and Impact of the Organization of Turkic States

This commentary provides a comprehensive analysis of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), tracing its evolution from the dissolution of the Soviet Union to its recent summits. Specifically, it discusses the establishment of the OTS, its institutionalization, and its role in regional and international politics. Furthermore, this analysis delves into the organization's evolution, project execution, and growing global impact, with a particular emphasis on the OTS' commitment to cooperation and solidarity among Turkic states.

Socio-Cultural Impediments Condense the Role of Women Political Workers in their Affiliated Political Parties

The present study analyzed women’s role with respect to women's interest protection in their respective affiliated political parties. The study attempted to inquire about support and encouragement to women political workers from their respective families and political parties in the electioneering process. In so doing, this study examined women’s role in policy agenda and resource allocation for women’s equal access to education and health. A cross-sectional research design was used to accomplish the current study. A sample of 231 women on reserved seats was interviewed. A stratified random sampling technique of probability was used for sample selection. Interview Schedule was used as a data collection tool, which consists of Likert scale questions. The data was analyzed by SPSS 21 version software, univariate analysis was established by analyzing simple frequencies of the information, while the bivariate association was established by cross-tabulation and binary logistic regression. The study found that socio-cultural impediments restrict women political workers’ roles in their respective affiliated political parties. It may safely be concluded from the findings of the present study that women's political role remained insubstantial with regard to gender equity and equality. Women's political activities are determined by their male counterparts. Practical and strategic gender needs are required to be addressed to enhance women's political participation.

Bukhar Khadat: the Princes of Bukhara Until the Year 301 AH / 913 AD

Objectives: This study aims to highlight the political significance of the Bukhara Khadat by translating their biographies, detailing their rule duration, their involvement in historical events, and their relationship with Arab rule after the conquest of Bukhara in the year 90 AH. It also examines their interactions with Arab Muslim rulers and their political and economic standing.
 Methods: The study employs a descriptive analytical approach that analyzes historical narratives and links them to significant historical events. The family's history is meticulously examined, primarily relying on Al-Narshakhi's "The History of Bukhara," completed in 358 AH (968 AD). This information is used to analyze the family's history in the context of recent historical events.
 Results: The study reveals that the Bukhara Khadat lineage held authority in Bukhara until 301 AH (913 AD). They played a vital role in the city's development, contributing to its urban and economic growth. They even minted coins bearing their images. Following the Arab conquest, the Bukhara Khadat collaborated with the conquerors, fostering amicable relations. They actively participated in the city's political and economic administration, assimilating into the Arab-Islamic culture.
 Conclusions: The study covers the biographies and rule periods of the nine rulers who governed Bukhara. It also explores the historical events they experienced and participated in alongside the Abbasid caliphate. Their political role ended with the accession of Samanid Prince Ismail and the integration of Bukhara into the Samanid emirate in 301 AH (913 CE).

Legal Culture in the European Union in the Light of EU Constitutionalism

The aim of the article was to assess the legal culture in the European Union during the crises plaguing Europe in the 21st century. It focuses on a case study of the Covid-19 pandemic crisis. Although legal culture develops over a long period of time, it seems that in recent years the process of its change has accelerated, which is very clearly visible on the example of EU constitutionalism. The assessment of legal culture during the pandemic crisis was thus analyzed in relation to EU constitutionalism. The most important research questions included: (i) Have the most important constitutional values of the EU been transformed due to the crisis? (ii) Have the procedures for changing constitutional law been maintained?, (iii) Has appropriate democratic control and accountability been maintained throughout the process of these changes?, and finally (iv) What was the role of politics in the processes of EU constitutionalism?

