Political Relations Research Articles

The limits of diplomacy by treaty: Evidence from China's bilateral investment treaty program

AbstractThe web of over 3000 Bilateral Investment Treaties (“BITs”) is the primary body of international law regulating cross‐border investments. Research suggests that these treaties may have had a limited impact on promoting new investments, but that they still may have helped to improve countries' political relationships. In this paper, we document that this pattern was reversed for one of the most prolific signers of BITs: China. Using a stacked‐event research design, we find that Chinese BITs are associated with an increase in Bilateral Foreign Direct Investment Flows but a divergence in voting patterns at the United Nations. We then explore two explanations for why the Chinese BIT program led to increased investment while also producing foreign policy divergence: that the domestic political costs of economic engagement with China push countries away, and that there are offsetting international pressures that have stronger pulls than China's efforts. We find no support for the domestic political costs explanation, but we do find evidence that the countries that received increased aid from the United States after signing a Chinese BIT had greater foreign policy divergence with China.

The social commentary of Squid Game: reflections on Korean art, space and inequality

This paper discusses how communal spaces of childhood activity in Korea are reimagined in the drama Squid Game as part of a social commentary on class and economy. Many spaces shown in Squid Game are nostalgic representations of common Korean playgrounds, parks, and urban neighborhoods. In the show, however, these spaces of delightful memory are transformed into gory places where the literalized violence of neoliberal capitalism plays out. I argue that the creators of the show participate in a history of understanding communal spaces as focal points of social structure and expression that have been crucial in Korea since the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1897). The use of such spaces over centuries, including their reenvisioning in modern media, illustrates how political and economic relationships are intimately tied to constructions and perceptions of space. Through a detailed structural, visual, and semiotic analysis of the communal spaces of historical and modern urban Korea, and a comparison with the spaces in Squid Game, I argue that social spaces are intimately tied to social hierarchies and the long history of inequality in Korea.

Visualising and mapping historical networks of international diplomatic training

AbstractWhat might methodological approaches drawing on Geographical Information Systems (GIS) and Social Network Analysis (SNA) offer to sub‐disciplines in geography which have traditionally been dominated by qualitative and often micro‐scale research, such as historical or political geography? How might these approaches—often understood as opposing—be brought together to advance transnational research in particular? This article responds to these questions through a reflection on a recent project on the geopolitics of diplomatic training in the mid‐twentieth century. Building on the established use of biography to focus transnational analyses within a complex abundance of sources, the project complemented such close‐reading with computational methods of distant‐reading, able to analyse large datasets to produce prosopographies and network visualisations that help identify diffuse and larger scale political and geographical relationships. The article concludes with a consideration of how such methods might be effectively integrated in the historical or political geographer's toolkit.

Balancing power and prosperity: China’s geo-economic engagement with the Gulf Cooperation Council

Since the 1990s, China’s engagement beyond its geographical periphery, especially with Asian regions, has grown exceptionally, which is best evident in the Gulf sub-region and Western Asian nations. Indeed, energy-based interactions were the first to be established with Gulf Arab countries, and today, more than two decades after the Cold War, such relationships have evolved into tighter partnerships and engagement networks. Thus, in the last decade, China has increased its economic and political footprint in the Gulf region, as it has become one of the region’s largest external investors and trade partners. In its relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, China faces varying challenges as each country pursues its interests, making the Chinese strategy in the region more complex. The Gulf countries have had to balance their relationship between the US as a security guarantor and China as an important economic partner. They strive to maximize their political and economic interests in the process. The main contention of this paper is that the GCC should not be viewed as a homogenous entity and that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a flexible approach designed to bolster China’s economic objectives in each Gulf country. Our research scrutinizes China’s geo-economic strategy and geopolitical aims about the Gulf States’ aspirations to maximize their economic ties with China. Against this background, this paper discusses the political and economic relationships between the People’s Republic of China and the Gulf Arab states: Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

