Distribution Of Political Power Research Articles

Applying the National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities Research Framework to Social Determinants of Health in the Context of Sport-Related Concussion: A Clinical Commentary.

Sport-related concussion (SRC) is a prevalent injury. Significant disparities in SRC outcomes exist across racial and ethnic groups. These disparities may be attributed to the unequal distribution of political power (or influence) and resource allocation in various communities, shaping individuals' social determinants of health (SDOH). However, the influence of SDOH on SRC outcomes remains understudied. In this clinical commentary, we use the National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities Research Framework and describe how its application can help address gaps in our understanding of SDOH and SRC. This framework provides a comprehensive approach to investigating and addressing health disparities by considering SDOH along multiple levels and domains of influence. Using this framework, athletic trainers can identify areas requiring intervention and better understand how SDOH influence SRC outcomes. This understanding can help athletic trainers develop tailored interventions to promote equitable care for patients with SRC.

Power Sharing of Political Position in Jeneponto Regency

This study aims to explore in-depth, discuss, and provide a detailed description of power distribution in political positions in Jeneponto. The power-sharing of political position in Jeneponto Regency can be seen from several aspects, first, power-sharing is intended to create a balance, harmony, and political order by adhering to the principle of checks and balances. Second, it anticipates the occurrence of power practices dominated by specific groups or factions. Third, it is a political strategy to acquire power and fight for the rights and interests of the people. This research is qualitative and descriptive in nature. The informants of this study were government officials, political party leaders, general election commission commissioners, and registered voters selected through a purposive sampling technique. Data collection techniques included observation, interviews, and documentation. The data analysis techniques used were data presentation, data reduction, and conclusion. The results of the study indicate that (1) an imbalance was observed in the distribution of political power, which has the potential to create political imbalance, disharmony, and division. (2) There is a tendency for power distribution to be dominated by specific groups or factions. (3) There is still the practice of oligarchy driven by political elites who prioritize their interests and their groups while neglecting or disregarding the interests of others and the general public.
 Keywords: power sharing, political positions

Linguistic Analysis: Representation of Women in the Discourse of Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates in Political News

This research aims to elucidate the construction of symbolic meaning within the discourse of women through Fairclough's analysis of online news. The research method employed a qualitative approach with critical discourse analysis techniques, utilizing instruments devised by the researcher. Data were collected through documentation methods, identifying auxiliary/modal verbs, verbs, nouns, adjectives, conjunctions, nominal phrases, and numeral phrases within the text. Findings revealed a linguistic hierarchy reflecting gender equality ideology and the distribution of political power. Representations through word and phrase choices depicted male dominance in Indonesian politics, efforts to enhance women's roles in policy structures, and hopes to win elections with strong support. This analysis aids in understanding how women's discourse is shaped and influences perceptions and actions in daily communication. Through this article, it is anticipated that awareness regarding language usage to strengthen gender equality will increase, emphasizing the continual need to expand women's participation in shaping political policies.

Rooted resistance: The struggle for Black liberation through food cultivation

ABSTRACT In U.S. cities, distinct regions of wealth and poverty structure the distribution of political power and public resources along racial lines. Black-led urban farms resist these inequitable conditions by using food cultivation as a tool of community resilience building and power shifting. In this study, I propose a framework to describe the roles of Black-led urban farms within low-income Black communities. I assess this framework using a comparative case study and semi-structured interviews with Black urban farmers in Atlanta, Georgia; Detroit, Michigan; and Portland, Oregon. Findings suggest that Black-led urban farms advance Black community survival and wellbeing by instilling local Black placemaking, fostering personal and racial healing, and resisting racial capitalism. I conclude that Black-led urban farms function as “compass institutions” and generate social value that benefits their respective cities. I provide policy recommendations for local governments and prospective funders seeking to advance the social impact of these farms.