Curriculum Theories and Their Politics in Ghana’s Pretetiary Education System

Ghana’s educational reforms are mostly influenced or initiated by politicians. The concept of politics is a means to an end and not an end in itself. This is experienced as a result of the cascading effect of the power of the macro level of curriculum theory to its micro level. These results are a direct reflection of Ghana's political and governmental structure. In most cases, a program's curriculum becomes less adaptable the more it is portrayed as an official document outlining the results and demands that must be accomplished. The under-listed topics, however, form part of the politics of curriculum theory in Ghana’s pre-tertiary educational system. A typical example is the duration of senior high school education. This paper provided enough evidence to espouse the role of politics in curriculum theory with a focus on the narrow and broad conception of politics. Similarly, it brings to bear the consequences of political power if left and checked coupled with some recommendations. The study uses a conceptual methodology aimed at developing and applying the politics of curriculum theory to the pre-tertiary education system in Ghana.

Between Reformism and Revolution: the Muslim Brotherhood and the Student Movement in Egypt in the 1930s and 1940s

Abstract The article presents an overview of the formation, organisation and political role of the Muslim Brotherhood student movement in the Egyptian contentious political scene of the 1930s and 1940s up to the 1952 military coup, by combining the rich secondary literature of the period with the Brotherhood’s internal sources. The reconstruction focuses on the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood – as any mass organisation – was far less homogeneous than what is normally claimed by both internal and external sources, both sharing a general overstating of internal discipline and absolute obedience, especially during Ḥasan al-Bannā’s charismatic leadership (1928–1949). The students of the Muslim Brotherhood were clearly channelling bottom-up pressures for more radical political action, sometimes ignoring directives from above and influencing the trajectory of the larger movement. In the warming political context of the late 1940s, Islamist students were acting independently, for instance taking the initiative to build tactical alliances with other student organisations even those belonging to the antagonist leftist/progressive camp, thus actively contributing to creating the momentum that led to the 1952 Revolution. However, and despite the clear message from its base, the Brotherhood leadership ended up by always opting for a moderate and cautious course, avoiding head-on confrontation with the government even at the cost of multiple crises and defections.

Орхоны Хар балгасаас олдсон Уйгур хаадын цол өргөмжлөх бичиг

Material culture from archaeological excavations along with textual records form the basis for a better understanding of Nomadic steppe empires of the Middle Ages and their intercultural contacts. The Mongolian-German Orkhon Expedition (MONDOrEx) retrieved a fascinating collection of artefacts in Karabalgasun, the former capital of the Uyghur Empire (744/745-840). Among these artefacts, remnants of “jade books” were discovered. They are considered royal decrees for the coronation of Uyghur khans. These strips of stone are polished and inscribed with Chinese calligraphy, with the incised letters covered in gold. Originally, several of these strips were held together with gold wire, giving them the appearance of a traditional Chinese bamboo scroll. Chinese emperors used these precious gemstone scrolls during significant rituals. The discovery of these artifacts in Karabalgasun (Ordubaliq) highlights the strong affiliation between the Uyghur rulers and the Chinese imperial authority. This also bolsters the notion that the citadel held a significant political role, potentially as the Uyghur ruler’s palace. A total of 46 marble fragments with Chinese text were uncovered at the HB2 excavation location in the palace precinct of Karabalgasun. After examining the written sources detailing the history of East Asia in the 8th and 9th centuries, it is apparent that the Tang dynasty of China sent “title letters” to confirm the authority of their political partners, the Uyghurs. Analysis of Chinese inscriptions on these marble stones revealed four different inscription stages which vary by inscription size, content, and writing style. These include 1) letter for crowning Ch’ung-te as khan (821), 2) letter for re-crowning Ch’ung-te as khan (821), 3) letter for crowning Zhao-li as khan (825), and 4) letter for crowning an unknown individual as khan. The Karabalgasun citadel, where these inscriptions were discovered, underwent excavation between 2010 and 2018 under the auspices of the Mongolian- German Orkhon Expedition. The inscriptions repeatedly mentioning the names and titles of Uyghur khans indicate that the building complex was likely the royal palace. It is probable that the complex also served as an archive for important artefacts from the reign.