Founder resources and innovation investment: A configuration perspective

Based on the theory of resource bricolage, this study adopts the method of fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) to explore the multiple interaction mechanisms of the founder’s internal powerful resources (knowledge resources, management rights resources, and control rights resources) and external relationship resources (political relations resources and social relations resources) on firm innovation investment. The main findings are as follows: (1) the five key resources of founders can’t contribute to the result of high firm innovation investment alone, but they can play a role together through arrangement and management, resulting in “resource synergy” effect; (2) the internal-external resource combination of founders can be divided into two paths: “internal-driven” and “internal-external matching”, and each path contains different ways of resource combination, however, the “external-driven” path does not exist; (3) according to the analysis of configuration, it is found that compared with the external relationship resources, the founders pay more attention into cultivating internal powerful resources is more conducive to the improvement of the level of firm innovation investment; (4) the external political relationship resources of the founder play a supplementary role in firm innovation decision-making with all paths. This study shows that the value of founder resources comes from the combination management of internal and external resources. From the perspective of configuration, this study studies the relationship between founders’ individual resources and firm innovation investment, which provides a new idea for the research of firm innovation field

Language-in-Education Planning for Foreign Languages in Morocco: Analyzing the Historical and Structural Impacts of History, Social Class, Ideology, and Power Dynamics

The present paper analyzes language-in-education planning for foreign languages within the Moroccan educational system. These policies have been adopted and/or implemented as part of three successive educational reforms that the state has undergone in the last 25 years (e.g., the National Charter 1999, the Emergency Program 2008, and the Strategic Vision 2015). Despite the state’s advocacy for varying foreign language instruction, these policies have been marked by a consolidation of French instruction as a primary foreign language and a shift to using it as a medium of instruction for science and technology subjects in middle and secondary education as part of language alternation pedagogy. The study adopts Tollefson’s (1991) Historical-Structural Approach as a conceptual framework to analyze how the constructs of history, class structures, ideology, and power dynamics have influenced language-in-education planning to perpetuate the social, economic, and political privileges of a francophone-oriented elite. The latter have employed their economic and political power to influence the indecisive aspect of the language-in-education policies—both covertly and overtly—to increase socioeconomic inequalities and injustices, including linguistic disparities between the elite and lower social classes. This dominant position of French within the educational system has also been motivated by external influences, manifested in the heavy political and economic relationship with France, the former colonizer.

Anti-British Propaganda in Sharjah in 1940

Abstract This article attempts to study the nature of the political relations between Britain and its colony of Sharjah in the Arabian Gulf during the military conflict between Britain and its allies on the one hand and Germany and its allies on the other during World War ii. The researcher makes use of documents and correspondence between the rulers of Sharjah and Britain and between the Arabian Gulf Residency and its rulers. This correspondence highlight Britain’s concern about Arab support in the Gulf for its German enemy. It also highlights the British aim of persuading those rulers to join them in the war effort. This indicates the importance of the political position of the rulers of the Arabian Gulf states during that era of military conflict.

Analyzing Process Types in Nigerian Newspapers Political Headlines Using Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) Transitivity Approach

Purpose: This study aims to examine the use of process types in Nigerian political headlines using the transitivity approach within the framework of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL). The purpose of the research is to understand how language is used to construct political narratives in Nigerian newspapers, focusing on the different process types—material, mental, relational, verbal, behavioral, and existential—that shape public perception of political events and actors. Methodology: The study adopts a qualitative method, analyzing 50 political headlines from five major Nigerian newspapers: Vanguard, Leadership News, Punch, Daily Trust, and The Guardian Nigeria. The headlines, selected from articles published between January 2024 and September 2024, are categorized and analyzed based on Halliday's transitivity framework. Findings: The findings reveal that material processes are the most frequently used, representing 48% of the headlines, followed by mental (32%), verbal (20%), and relational processes (10%). Existential and behavioral processes were minimally represented. These results suggest that political discourse in Nigeria is predominantly action- and belief-oriented, with a focus on tangible actions and the intentions of political figures. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: This study makes a unique contribution to theory by applying the SFL transitivity framework to Nigerian political headlines, expanding the understanding of how process types reflect political actions, intentions, and relationships. The findings have practical implications for media practitioners and politicians in crafting messages that effectively engage the public, emphasizing actions and beliefs to influence perception. From a policy perspective, the study suggests the need for greater media literacy to enable the public to critically assess political communication and its impact on public discourse.

