Political Platform Research Articles

False Narratives and Political Mobilization

Abstract We present an equilibrium model of politics in which political platforms compete over public opinion. A platform consists of a policy, a coalition of social groups with diverse intrinsic attitudes to policies, and a narrative. We conceptualize narratives as subjective models that attribute a commonly valued outcome to (potentially spurious) postulated causes. When quantified against empirical observations, these models generate a shared belief among coalition members over the outcome as a function of its postulated causes. The intensity of this belief and the members’ intrinsic attitudes to the platform’s policy determine the extent to which the coalition is mobilized. Only platforms that generate maximal mobilization prevail in equilibrium. Our equilibrium characterization demonstrates how false narratives can be detrimental to the commonly valued outcome, and how political fragmentation leads to their proliferation. The false narratives that emerge in equilibrium have a flavor of “scapegoating:” They attribute good outcomes to the exclusion of social groups from ruling coalitions.

Сеульський та Європейський консенсуси з питань розвитку: чи можлива спільна платформа по Україні?

In the context of the tasks of the post-war recovery of Ukraine’s economy and social sphere, a comparative analysis has been carried out of the conceptual foundations of international development assistance provided by the G20 countries, in particular the newly industrialized countries, within the framework of the Seoul Consensus on Development, announced at the G-20 Seoul Summit (2010), and the European Union and its member states within the framework of the new European Consensus on Development (2017). It is shown that the former focuses on growth primarily through investment in infrastructure and solving long-term structural problems of development, and the latter on increasing well-being and fighting poverty. The Seoul Consensus, despite the participation of Western donors, including the EU, in its formulation, largely reflects the principles and messages of newly emerging donors representing the leading new industrial states. The Seoul Consensus is currently a unique strategic compromise on international development aid not only between the West represented by its leading world powers and the European Union, on the one hand, and the largest new industrial states of the modern world - on the other, but also between the Beijing Consensus and the Mumbai Consensus - alternative strategies of socio-economic modernization and sustainable economic growth put forward by China and India, respectively, in their active competition for leadership among the countries of the Global South. The change in the geopolitical and geo-economic landscape has forced the EU to review the criteria for the distribution and prioritization of development aid in order to be able to compete and cooperate with new donors such as China, South Korea, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, etc. The new European consensus emphasizes the instrumentalization and securitization of development, with less attention to democracy and human rights. This shift objectively narrows the gap between traditional and new donors of international development assistance. The author substantiates the prospect of further analysis of the convergent potential of the above-mentioned consensuses in the direction of developing based on the unique geopolitical and geo-economic positioning of Ukraine in the modern world, the "Kyiv Consensus on Development" as a joint conceptual, strategic and political platform of the international donor community for the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine.

FOLKLORE BASES OF ALASH LITERATURE

The object of the study in this article was to consider the influence of folklore on the development of new Kazakh literature of the early twentieth century. The formation of new Kazakh literature fell on a difficult period of change and upheaval. A significant part of the works of the national intelligentsia was associated with the development of national literature, literary criticism and folklore studies. In particular, the myth of Alash was laid in the political platform of the Alash movement. At the same time, not to mention their initial research of Alash figures in folklore, their use in folklore literature as a source material in the development of the plot of the work, the creation of character images is studied, it was used in making ideological decisions and also as an ideological means of influencing the masses, which are compared with the work of writers of the Soviet direction. The works of an outstanding representative of national literature, the writer of Alash - M. Zhumabayev were used as analytical material. Attention is drawn to his use of folklore material in his work. What spiritual values did he adhere to and popularize them using folklore heritage for artistic purposes. During the study, attention is drawn to the trends in the use of folklore in other areas of literature. The main attention is paid to the issues of the place of folklore material in the continuity of traditions and the popularization of the idea of independence, its use in expressing the author's position, on the basis of which the results are revealed and the corresponding conclusions are made on the study.