Pre-electoral coalitions and the distribution of political power

Pre-electoral coalitions (PECs) may increase parties’ chances of winning an election, but they may also distort electoral results and policies away from citizens’ preferences. To shed light on how PECs shape post-electoral power distribution, we study the causes and consequences of PECs in Finland where elections use an open-list proportional representation system, and parties may form joint lists. We present descriptive evidence showing that PECs are more common between parties of equal size and similar ideology, and when elections are more disproportional or involve more parties. Using difference-in-differences and density discontinuity designs, we illustrate that voters punish coalescing parties and target personal votes strategically within the coalitions, and that PECs are formed with the particular purpose of influencing the distribution of power. PECs increase small parties’ chances of acquiring leadership positions, lead to more dispersed seat distributions, and sometimes prevent absolute majorities. They can thus enable a broader representation of citizens’ policy preferences.

Addressing the rise of inequalities: How relevant is Rawls's critique of welfare state capitalism?

Addressing the rise of inequalities: How relevant is Rawls's critique of welfare state capitalism?

Etika Dan Budaya Politik “Konsep Sistem Politik Di Indonesia"

Politics is basically a phenomenon that is closely related to humans, who by nature always live in society. Therefore, politics will always manifest itself in the framework of the process of human development. With the above connection, humans are the main core of political reality, whatever is captured or politically analyzed cannot simply leave humans. This shows that the essence of politics is human behavior, whether in the form of activities or attitudes aimed at influencing or maintaining the order of a society by using force. The constitutional exercise of power includes the distribution of political power which includes issues: sources of political power, legitimacy processes, highest authority holders, administration of power, functions of power/light tasks and easily accessible political goals.

An Analysis of Brennan’s Viewpoint – “Better Educated People Should Receive More Votes Than Poorly Educated People” (Against Democracy, 2016)

Despite the rising recognition of citizen participation in government decision-making and negotiation as time progresses, a contradiction exists in the United Kingdom. There has been a significant fall in participation in parliamentary elections in the United Kingdom, which some proponents of democracy attribute to a negative attitude about government participation resulting from a lack of adequate responsibilities. Brennan, on the other hand, holds the opposite position, claiming that a more harmonious society would result if citizens did not participate in politics. According to him, the distribution of political power should be based on the citizens' knowledge and abilities. Using a dialectical method, this study explores Brennan's viewpoints. This study will examine Brennan's theory in regard to the aim of education and the meaning of democratic citizenship.

The ‘Three RS’ in Malaysia’s Struggle for Constitutional Democracy

Race, religion and royalty (the Three ‘Rs’) have been salient aspects of Malaysia’s constitutional struggle. These elements have defined the country’s constitutional settlements during the pre-independence constitution-making process, generated constitutional crises and continued to figure into day-to-day governance and constitutional practice. There have been instances where operation of and compromises around the Three Rs have facilitated constitution-building. Yet, more often than not, as this article illustrates, the constellation of these three forces have challenged the building and sustaining of a constitutional democracy. Since the historic political change in May 2018 in particular, the Three Rs have become even more significant in shaping the critical junctures in Malaysia’s constitutional journey. To illuminate a more comprehensive understanding of the role of race, religion and royalty in Malaysia’s struggle for constitutional democracy, this article explains how these elements have defined (and continued to define) controversies relating to the distribution of political power and the protection of fundamental rights. Fundamentally, these aspects implicate checks and balances and constraints on political power. This article also demonstrates the ways in which the struggle for constitutional democracy implicates a range of actors and interests: aside from individual citizens, there are the monarchy, the elected government, the courts and group (ethnic) interests. This article then draws on institutional and political explanations in accounting for Malaysia’s constitutional struggle. In particular, aside from changing political fundamentals, it argues that the Constitution provides the opportunity structure and institutional resources for the Three Rs to shape Malaysia's struggle for constitutional democracy.