China–Latin America relations in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative

AbstractMotivationAs a leading programme aimed at promoting “connectivity” and “exchanges of people,” BRI is providing a new avenue to expand China's presence and influence in Latin America and contribute to its rise at the systemic (global) level. Research shows that China's BRI in Latin America is not merely an economic initiative, but offers a combination of economic, political, and strategic objectives and consequences.PurposeThe purpose of the research is to examine China's BRI in Latin America from geopolitical perspectives, as well as its motivations, focuses, and consequences. It contributes to the scholarly discussion by analysing China's BRI in the greater picture of China's rise at the systemic (global) level and examining it through a political economy lens.Approach and methodsThe research examines China's BRI in Latin America with a special focus on large‐scale infrastructure projects that may have geopolitical implications and transform the built landscape in the region. The research is based on a critical review of the literature, and especially the Chinese academic literature, government documents, and corporate documents provided by some Chinese companies involved in large‐scale BRI projects.FindingsThe research finds that BRI helps China increase its economic and political co‐operation with the states of Latin America. China is increasingly capable of reaping not only economic but also geopolitical benefits from BRI by intensifying economic and, by extension, political relations with Latin America.Policy implicationsChina's BRI in Latin America looks to obtain not merely economic, but also political and strategic benefits from China's “soft” power. Chinese policy‐makers should be aware that China's “soft power” and interest could be strengthened if BRI could be implemented in accordance with the principles of advancing democratization, “good governance,” and environmental protection.

The multivocality of the nation: political imagination and transformation in the emergence of African Nationalism

AbstractAt key moments in history, political understanding and action are irrevocably transformed. What makes such moments of transformation possible? This article examines the emergence of African nationalism in South Africa, following the multivocal appeal to African nationhood made by proto-nationalist leaders and intellectuals. In doing so I examine how new political imagination can reconfigure the structure of political relations and create powerful new possibilities for political organizing and action. African proto-nationalist leaders were ‘intermediary intellectuals’ who used African nationhood to speak to three different political logics of their key audiences: a ‘progressive nationhood’ to their white colonial audience, a ‘unifying nationhood’ to their missionary-educated African audience, and a ‘traditional nationhood’ to their rural African audience. African nationhood thus had a multivocal appeal which allowed proto-nationalist leaders to bring otherwise divided audiences to support a common political project. By bridging these divided communities, proto-nationalist leaders were able to combine resources and strategies from once separated domains into novel forms of political power. Transformation in political understanding was thus a critical enabler of innovation in organization and action because it built a political project where new connections between African and colonial worlds were made politically ‘thinkable’. Speaking to the scholarship on political repertoires and the sociology of anti-colonial intellectuals, this study has broader implications for the role political ideas play in political transformation.

Three Interpretation Paths on Understanding Political Relations between Southeast Asian Kingdoms and China from the Mandala System’s Perspective

In the late 1960s, some scholars started using the constituent elements of the mandala system, the traditional interstate relations model in Southeast Asia, to explore the official relationship between China and Southeast Asian Kingdoms and gradually formed three interpretation paths. The first is to use the mandala in the geopolitical sense to locate bilateral political relations. The second is about how the political culture with the universal monarch as the core enables Southeast Asia monarchs to join the tribute system. The third focuses on the different understanding of tribute in Southeast Asian countries. They supplement or revise the traditional view that the tributary relationship between ancient China and Southeast Asian Kingdoms was political. However, these three interpretation paths have their limitations. The review shows that scholars ignore the universal kingship of Southeast Asian Kingdoms’ discourse system to China. The unilateral policy design and understanding could not convincingly interpret the unique political relationship formed by bilateral interaction. Therefore, the universal kingship claimed by the Chinese emperors and Southeast Asian Kingdoms monarchs must be examined. It should study how the centers of the mandala system smoothly transited between claiming universal kingship and pursuing equality in real politics. It also explores what diplomatic strategies could maintain the subjectivity of the monarchs of Chinese dynasties and Southeast Asian Kingdoms.