Junta Democrática: Californios and Reconstruction in California

Abstract During the Civil War and Reconstruction Era, elite Californios—Mexicans of mixed-race descent made citizens by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo—supported legislation and political platforms that rejected the varied attempts at biracial democracy. Through an examination of the political life of Antonio Coronel, this article reconsiders elite Californios as state makers and obstructors of Reconstruction in California. At the end of the U.S.-Mexico War and until his death in 1894, Coronel, like other Californios, collaborated with Anglo American politicians to maintain his regional power by supporting a racially restrictive state. In offering their cooperation, elite Californios momentarily maintained their privileged social status in areas where Californios held local political control, such as Los Angeles and Santa Barbara. While Anglo American settlers relied on elite Californios for political legitimacy and state making, they viewed Californios as unassimilable into whiteness because of their Spanish culture and mixed ancestry, and they gradually denied Californio claims to racial superiority and socio-legal privileges, as political cooperation became less crucial to the success of the state project. As a direct result of Coronel’s and other elite Californios’ cooperation before the U.S. Civil War (1861–1865) and through Reconstruction (1863–1879), the California government rejected the federal government’s experiment in biracial democracy and supported policies of white supremacy that targeted the state’s growing non-white populations, a rejection that eventually jeopardized Californio power, including Coronel’s. This article demonstrates that Californio participation was crucial to the state’s rejection of Reconstruction.

Revisiting Edward Said`s Self-Representation in Susan Abulhawa`s Mornings in Jenin

Edward Said advocated for Palestinians to tell their own stories, emphasizing the need of self-representation in literature, politics, and cultural discourse. He believed that by reclaiming their narratives, Palestinians might combat inaccurate portrayals, counter negative stereotypes, and assert their autonomy in constructing their history and identity. This study argues that Susan Abulhawa's Mornings in Jenin echoes Said's call for self-representation by using storytelling to communicate a Palestinian perspective. Abulhawa's method provides an alternative narrative to external portrayals, which may perpetuate misunderstandings or oversimplify complex reality. This study focuses exclusively on Edward Said's concept of self-representation while examining Susan Abulhawa's Mornings in Jenin. The question was raised using a postcolonial methodology. The data for the study was obtained from Susan Abulhawa's novel Mornings in Jenin, which was published by Bloomsbury Publishing in 2010. So, this study investigates the Palestinian perspective on the conflict as a decolonial strategy aimed at developing a political platform for Palestinians through a focus on their experiences and struggles under Israeli occupation. In sum, the author`s narrative contributes to a broader conversation on Palestinian identity, dispossession, and resistance.

Political conjuncture and daily prison life: the political platform of the Liberal Alliance re-signified in the struggle of the common prisoners of the Recife House of Detention (1930-1935)

Este artigo examina a correlação entre os acontecimentos da Revolução de 1930 e a organização política dos presos comuns na Casa de Detenção do Recife. Inicialmente, buscamos compreender como a temática prisional foi instrumentaliza pela Aliança Liberal para expor politicamente o governo de Estácio Coimbra. Em seguida, escrutinamos como os presos utilizaram essa retórica política para pressionar e demandar os gestores da prisão e a própria interventoria. Para tanto, analisaremos a trajetória institucional do preso comum Claudino Augusto da Silva, um conhecido criminoso da cidade e liderança política na prisão. Entendemos que sua atuação política na prisão permite trazer à baila aspectos ainda pouco explorados pela história das prisões no contexto da Era Vargas.

The Role of Satirical Political Platforms in Shaping Societal Political Awareness

The current study aims to uncover the reality of satirical political platforms and the role of the media in developing awareness of citizens’ political participation based on contemporary political theories from the perspective of students themselves. The results of the first question showed that the computational averages of the reality of the media’s role in developing awareness of political participation ranged from 3.67-4.28 to their high level. The results of the second question were shown: The existence of statistically significant differences attributable to the sex variable and to the interests of females and the absence of statistically significant differences depending on the macro variable and the school year. The results of question III showed that the computational averages of the responses of the study sample individuals to the paragraphs of the challenges facing the media in developing awareness of political participation ranged from one to another. (3.80-4.14) and its high level, and the most prominent sources on which the widespread satirical programmes relied as well as the Joe Shaw programme relied on mixed sources in the first place. The study showed that the study programmes took the opposing trend in their coverage of political subjects in proportion (25%), highlighting the media trends used by both Clear Jamming and Joe Shaw in their coverage of political topics is the framework of economic consequences, while Al-Suleit’s news programme focused on using the framework of political conflict. Keywords: political awareness, satirical programs, media, media misinformation.

The Ecumene: A Research Program for Future Knowledge and Governance

The ecumene defines a beyond-border space of strong cultural encounters, flows, and merging, grounded within the traditions of world-systems, globalization, transnationalism, and cosmopolitanism discourses. Furthermore, the ecumene links directly with international regions as core political platforms in the making. As such, there are several ecumenes on the forefront, as evidenced by the literature, which can be clustered into ideal types. Epistemologically, it is a relevant concept and tool for a science-of-the-future that focuses on conviviality and transformation for the yet-to-come. Analytically, the ecumene has a descriptive, normative, and critical dimension, and can be empirically accessed through operational concepts such as triggers, hubs, and types of beyond-border conviviality. To apply the ecumene as a research program means to detect convivial common-sense spaces within the global context.