The Economic and Political Role of the BRICS Member Countries on the World Stage and in Cooperation with Russia

The rapid growth of the economy in developing countries forces the world community to pay special attention to the countries that are members of the BRICS Union and occupy the place of the new actor of the global world. The turbulence of the modern geopolitical situation has presented the main world forces with civilizational problems that threaten the national security of countries, a fair world order, humanitarian and socio-economic values, stability of financial markets and trade logistics routes, as well as the effectiveness of cross-border transactions using various platforms, including cryptocurrencies and blockchain. The mutual interest of the Union countries in deepening and expanding relations in many areas of cooperation is disclosed in the article, both through the prism of modern world events and through the indicators of the foreign economic activity of Russian entrepreneurship. Consideration of the functioning of this union is relevant not only from the point of view of the formation of features of the new multipolar The author's use in the work of a structural and functional analysis of the interaction of the BRICS member countries with each other and the influence of the union on the international agenda makes it possible to attempt to predict the future development of cooperation between countries and the possible expansion of the union and its influence on the global economic and political situation. The additional purpose of this article is to disclose and assess the problems arising between the BRICS member countries and propose options for their solutions.

Religious Voices Against “Gender Ideology” in the Discourse on the Ratification of the Istanbul Convention in Latvian and Lithuanian Media

Religion plays a public role in gender politics in a variety of ways. In public discussions, religious actors often oppose gender as a concept based on social construction and imposed by what they call “gender ideology.” Concerns that this “ideology” could hijack the legal discourse is a common basis of their argumentation in the discussions on the ratification of the Istanbul Convention. This paper presents the main results of the analysis of Lithuanian and Latvian secular and religious media coverage of the Istanbul Convention between 2011 and 2021. Both countries have signed but not ratified the Convention. The analysis shows that actors linked to religious organisations entered the mass media discourse by presenting arguments against the ratification of the Convention, which overlap with and support the opinions expressed by conservative political actors. These arguments are based on the idea that the Istanbul Convention is a threat to the future legal support of the natural rights of men and women, their natural roles and traditional and Christian values. The media discourse and the arguments used are similar in both countries, but the discursive strategies of religious and political actors differ. In Lithuania, where the Catholic Church is supported by tradition, religious actors are more often and more directly involved in the public debate than in Latvia. Nevertheless, in both countries, the religious voices analysed contributed to the rise of antigenderist discourse in the post-secular public sphere and to the politicisation of religion.

The Islamic Political Identity in Indonesia: A Study on Rejecting The Establishment of the Christian Church of Indonesia Yasmin

The polemic of the Christian Church of Indonesia (GKI) Yasmin establishment, located in Bogor, has raised various kinds of new problems structurally and culturally. One of the problems at the structural level is the administrative polemic over the permit for the place's establishment of worship from the government of Bogor. On a cultural level, it is the emergence of conflict and intolerance between fellow Muslims—Islam vs. Islam or Islam vs. Christianity—whether social, political, legal, religious, or faith conflicts. The theoretical frameworks used to analyze the research questions are religious roles consisting of ideology, identity, social ethics, political Islamic movement theory, and human rights. The approach used in this documentary is qualitative. This research combines two methods of collecting data: primary and secondary. In-depth interview and cover In-depth Interview. This research determines the role of religion and politics owned by Islamic mass organizations (HTI and FORKAMI) in rejecting the establishment of GKI Yasmin in Curug Mekar Village, Bogor Barat Bogor. According to the research findings, religion has three roles: religion as ideology, HTI and Forkami as pressure groups (soft and complex pressure groups), and social-ethical. In the political context, the political roles of HTI and Forkami are structural Islamic political movements and cultural Islamic political movements.