Relation of Religious, Politics, and State in Indonesia: A Comparative Study Soekarno and Abdurrahman Wahid

This study aims to compare Soekarno's and Abdurrahman Wahid's (Gus Dur) thoughts regarding the form of state that is relevant in Indonesia. This concerns the relationship between religion, politics, and the state in the context of Indonesia, which is still a polemic that has not found a meeting point in various discussions, so the issue has always been a current discourse because it always experiences fluctuating discourse in the political arena in Indonesia. Soekarno and Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) are two figures who have significantly contributed to the Indonesian nation; apart from the fact that they have served as presidents, their ideas also quite color the dynamics of thinking about how to state in Indonesia. This paper examines Soekarno and Gus Dur's views on the relationship between religion and the state and then compares the two. This type of research is normative research using a conceptual approach to obtain a comprehensive framework of Soekarno and Gus Dur's thoughts. The conclusion of this research found three forms of relationship between religion and the state, namely integralistic, secularistic, and symbiotic. Soekarno, with his nationalism, emphasized the separation between religion and the state so that it tended to be a secularistic relationship. Meanwhile, Gus Dur, with his contextualist paradigm, prefers to implement Islam as a social ethic, necessitating a symbiotic relationship or mutual benefit and mutual need between religion and the state. [Studi ini bertujuan mengkomparasikan pemikiran Soekarno dan Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) terkait bentuk negara yang relevan di Indonesia. Hal tersebut mencakup relasi antara agama, politik, dan negara dalam konteks Indonesia yang masih menjadi suatu polemik yang belum menemukan titik temu dalam berbagai perbincangan sehingga topik tersebut selalu menjadi diskursus aktual karena senantiasa mengalami fluctuative discourse dalam percaturan politik di Indonesia. Soekarno dan Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) merupakan dua tokoh yang berjasa besar bagi bangsa Indonesia selain karena mereka pernah menjabat sebagai presiden, gagasan-gagasan mereka juga cukup mewarnai dinamika pemikiran cara bernegara di Indonesia. Tulisan ini mengkaji pandangan Soekarno dan Gus Dur tentang relasi antara agama dan negara kemudian mengkomparasikan keduanya. Jenis penelitian ini merupakan penelitian normatif dengan menggunakan conceptual approach untuk mendapatkan kerangka pemikiran Soekarno dan Gus Dur secara komprehensif. Kesimpulan penelitian ini menemukan tiga bentuk hubungan antara agama dan negara, yaitu: integralistik, sekularistik, dan simbiotik. Soekarno dengan nasionalismenya lebih menekankan pemisahan antara agama dan negara sehingga lebih cenderung pada hubungan sekuralistik. Sedangkan Gus Dur dengan paradigma kontekstualisnya lebih memilih untuk mengimplementasikan Islam sebagai etika sosial, meniscayakan adanya hubungan simbiotik atau saling menguntungkan, dan saling membutuhkan antara agama dan negara].

Political Factors of Expansion and Stabilization of Imᾱmῑ Shiism in Mazandaran

The emergence of Shiism in the east of the Islamic caliphate occurred in the first centuries with the presence of the Shiite Alawites, and the area of the shores of the Caspian Sea was considered one of their main bases. Their actions in this region led to many developments in various fields, which, in addition to Mazandaran, affected large areas of Iran and the Islamic world. Although the expansion of the Shiite school in Mazandaran is the result of several factors, each of which can be discussed in its place - in terms of history and formation, the present research aims to investigate the political factors of the formation of Shiism in Mazandaran. It seeks to answer the question, "What did political factors cause the expansion and stabilization of Imᾱmῑ Shiism in Mazandaran?" The research method is descriptive-analytical, and data collection has been done using library resources. The results show that the formation of local governments such as Bavandians, Mar'ashians, etc., as well as the political relations of scholars and local rulers, such as the actions of Sayed Haider Amoli and Abdur Rahim bin Ma'rouf Rostamdari, are among the factors that play a major role in the expansion and consolidation of Imᾱmῑ Shiism in Mazandaran.