Eurocommunism’s contribution to the idea of ???democracy without qualifying adjectives???

Óscar García Agustín talks to Gaspar Llamazares Gaspar Llamazares joined the Communist Party of Asturias in 1981. Between 2000 and 2008 he was the national coordinator of Izquierda Unida (United Left). In response to the rise of the 15M movement, he and others founded Izquierda Abierta (Open Left), with the aim of building a larger progressive coalition. The party remained within Izquierda Unida, but aimed to counteract the weight of the Communist Party within the coalition. In 2017 he co-founded the political platform Act??a (Do it) to give voice to those who did not feel represented by PSOE and Podemos. In 2019, he left Izquierda Unida. In 2023 he was elected as a member of the Oviedo council, representing the electoral coalition Convocatoria por Oviedo, and nowadays he is spokesperson for the coalition. He has written extensively about the left and is a defender of the legacy of Eurocommunism, understood as the defence of socialism and pluralism within the political and parliamentary system established during the Spanish Transition, and as the formation of a large progressive coalition to gradually change the capitalist system.

From exclusion to establishment: Organizational birthmarks and imprinting within populist parties

AbstractThis paper bridges literature on political parties and organizational studies by providing a new theoretical lens on political party developments. There has been growing scholarly interest in populist parties and the issues that serve as the raison d'être for their political platform. While the literature has been preoccupied with the journey of the anti‐hero rising to power, less has been written about the organization of the party once it has transcended to political influence. Likewise, whereas organizational birthmarks and imprinting have been integral concepts in the study of organizations, there has been little permeation of the concepts into the study of political parties. The Danish People's Party and Norwegian Progress Party provide two illustrative cases, showing that their original formation and later transformation into the current parties brought with it challenges to their structure and ideology. Our findings show that while an increase in external support to the political party, that is, votes, imprints organizational birthmarks, it is during a decrease in the very same external support that organizational birthmarks are uncovered and challenged. Through process‐tracing and our theoretical model, we identify organizational birthmarks and causal mechanisms in which competing organizational birthmarks create an internal division within the political party.

Analysis of The Influence of Communication and Promotion in Digital Social Media on Citizens' Participation in The Election

This research aims to provide conclusive results regarding interaction and discussion, use, and exploitation of social media in the context of general elections in the digital public space. This research involves analyzing all messages published by presidential candidates via social media during the general election campaign. Every day during the campaign, a presidential candidate published a tweet, thereby collecting data. The research results revealed that the general public's ability to participate in substantive political conversations related to the presidential election remains incomplete. The achievement of equality among participants in digital public spaces remains incomplete. Candidates focus more on their political messages and interactions with the media and their own political platforms rather than interacting equally with other users. The role of participants in digital public spaces is very relevant. Although the Internet provides a wealth of information, users tend to be disseminators rather than conducting in-depth analysis. This can hinder the formation of independent opinions and meaningful participation in political discussions. In this context, commercialization and excessive information on the internet can be detrimental to the process of creating a healthy public space. However, in reality, the internet has not been able to effectively overcome complex political challenges. In this context, it is important to develop a more critical understanding of the role of the internet in shaping the digital public sphere. This requires awareness of the challenges and complexities involved, as well as efforts to promote more active and educated participation in the digital public sphere.

The impact of party competition on LGBTI+ rights: Evidence from Spanish autonomous regions (1990–2022)