Non-Modernization: Power–Culture Trajectories and the Dynamics of Political Institutions

Modernization theory is a cornerstone of much of political science, despite the mounting evidence against its predictions. We outline a theory in which the distribution of political power critically combines with political culture. We call the basic components of culture “attributes” and argue that these can be combined into larger cultural configurations. These configurations interact with the distribution of power and lead to three distinct self-reinforcing paths of political development, with very different state–society relations, institutions, and economic structures. These are paths to Despotic, Absent, and Shackled Leviathans. The role of cultural configurations is critical in legitimizing the social arrangements in each path. None of the three different paths we highlight support modernization theory. We discuss how political equilibria can change in ways critically dependent on cultural and political entrepreneurship in order to formulate and popularize new cultural configurations and institutionalize political changes.

The Brexit effect: Political implications of the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union

Brexit has brought tensions in European and (especially) British politics. This article illustrates the rationale, scope and research questions of the special issue, which investigates the first Brexit effects in the five years following the 2016 referendum. Taking the distribution of political power as our primary focus and analysing mainly – though not exclusively – British politics, we trace the first developments in the three domains of politics, polity and policy since the UK’s decision to leave the EU. In the politics domain, after the political uncertainties surrounding the referendum period, we detect a return to the power-hoarding dynamics typical of the Westminster model. However, the territorial and constitutional architectures of the British polity are under considerable strain, with Brexit strengthening the nationalistic movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland. In the policy domain, despite strong common interests, Brexit has failed to produce cooperative EU–UK arrangements in finance and foreign policy.

The corruption and income inequality puzzle: Does political power distribution matter?

The literature on income inequality outcomes of corruption is so far inconclusive. The counter-intuitive idea that corruption may reduce income inequalities and increase social welfare challenges the conventional view of the harmful impact of corruption on income distribution. This paper provides new insights into the corruption-income inequality nexus by emphasizing the role of political power distribution. We find that lower levels of corruption are associated with reduced inequalities at the world level regardless of corruption types. However, a closer look reveals that the counter-intuitive relationship holds only in developing countries due to the uneven distribution of political power. In such countries, income inequalities decline as corruption rises because the uneven distribution of political power leads non-dominant groups to engage in corruption to access public services they are entitled to or get credits to support their income-generating activities.

Non-Modernization: Power-Culture Trajectories and the Dynamics of Political Institutions

Modernization theory is a cornerstone of much of political science, despite the mounting evidence against its predictions. In this paper, we argue that the theory's failings are rooted in predictions that are not conditioned on history and cultural configurations. We outline a theory in which the interplay of the distribution of political power and cultural configurations lead to three distinct self-reinforcing paths of political development, with very different state-society relations, institutions, and economic structures. These are paths to Despotic, Absent and Shackled leviathans. The role of cultural configurations, made up of attributes in a society's culture set, is critical in legitimizing the social arrangements in each path. For example, a Despotic Leviathan, as in China, cannot be understood without appreciating how Confucian culture has been used to bolster a worldview in which rulers are supposed to be virtuous and regular people are discouraged from political participation. We argued that this interpretation is not inherent to Confucian thought, but has to be understood as an endogenous outcome along the trajectory to the Despotic Leviathan. None of the three different paths we highlight support modernization theory. Under the Absent Leviathan, there is no economic modernization. Under the Despotic Leviathan, economic growth bolsters the existing regime and its supporting cultural configuration, with no tendency towards democracy or associate political changes. Under the Shackled Leviathan, there are dynamics leading to economic growth and political changes with greater bottom-up participation. Nevertheless, the causation does not go from the former to the latter, and these changes are critically dependent on cultural and political entrepreneurship in order to formulate and popularize new cultural configurations and institutionalize political changes. Institutional subscribers to the NBER working paper series, and residents of developing countries may download this paper without additional charge at www.nber.org.

‘Who’ or ‘what’ is the rule of law?