Policy engagement as ‘empowered representation’: democratic mediation through a participatory research project on climate resilience

Background: The article analyses the policy engagement component of a research project on climate resilience in vulnerable communities that took place in Cape Town, South Africa. Conducted in 2022, the engagement included community and stakeholder events in three research sites, and a cross-cutting policy event with municipal officials, held at the end of the project. Importantly, this policy engagement process occurred in a context of political marginalisation, that is, one characterised by low trust, and little meaningful representation or even communication between these vulnerable communities and the city. Aims and objectives: This article examines the impact of policy engagement on political relations between local government and vulnerable communities. Methods: The overall methodology of the article is qualitative, using an illustrative case-study research design to unpack the subjective experiences of both government officials and residents of vulnerable communities. Primary data included many primary documents, direct observation of the engagements and post-event interviews. Findings: First, the engagement process created new ‘invented’ spaces for the representation of community perspectives to the city, and the city’s perspective to the community. Second, the engagement facilitated community self-representation through educating community members to advocate for their ideas in these new invented spaces. Third, this engagement tended to be more constructive and deliberative than polarising and confrontational. Discussion and conclusions: Drawing on the theoretical framework of ‘political mediation’, the policy engagement process is characterised as a positive instance of democratic mediation through ‘empowered representation’, with some specified limitations.

Nuclear energy and international relations: the external strategy of Russia’s Rosatom

AbstractThis article analyses the role of nuclear energy in global politics today through the perspective of three International Relations theories: realism, liberalism and dependency theory. It contends that concepts developed to investigate oil and gas geopolitics do not always apply to the nuclear sector due to its greater complexity. The supply chain for nuclear power involves different, interrelated stages—notably the provision of natural uranium, of enriched uranium, and the construction and servicing of nuclear reactors—which have distinct leading suppliers and relationships of dependence. We illustrate this through a case study of Russia’s state nuclear company Rosatom. Rosatom leads in the provision of enriched uranium and reactor construction. This enables Russia to deepen economic and political relations with Rosatom’s clients. Even after its attack on Ukraine, Russia has not ‘weaponized’ Rosatom’s international business. Its strategy focuses on consolidating its reputation as a trustworthy partner, especially in the Global South and China.

From the Khan to the Sultan: The Abu’l-Khairid Shāhnāma in the Topkapı Palace Library (H.1488) and Manuscript Production and Presentation under ʿAbdullah bin Iskandar Khan

Abstract This article examines the sole courtly Shāhnāma of Firdausi to be produced during the Abu’l-Khairid dynasty (commonly called Shaybanid Uzbek, in power 1500–99). It is a lavish—albeit unfinished—copy, and the discussion details the circumstances of its 1564 patronage by the powerful leader ʿAbdullah bin Iskandar Khan (r. 1557–98). Situating the object in the context of Abu’l-Khairid developments in arts and politics during the second half of the sixteenth century, this analysis incorporates the concurrent production of multiple Tīmūr-nāma manuscripts by artisans in Transoxiana. It is posited that the copies of this latter title were made with the intention of conflating Timur’s military conquests with those of ʿAbdullah’s to be the righteous heir of Chinggis Khan. Departing from the 1560s, a final section dwells on the 1590s, during which ʿAbdullah had secured victory and control over the strategic Safavid province of Khurasan. Presented in Istanbul by an embassy arriving from Bukhara, ʿAbdullah’s personal Shāhnāma manuscript was given to the Ottoman sultan Murad III in 1594. This dispatch allows for an examination of the political relations and military coordination between the Ottomans and Abu’l-Khairids, the extent of which are not fully known. These exchanges can, however be gleaned from the Shāhnāma manuscript and the diplomatic circumstances of its transfer.