AbstractPolitical competition accelerates the enactment of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans*, and intersexual rights (LGBTI+) due to the dynamic, rational behavior of mainstream parties across the political aisle to adapt to the sociopolitical environment. We argue that LGBTI+ social movements capitalize on median voter shifts combined with the rising pressure of ideologically close challenger parties to enact legislation. To examine this argument, we employ quantitative event history analysis with a unique dataset with measures for social movement, institutional, political, and sociocultural dimensions across 33 years in Spanish subnational arenas. We find that rising leftist and liberal contenders challenging dominant center‐left and center‐right parties, respectively, widen the opportunity political structure of LGBTI+ organizations. Ultimately, rising political fragmentation in a multiparty, multidimensional party system turns both left and right mainstream parties into allies of LGBTI+ organizations, which propose new legislation, due to political platforms seeking to preserve and enhance their electoral base.Related ArticlesBurnett, Craig M., and Aaron S. King. 2015. “The Personal Politics of Same‐Sex Marriage.” Politics & Policy 43(4): 586–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12126.Lewis, Gregory B., Marc A. Rogers, and Kenneth Sherrill. 2011. “Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Voters in the 2000 US Presidential Election.” Politics & Policy 39(5): 655–77. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00315.x.Skipworth, Sue Ann, Andrew Garner, and Bryan J. Dettrey. 2010. “Limitations of the Contact Hypothesis: Heterogeneity in the Contact Effect on Attitudes toward Gay Rights.” Politics & Policy 38(5): 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00262.x.

Political Branding: The use of campaign color as symbolism of platforms among the presidential candidates in the 2022 elections

In a very complex nature of politics, color serves as a low-level heuristic for voters, especially the use of campaign color as a symbolism of platforms. This study sought to determine the level of agreement on the universal meaning of the different colors chosen by the Presidential candidates during the 2022 national elections; the level of agreement if the political colors of the presidential candidates and its representation to their political platforms; and if these chosen political colors correspond to the platforms of the presidential candidates among the students of the School of Teachers and Liberal Arts of the University of Baguio. A mixed method with a self-constructed questionnaire using the Likert Scale to determine the level of agreement among the 143 respondents and an interview with 8 informants among the students was used in this study. The study revealed that the color Red is the most misinterpreted color because of its historical and psychological connotations which led to its negative symbolism. While both Pink and Blue, showed a positive result because of their psychological, cultural, and political aspect. Furthermore, all colors aligned with their platforms except the color Red by Marcos with his platform about Unity. Additionally, the presidential candidates' platforms were based on their personal and political factors. Overall, the research suggests that there’s still no established meaning of political colors in our country and that voters still take issue with what the colors truly represent.

Care as political revolution?

Abstract This afterword discusses the three articles in the theme section “Affective regimes of care beyond humanitarian crisis,” suggesting that they offer us important ethnographies that each pry open and reevaluate the nature of care, including its political potential. Building on how these alternative forms shift the meaning and practice of care, but focusing on the one structuring hierarchy of humanitarianism left intact—racism—I end by briefly discussing the more radical politics of care being articulated by The Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) to show how politics and care are being combined to create revolutionary political platforms.

The Digital Ideological and Political Platform of Second Classroom Empowers Five Education and its Long term Mechanism

Since the implementation of the "Five Education" policy in universities, universities in various regions have actively established relevant systems for the second classroom, developed second classroom activities, and cultivated comprehensive development of students in morality, intelligence, physical fitness, aesthetics, and labor. As a comprehensive ability exercise independent of the "first classroom", the "second classroom" not only promotes the development of comprehensive quality, but also bears the important responsibility of moral education. Digital empowerment of precise ideological and political education in universities can achieve precise grasp of educational objects, precise supply of educational content, precise evaluation of educational effects, and precise control of educational processes, which helps to make up for many shortcomings of traditional ideological and political education. This article takes the "Ruichuan University" Second Classroom Transcript Digital Ideological and Political Platform of Sichuan University as an example to analyze the mechanism of the "Second Classroom" digital ideological and political platform, represented by it, to empower five educations, and to analyze the methods to promote its long-term operation based on its operational status.

A non-partisan candidate: count I.I. Tolstoy and the election to the State Duma in 1907

After the June 3rd coup, the question arose about the future of parliamentarism in the Russian Empire. The answer to it depended on the possibility of cooperation between the 3rd Imperial Duma, part of the legislative assembly in the late Russian Empire, and the top government. This issue was at the center of pre-election discussions in the fall of 1907, in which Count I.I. Tolstoy, a well-known public and statesman. His political program turned out to be too liberal for the Russian society. Tolstoy set out his «political platform» in interviews, articles, letters and diaries. The Manuscript Division of the Russian National Library also holds an unfinished essay «Russia on the eve of the 3rd Imperial Duma». These materials make it possible to expand the idea of the limit of concessions that society was willing to make in dialogue with the authorities.