Harmonization or Conflict? The Case of LGBT in the Interpretation of Islamic Law and Social Norms

Amidst the waves of globalization and social change, issues pertaining to sexual identity and gender orientation, particularly those involving Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) individuals, have given rise to complex discourses within the realms of religion and society. This article explores the emerging differences of opinion surrounding LGBT, notably in Indonesia, where the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) rejects LGBT as a sexual deviation contrary to the teachings of Islam, while the Liberal Islamic Network (JIL) acknowledges the diversity of human sexual preferences. Concurrently, in the Western context, the LGBT movement has spurred demands for political recognition, healthcare protection, and roles within military and parliamentary institutions. Additionally, this article highlights the role of social media in reshaping societal perceptions of LGBT and its impact on existing stigmas. Within this framework, the Islamic view towards LGBT is examined, depicting the conflict between religious perspectives and societal norms. Nonetheless, Islam also offers tolerance within the context of worship. This research employs a qualitative analysis approach to scrutinize Islamic legal interpretations and diverse societal perspectives on the LGBT issue. The aim is to investigate the harmony or conflict between the Islamic viewpoint on LGBT and prevailing societal norms. By delving deeply into the two primary pillars that shape individuals' perspectives and behaviors—namely Islamic legal interpretations and societal norms—this article seeks to provide a broader insight into the dynamics of LGBT-related debates. Through an inclusive and scientific approach, this article aspires to identify emerging points of harmony and conflict, thereby offering valuable contributions to discussions on pluralism, tolerance, and human rights within the context of religion and society.

Islamic-Javanese Hybridization in Politic Cultural Mataram After the Weakening of the Politic Role of Santri

The transformation of Java into a stronghold of Islam can be attributed to the emergence and evolution of Islamic boarding schools, which played a crucial role in disseminating the religion across the region. Initially rooted in the assimilation of the elitist Hindu-Javanese mandala educational model. Throughout their evolution, Islamic boarding schools were instrumental in shaping Islamic politics, particularly during the Sultanate of Demak to Pajang. The influential Walisanga, also known as Kyai of the pesantren, served as pillars in teaching, fighting, and sustaining the sultanates. A qualitative historical research approach using literary sources delves into the factors behind Mataram's diminishing support for the political role of the santri, Sultan Agung's subsequent actions, and the resulting impacts. The study concludes that the King of Mataram perceived the political influence of Islamic boarding schools, especially the former Walisanga Islamic boarding school, as an obstacle to absolute authoritarianism. Sultan Agung's ambition to become the sole ruler comparable to the greatness of Majapahit was hindered. Following the collapse of the political role of Islamic boarding schools, Sultan Agung asserted himself as Agung Binathara, reinforcing acculturative Islamic culture through the Islamic-Javanese calendar and traditions. The aftermath included authorities' arrogance towards Islamic boarding schools, leading Amangkurat I to replace Sultan Agung through the arbitrary slaughter of Kyai and santri. Additionally, this era gave rise to Islamic-Javanese syncretic traditions at the Mataram Palace, encompassing the garbage ceremony, bedoyo tawang dance, belief in the supernatural powers of heirlooms, and the Kejawen concept, embodying Javanese-Islamic syncretism.

“We are peasants”: Exploring place, identity and the political role of educators with the Zapatistas of Mexico and Norwegian early childhood educators.