The standard account of the relation between democracy and the rule of law focuses on law’s liberty-enhancing role in constraining official action. This is a faint echo of the complex, constitutive relation between the two. The Greeks used one word – isonomia – to describe both. If democracy is the system in which people have an equal say in determining the rules that govern social life, then the rule of law is simultaneously before, after, concurrent and synonymous with democracy: It contributes to the formation of citizens with the capacity for self-governance, serves as the instrument through which democratic decisions are implemented, functions as one of the central social practices that constitute citizens as equals and addresses the question of how to ensure that government by the people operates for the people. The rule of law has many independently valuable qualities, including impartiality and predictability. But, to valorise the rule of law for its own sake is to fetishize authority. The fundamental values of the rule of law are as the instrument of democratic self-governance and the expression of the equal dignity of all persons. Democracy thus entails the rule of law, but both implicate the yet more comprehensive ideal of equality. Core rule-of-law values require political norms and conditions of equality, generality and comprehensiveness. In a modern, differentiated society, however, the constitutive relation between democracy and the rule of law is fractured and law becomes the agent of authority. Courts in the modern constitutional state have contributed to the decline of rule-of-law values, supporting role specialization through judge-made immunity doctrines that protect officials at all levels. The crisis of police violence against minorities is a symptom of this breakdown. Greater accountability can ameliorate the problem. But an effective solution requires the fair and equal distribution of political power.

Migration and its Impact on Political Scenario:The Case of Karachi


 
 The impact of population growth is felt on every wake of life. Themovement of population from one country to another or within a countryhas its own consequences. Goldstone et al (2012) have thus argued, thatthe world’s population is changing in ways that are historicallyunprecedented, having its own political consequences such as, theperformance of the government due to increasing demand for services andthe distribution of political power at intra-state level. Thus, internalmigration, which is from high fertility rural zones to urban centers -indeveloping countries like Pakistan- in search of livelihood andemployment, results in concentration of population in slums and squattersettlements on the one hand and a youth bulge in urban areas, furthercontributing to this phenomenon and unprecedented urbanization. State’sinability to address this demographic change effectively results in strainsresources and poor governance. In turn, it creates xenophobia, wherenative populations blame the new migrants for deteriorating civicamenities; and generates various conflicts of critical nature. Pakistan,since its inception as an independent country, has experienced bothinternational and internal migration that resulted in socio-economiccrisis, political agitation and violent ethnic conflicts. In this backdrop, this paper takes into account the migration patterns in Pakistan since 1947 and focuses on Karachi for it being the most affected city. It theorizes that the conflict matrix of Karachi is fairly indicative of fault lines and argues that these fault lines will turn into gaping holes if timely actions are not taken.
 
 
 
 

Economic Inequality in Preindustrial Times: Europe and Beyond

Recent literature has reconstructed estimates of wealth and income inequality for a range of preindustrial, mostly European, societies covering medieval and early modern times, occasionally reaching back to antiquity and even prehistory. These estimates have radically improved our knowledge of distributive dynamics in the past. It now seems clear that in the period circa 1300–1800, inequality of both income and wealth grew almost monotonically almost everywhere in Europe, with the exception of the century-long phase of inequality decline triggered by the Black Death of 1347–52. Regarding the causes of inequality growth, recent literature ruled out economic growth as the main one. Other possible factors include population growth (also as mediated by inheritance systems) and especially regressive fiscal institutions (also as connected to the unequal distribution of political power). The recently proposed theoretical framework of the inequality possibility frontier (IPF) lends a better understanding of the implications of the reconstructed trends. This article concludes by showing how connecting preindustrial trends to modern ones changes our perception of long-term inequality altogether. (JEL D31, D63, N33)

Mexican Supreme Court at Crossroads: Three Acts of Constitutional Politics

Abstract Since 2018, Mexico’s Supreme Court is facing a critical juncture. The new distribution of political power and the distinctive platform of the governing coalition endowed with massive popular support has forced the Court to redefine its role as a constitutional tribunal within unprecedented dynamics of constitutional politics. Such juncture can be summarized as being at crossroads, between desirable affirmation, strategic accommodation and concerning subordination.