Nazism, Fascism, and Genocide as Themes in ZANU and ZAPU Propaganda during the War against Rhodesia, 1965–1980

Abstract This article considers how the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU)—the two main African nationalist groups in the rebel British colony of Rhodesia—sought to undermine the White minority government of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) era in Rhodesia by denouncing it in their propaganda as “Nazi,” “fascist,” and “genocidal.” The author argues that ZANU and ZAPU built on ideas already put forth in the international arena. In doing so, they were able to develop the conception of colonialism as a fascist and genocidal system of government. Charges of fascism and genocide, as well as antiracism and anticolonialism, were central to ZANU’s and ZAPU’s political platform and their historical narrative of colonialism. The White population of Rhodesia, however, was proud of their record during the Second World War, and for African nationalists to equate them with the Nazis was to upend a major aspect of their identity. Through a discussion of these issues, this article studies the important role that these concepts played in one of the most significant anticolonial conflicts of the postwar period.

Political communication on TikTok: from the feminisation of discourse to incivility expressed in emoji form. An analysis of the Spanish political platform Sumar and reactions to its strategy

In a context of permanent electoral campaign, an increasing number of political communication specialists are trying to unravel the resources with which government officials and their parties seek to influence TikTok users. From a broad perspective, the theme is more current than novel, however, in the specific case of this research, an academic void is identified by combining the identification of idiosyncratic traits of the feminization of political discourse in TikTok with the study of reactions (text and emojis) that audiovisual content imbued with this trend provokes in users. The intention is to find out whether the inclusive tone of the feminized rhetorical style can be extrapolated to the Chinese-origin social network and, if so, whether its particular characteristics mitigate forms of incivility. To carry out the checks, the first seven months of activity on TikTok by the political platform Sumar with its leader, Yolanda Díaz, as the protagonist of most of the videos, are selected. The mixed methodology of analysis on audiovisual content and comments allows to verify that, although the new Spanish party does not apply a strategy perfectly adapted to the social network under study, the anti-polarization rhetoric and the storytelling techniques manage to neutralize extreme forms of flaming.

Problems of Countering the Public Demonstration and Dissemination of Fascist and Nazi Symbols (the Legal Aspect)

The authors substantiate the thesis that it is necessary to differentiate between the concepts of «fascism» and «Nazism» at the normative level, since this distinction is not only of theoretical, but also of practical importance for the qualification of crimes and other offences of extremist nature. It is noted that, for a person be identified as a neo-Nazi, three key attributes should be simultaneously present — ideology, symbols, practice. Ideology, however, acts as the political determinant of unlawful behavior of neo-Nazis. The analysis of doctrinal sources shows that the ideologies of fascism and Nazism manifest certain differences regarding national and racial issues, which makes it possible to say that they are based not on one, but on two different political platforms. According to the authors, unless the concepts of «fascism» and «Nazism» are differentiated at the normative level, it is not possible to effectively counteract the dissemination and public demonstration of the symbols and paraphernalia used by corresponding political parties, as well as the rehabilitation of Nazism and fascism. At the same time, research results demonstrate that the concepts of «fascism» and «Nazism» are treated as equivalents not only in the dictionaries of the Russian language, but also in specialist legal literature, public conscience, and the legal field, which hinders law enforcement. It is noted that the legislation regulating liability for counteracting extremism treats fascist and Nazi organizations as extremist and subject to prohibition. At the same time, the system of registering extremist organizations in Russia, as well as the procedures of classifying organizations as extremist, determined by normative legal acts, are not free from drawbacks. The authors present some suggestions for improving them. They also examine a number of problematic questions connected with the necessity of further improvements in the system of legal regulation of criminal and administrative liability for the public demonstration and dissemination of fascist and Nazi symbols (paraphernalia).

Social Media as a Political Platform in Africa: A Bibliometric Analysis

This study employs bibliometric analysis to scrutinize the pivotal journals, institutions, and countries at the nexus of social media and political discourse in Africa. Utilizing VOSviewer, a dataset of 123 publications from 2013 to 2023 was culled from Scopus Database. The analysis encompasses diverse methodologies, each tailored to the specific nature of bibliometric investigation. "Information, Communication and Society" emerged as the foremost journal in this domain, while South Africa spearheaded contributions, followed by the United States and the United Kingdom. The National Research Foundation played a prominent role as an influential institution. Notably, four distinct thematic clusters emerged, illuminating significant research areas such as the role of political platforms on human rights, the influence of social media on community engagement, the impact of media platforms on African conflicts, and social media's contribution to freedom through discourse. This study represents a pioneering bibliometric endeavor in comprehensively gauging the landscape of social media and politics in Africa, offering valuable insights for scholars and policymakers navigating this dynamic terrain.