Indirect corporate political strategy in cross-border acquisitions: influence of political affinity on target-dependent firm lobbying

Purpose To mitigate the impact of legitimacy concerns, firms often depend on strategic partnerships that enable them to navigate both complex political landscapes and regulatory environments. In this paper, the authors expand research into the dynamics of indirect and collective forms of corporate political activities (CPA), particularly focusing on multinational enterprises (MNEs) originating from countries with low political affinity with the host country and its allies. Design/methodology/approach Using a sample consisting of 2,173 friendly acquisitions in the USA made by 1,612 foreign acquirers originating from 66 countries, the authors used Tobit regression analysis to test the direct and moderating hypotheses. Findings The empirical evidence shows that acquiring MNEs grappling with heightened legitimacy issues due to low political affinity between the involved countries are more inclined to leverage target firms for effective lobbying resources. This tendency is amplified when the multilateral political affinity between the home and the host country's allies is also considered. Originality/value The evolving nature of global politics and the increasing scrutiny of corporate-political interactions necessitate a deeper understanding of indirect CPA strategies. The findings of this research shed light on how bilateral and multilateral political relations affect MNEs’ corporate political activities, specifically in the form of indirect, collective lobbying.

Oil market responses to Sino–European political relation shock: Insights after China's world trade organization accession

We investigate how changes in political relations between Europe and China affect the oil market. When political relations improve, we find a significant increase in oil demand and prices, accompanied by a decrease in market uncertainty. However, the effects on oil supply and inventory are minimal. Additionally, we compute the forecast error variance decomposition and construct the counterfactual evolution of oil variables in the absence of the impacts of political relation shocks. We find that shifts in Sino–European political relations contribute more significantly to variations in oil market uncertainty than to other oil variables. Finally, we augment the vector autoregression model by incorporating the Sino–US political relationship index. Our findings reveal that this augmentation significantly changes the impacts.

Impact of political relationships on virtual land flow from China's food trade

The increasing backlash against globalization has shifted public opinion towards being against trade. This situation puts food trade, which is resources constrained and susceptible to political relations, into a complex dilemma. Due to the concerns on agricultural endowments, food trade needs to be considered with strategic interests because of its sensitivity and fragility. Using virtual land as a measurement to analyse the resource flows behind the food trade can provide an objective perspective on what extent a country depends on the trade. Overlaying worldwide trade disputes and political interventions, establishing solid trade relationships is increasingly becoming urgent. This study uses an extended gravity model, assesses the virtual land traded by China with 10 species over 20 years, and provides insights on establishing politics-oriented trade relationships, further testing how this political mechanism works in the food trade. The results demonstrate that memorandums of understanding are the fundamental institutional layer to guarantee trading activities and promote smooth transactions for both sides; state visits are determinable factors in establishing bilateral relationships and it significantly promote upper-middle income countries, which crucially impacts the trading system. As those endeavors undertaken by executive departments are often ignored, more attention should be paid to them during interactive stages. Political relations show differences in food trade among different countries and varieties. The promoting effect of political relations is stronger in middle and high-income countries, and the impact on Russia and Ukraine is more significant than others. Compared within varieties, foreign state visits and endeavor presents more positive on pork.

UZBEKISTAN -CHINA TRADE-ECONOMIC COOPERATION ANALYSIS

Uzbekistan's foreign policy has garnered attention from experts for its implementation of a balanced and equidistant stance towards global centers of power. This approach can be characterized by Uzbekistan's refusal to partake in military-political blocs, host foreign military bases on its soil, and engage in any armed conflicts outside of its borders. Recent discussions among Uzbekistan's experts and journalists have centered on the transformation of international relations and the global economy, likely prompted by the current state of turbulence in the global arena. The topic has garnered significant interest and attention in Uzbekistan' s academic community, and it is expected to continue being a subject of study and research in the upcoming future. Developing political and cultural relationships and expanding economic influence in neighboring countries has been a top priority for the People's Republic of China (PRC). The objective of this research is to analyze the essential and quantifiable factors that depic t the economic development of China in Uzbekistan. The study will mainly concentrate on trustworthy and insightful data sources. However, the study acknowledges that the existing data may not always be relevant, comprehensive, measurable, and reliable due to various objective and subjective factors. Therefore, it is imperative for further research to be conducted to obtain a more accurate and comprehensive understanding of the economic expansion of the PRC in Uzbekista n. Therefore, this study underscores the need for further research and comprehensive data sources to better understand the economic expansion of the PRC in Uzbekistan.