Denne artikkelen er en del av et doktorgradsprosjekt som undersøker den politiske dimensjonen av bærekraftig utvikling og dens betydning for utdanningen og pedagogens rolle. Prosjektet ser på perspektiver til norske barnehagelærere og medlemmer av den meksikanske Zapatist-bevegelsen med det mål å åpne for refleksjoner og debatt om hva en utdanning for bærekraft bør innebære.
 Tittelen «We are peasants» («Vi er bønder») er hentet fra en norsk barnehagelærer i Sørvest-Norge og refererer til en felles bondeidentitet blant denne lærerens personalgruppe. I denne artikkelen ser jeg på bondekulturens rolle i en utdanning for bærekraft, pedagogens politiske engasjement i bærekraftspørsmål og forståelsen pedagogen har av seg selv som politisk aktør. Paolo Freires kritiske pedagogikk og syn på lærere som politiske aktører blir brukt for å utforske lærerens politiske og transformerende rolle gjennom deres profesjon og som medlem av lokale fellesskap (Freire, 2005; Freire, 2017).
 Jeg bruker en metode inspirert av Deleuze og Guattaris (1987) «rhizomatiske» tenkning som gjør det mulig å koble og flette disse norske barnehagelærernes perspektiver sammen med perspektiver til medlemmer av den meksikanske Zapatist-bevegelsen, som også er en bondebevegelse. Datamaterialet er samlet under feltarbeid over en toårsperiode i Chiapas, sørøst i Mexico, og i en barnehage i Sørvest-Norge.
 En tematisk analyse av datamaterialet viser til koblinger mellom disse to kontekster. Disse kan samles i tre områder, som påvirker og bygger på hverandre: Bøndenes identitetsfølelse og verdier, deres rolle som pedagoger, og som politiske aktører. Resultater viser at tilhørigheten som bonde fører til økologiske, sosiale og politiske verdier som kan hjelpe lærere å forstå hvilken rolle de har som medlemmer av lokale og globale fellesskap, samt å utvikle bærekraftige, transformerende og frigjørende praksiser.
  

ПРОФСПІЛКИ УКРАЇНИ В УМОВАХ РАДЯНСЬКОГО ПОЛІТИЧНОГО РЕЖИМУ (1945–1991)

In the post-war years democratic principles were effectively nullified in the practical activities of Communist party structures at both the central and local levels. The role of the appointed party apparatus continued to expand, reinforcing bureaucratic methods of management. Centralism permeated all aspects of society, elevating arbitrary management techniques. The party, represented by the apparatus, assumed control over all facets of life. Trade unions constituted a link in the Soviet political system. Under the conditions of the totalitarian regime, they were subordinated to the party, transforming into a quasi-state entity performing political, industrial, and ideological functions as defined for them. Trade unions did not play an independent political role in the USSR and Ukrainian SSR. They merely served as a “transmission link from the party to the masses”, an additional tool for social regulation and a conduit for party influence in production across millions of workers engaged in various branches of the economy, culture, and science. The primary function of trade unions, protective in nature, took a backseat. They were now primarily tasked with production objectives such as “organizing workers and employees to fight for the steady development of the national economy...”. In essence, trade unions transformed into a branch of the administrative apparatus, intended to ensure the implementation and over-implementation of business plans, and increase labor productivity. Furthermore, they fulfilled certain ideological and educational functions based on Lenin's definition of trade unions as “schools of communism”. They had at their disposal clubs, houses of culture, libraries, and movie theaters. The cultural realm became a massive and potent channel through which the perception of the steadfastness and “correctness” of the principles of the totalitarian system was ingrained in the minds of the people.

Scientists of Tomorrow/ Cientistas do Amanhã : a project to inspire, stimulate scientific thinking, and introduce scientific methodology for young students.