Konsolidacija demokratskih institucija - iskustvo Srbije

In recent years, the violation of the principles that guarantee the respect of democratic norms and institutions has placed Serbia into the category of deficient democracies, and more recently in hybrid regimes. Since the beginning of the transition, the implementation of political and economic reforms in Serbia has been characterized by frequent shifts of periods with modest progress in the field of political and economic transformation with periods of stagnation and even backsliding in regards to the important reform segments. The indicators of political and economic reforms point to the strengthening of extractive institutions. Extractive institutions protect the economic and political interests of privileged groups to the detriment of the rest of society. This leaves fewer resources available to stimulate economic growth and job creation, with negative countereffects on the regime legitimacy and trust, which are crucial for the implementation of economic reforms. Serbia's failure to provide stronger economic growth is largely caused by extractive institutions that determine the business environment. The development of extractive institutions is indicated by the absence of a more even distribution of political power, weaknesses in the mechanisms of checks and balances, deficiencies in the sphere of the rule of law, widespread corruption, problems in the sphere of protection of property rights. The transitional developments in Serbia can be regarded as a historical heritage that adapts to the current social environment and has a great impact on institutional performance and democratic consolidation. Prolonged exposure to extractive institutions creates a cumulative effect of institutional learning, where individuals become vulnerable to political abuse, dependent on the state and unwilling to use political mechanisms of government accountability, contributing to a vicious circle of extractive political and economic institutions. Identifying the mechanisms of such accumulation, which include prolonged exposure to extractive institutions, as well as the transmission of cultural patterns from older generations who have long experience with extractive institutions, is a complex research task.

Employing the Critical juncture hypothesis to explain the 2011 Egyptian revolution

Our research question involves applying the critical juncture hypothesis formulated by Daron Acemoglu and his co-authors in the series of the articles and books to the context of the 2011 Arab Spring events. Critical juncture hypothesis states that politics and political institutions determine what economic institutions a country has, because the former represents the distribution of political power. Whoever controls political institutions then can set up economic institutions, determining the rules governing economic activities and who will benefit from them. Generated resources are then used in defending these sets of institutions. Though for Acemoglu and his co-authors politics always precedes economics, it is the interplay of political and economic institutions that explain contemporary development of states. The case of 2011 Egyptian Revolution is presented, as the well-documented illustraion of the hypothesis at work.

Non-Modernization: Power-Culture Trajectories and the Dynamics of Political Institutions

Modernization theory is a cornerstone of much of political science, despite the mounting evidence against its predictions. In this paper, we argue that the theory's failings are rooted in predictions that are not conditioned on history and cultural configurations. We outline a theory in which the interplay of the distribution of political power and cultural configurations lead to three distinct self-reinforcing paths of political development, with very different state-society relations, institutions, and economic structures. These are paths to Despotic, Absent and Shackled leviathans. The role of cultural configurations, made up of attributes in a society's culture set, is critical in legitimizing the social arrangements in each path. For example, a Despotic Leviathan, as in China, cannot be understood without appreciating how Confucian culture has been used to bolster a worldview in which rulers are supposed to be virtuous and regular people are discouraged from political participation. We argued that this interpretation is not inherent to Confucian thought, but has to be understood as an endogenous outcome along the trajectory to the Despotic Leviathan. None of the three different paths we highlight support modernization theory. Under the Absent Leviathan, there is no economic modernization. Under the Despotic Leviathan, economic growth bolsters the existing regime and its supporting cultural configuration, with no tendency towards democracy or associate political changes. Under the Shackled Leviathan, there are dynamics leading to economic growth and political changes with greater bottom-up participation. Nevertheless, the causation does not go from the former to the latter, and these changes are critically dependent on cultural and political entrepreneurship in order to formulate and popularize new cultural configurations and institutionalize political changes.