The Scientists of Tomorrow/ Cientistas do Amanhã project is an immersive science training program developed by the Program of Post-Graduation in Health Sciences at Hospital Israelita Albert Einstein. This program was conducted in partnership with Volunteering and Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental Professor Paulo Freire in Paraisópolis, São Paulo, Brazil. The Scientists of Tomorrow Program comprised a short training period conducted in May 2022 involving 37 students, and a long training period from August to December 2022, which included 15 students. It aimed to popularize science through practical activities; transfer knowledge to young students; sensitize and guide them to pursue academic-scientific careers; reduce stereotypes about scientific work and scientists; and help students understand the social, political, and ethical roles of science within society. All activities were led by postgraduate students and professors from our postgraduate program, physicians, nurses, physiotherapists, biomedicals, and veterinarians from Hospital Israelita Albert Einstein, as well as medical students from Faculdade Israelita de Ciências da Saúde Albert Einstein . Activities in the short training included lectures on cinema and science, strategies to combat fake news, non-violent communication, innovation, design-thinking framework, and developing a scientific project. During the long training period, discussions were focused on nanotechnology, animal research, big data, bioinformatics, meditation, blood and bone marrow donation, telemedicine, sex and sexually-transmitted infections, rehabilitation, career opportunities, and scientific integrity. In addition, practical activities were further expanded using optical and confocal microscopy, cytometry, and basic concepts regarding the structure and function of living cells. The program also included the launching of the open-air outreach Education E-natureza activity, which turned students into ambassadors of nature. In conclusion, the Scientists of Tomorrow Program was innovative and enabled young students to learn that science is a collective activity that can enhance public health. In Brief Rangel et al. enumerated the Scientists of Tomorrow/Cientistas do Amanhã program, an immersive science initiative conducted in collaboration with a public school. The program, which involved 15 students, aimed to promote science, share knowledge, inspire academic paths, and underscore societal impacts. Led by postgraduates, professors, and healthcare experts, the program included diverse lectures and practical laboratory activities. Highlights Every research endeavor commences with a fundamental question. Sharing of findings by researchers and students contributes toward the expansion of knowledge. Teaching scientific methodology is a pivotal step in nurturing critical thinking skills. Science permeates our daily lives and plays a crucial role in addressing societal issues.

UNVEILING POLITICAL DYNAMICS: THE INTRICATE MOTIVE BEHIND THE MURDER OF LEVAN (LEON) BATONISHVILI

The paper provides a comprehensive exploration of the complex political milieu in Kartl-Kakheti during the 1770s and 1780s, particularly elucidating Russia's expansionist objectives. Within this historical context, it meticulously examines the altruistic endeavors of Levan Batonishvili, a figure of significance in his own right and an ancestor to the esteemed King Erekle. Batonishvili, distinguished by his erudition, astute intelligence, courage, and active role in politics at the royal court, emerges as a pivotal character in the narrative. His unwavering commitment and robust support for King Erekle, especially in fortifying state policies that aimed at the unification of the country and bolstering defense capabilities, are integral facets explored in this research. Batonishvili's role as a stalwart ally to the king becomes crucial in understanding the broader political landscape. Through a meticulous analysis of primary sources and a chronological examination of political events, the paper posits that Russia, recognizing the influence and effectiveness of Batonishvili, strategically targeted him. This targeted approach, as unveiled through the research, played a significant role in disrupting Georgia's European aspirations, profoundly altering its developmental trajectory towards alignment with Russia. The research not only offers a nuanced understanding of historical events but also underscores the intricate interplay between key figures like Batonishvili and the broader geopolitical forces shaping the fate of the Caucasus in the 18th century.

Russia Group of the Biden Administration’s National Security Council Staff (2021-2022)

Russia is among the Joseph Biden Administration foreign policy priorities. The article presents the Russia Group (Russia specialist’s panel) of the Joe Biden Administration National Security Council (NSC) Staff process of formation. The point at issue is officer’s group in charge of US-Russian relations. The article chronological framework - from January 2021 to January 2022. The focus of the research paper on the personalities composed the American-Russian relations responsible officer’s body in NSC. Inclusive of Senior Director for Russia and Central Asia. Andrea Kendall-Taylor and Eric Green held it position the period under review. The article consciously thinks the NSC Russia Ring main functionality and its role in the Joe Biden Administration foreign policy machine. The special attention has been given to the NSC Russian Directorate process of changes under Joe Biden Administration. Inclusive of Senior Director Job title and regions wise terms of influence. The article is also reviewing the United States Intelligence Community officers’ political role in US-Russian relations during the Joe Biden Administration.

Pan-Slavism of F.I. Tyutchev and F.M. Dostoevsky: Historical and Political Analysis

The ideas of Slavic unity periodically played a significant role in politics. Today, the ideas of pan-Slavism, both political and cultural, are relevant again. The objective of this study is to identify two stable trends of pan-Slavism of the 19th century, “political” and “cultural”, which are reflected in the works of classics of Russian literature: F.I. Tyutchev and F.M. Dostoevsky. The history of socio-political doctrines as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge involves the study of various sources, including fiction. The theoretical basis of this research is a political and textual approach to the study of texts developed at the Department of the History of Socio-Political Doctrines of the Faculty of Political Science of Lomonosov Moscow State University, as well as methods used in the research of political science fiction. According to the results of the study, it can be concluded that ideologically Tyutchev was close to representatives of “political” pan-Slavism. He believed that the “Germanization” and “Turkification” of the Slavic peoples jeopardized the state interests of Russia and called for actions to liberate, unite and Russify the Slavic countries (the idea of the Slavic Empire). Dostoevsky gravitated towards “cultural” pan-Slavism. He did not deny the very possibility of such a union, but believed that first it was necessary to raise the level of civic culture, for Dostoevsky the future of the “Slavic cause” was determined by the Orthodox-Messianic idea. If Russia aims to build allied relations with Slavic countries, it will have to formulate an attractive idea that could also contribute to the spiritual unification of Slavs and other peoples.

Azerbaijani-Iranian Relations After the Second Karabakh War: Features and Trends

The study presents an analysis of bilateral relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan (RA) and the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) after the Second Karabakh War (SKW), identifying the sources of tension and new trends in their relations. On the one hand, the participation of RA and IRI in large-scale Eurasian transport and logistics projects allows both countries to play a special role in regional politics, and on the other hand, the full-fledged security of the South Caucasus region, including its current position in the system of international relations, largely depends on the level and quality of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations. The purpose of this study is to identify the features and trends of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations after the Second Karabakh War. The author analyzes the reasons for the aggravation of bilateral relations after the SKW in terms of domestic and foreign policy factors. If ethno-political and religious-ideological factors are considered as domestic political reasons, then the nature of the development of relations between Azerbaijan and Türkiye, Azerbaijan and Israel, and Iran and Armenia is assessed as a foreign policy aspect that led to the deterioration of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations. In addition, conducting military exercises by the two countries near the Azerbaijani-Iranian state border, the position of the Iranian authorities against the opening of the Zangezur corridor, and the attack on the Azerbaijani embassy in Tehran at the end of January 2023 also contributed to the deepening of the escalation between the RA and the IRI. Along with this, a new positive trend is also emerging in bilateral relations. The volume of trade turnover between the two countries has traditionally decreased during crisis situations; however, despite the fact that Azerbaijani-Iranian political relations are currently experiencing the worst period in their history, the development of relations in the trade and economic spheres is observed, which is a new trend in the interactions between Baku and Tehran. Thus, not only the problems caused by the COVID-19 coronavirus infection in the economies of the two countries, but also the intensification of work on transport projects in the South Caucasus create conditions for maintaining and increasing the level of trade and economic relations.

Afterword

Abstract In recent years, the portrayal of queer/LGBTQI+ existence as a foreign imposition, backed by western cultural hegemony, has gained currency in the Middle East and beyond. Worldwide, the demonization of queerness perpetuates hostility and violence. At the same time, the queer/LGBTQI+ and feminine body is becoming central to the functioning of capitalism and the nation-state at multiple levels. From economic arrangements to security policy, historically marginalized people are no longer only at the receiving end of violence and dispossession. Today, Kurdishness and queerness face comparable geopolitical contradictions that speak to the changing role of identity politics under neoliberalism and neo-colonialism in the age of mass communication. What interventions can Kurdish queer/LGBTQI+ studies make to retain their critical, emancipatory impetus a hundred years after Lausanne, amid global mechanisms of punishment and reward for the oppressed, under changing conditions for academia and identity politics, and in times of war and occupation?