Structure Of Political Parties Research Articles

The Feminisation of Indonesia's Political Parties: Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS)

The political representation of women in the Indonesian parliament has increased since the implementation of the affirmation policy through quotas, although the number has not yet reached 30%. In addition, the percentage of women placed in the management structure of political parties has also increased. In addition, the percentage of women's candidacy in each election period also showed an increasing trend. This article aims to analyze the feminization process that occurred in PDI Perjuangan and PKS, using the model of feminization of political parties introduced by Sarah Childs. By using a qualitative approach, in which data were obtained from party statues (AD/ART documents of political parties) and parties' documents of meetings, General Elections Commission (KPU) data, and data sourced from online media, it was found that the level feminization of PDI Perjuangan higher than PKS. The difference in the level of feminization is due to differences in representational dimension and policy.

The role of political foundations in the bank indebtedness of political parties: the case of Spain

ABSTRACT The bank indebtedness of political parties and the economic connections they maintain with their foundations can influence the quality of democratic processes and the independence of public representatives. In this paper, we argue that both of these funding elements can also be related. Based on an analysis of the economic information on Spanish political parties and their foundations between 2007 and 2019, we prove that business and individual donations that political foundations receive, as well as contributions made to them by political parties, influence the level of bank indebtedness of the parties they are linked to, as well as the cost of such indebtedness. Our results imply that as well as having direct consequences for the economy and public policy, the economic instrumentalization of the foundations by political parties influences the financial structure of political parties and conditions their position before credit institutions as well as their competitive capacity.

Konsep Good Governance Dalam Transparansi Anggaran Dana Partai Politik Perspektif Fiqh Siyasah

The level of public trust in political parties in Indonesia is currently experiencing a decline due to the lack of transparency by political parties regarding financial reports, activities, and the membership structure of political parties. This is exacerbated by many individuals within political parties who are involved in corruption cases or misappropriation of party funds. As a result, the public expects that the budgets of political organizations must be transparent for the public to trust political parties, which are organizations that reflect the hopes and desires of society. The current study seeks to grasp political parties' attempts to attain budget transparency to actualize the concept of good governance from the standpoint of fiqh siyasah. This study is a juris-normative study, which is a legal study that is constructed conceptually through law-in-books by exploring legal and non-legal literature. According to the findings of this study, budget transparency in political parties is one aspect of achieving good governance. In fiqh siyasah, budget transparency is an obligation as ordered by Allah SWT through QS. al-Baqarah (2): 282 and 283. In addition, some hadiths describe the nature of Abu Bakr Ash Siddiq's openness in managing the finances of Baitul Mal. Therefore, transparency of the fund's budget is an obligatory effort by every political party in Indonesia to ensure good governance.

3 - The Impact of Structural Violence on Women’s Capacity to Fully Participate at Candidate and Electoral Management Levels in Zimbabwe

This article focuses on ‘hidden’ institutional violence, also known as structural violence, and gender divisions in electoral processes in Zimbabwe. Structural violence occurs when one category of people is accorded an unequal status in relation to other categories of people. The main argument presented in the paper is that, in Zimbabwe, structural violence renders the implementation of gender equality in electoral governance nugatory. Political party structures and systems are designed and conveniently used to exclude women from political participation. The article analyses selected cases involving women’s involvement at the candidate and electoral management level. The study made use of interviews, particularly key informant interviews, and semi- structured interviews, as its main data-gathering methods. Focus group discussions were also utilised. The findings revealed that a myriad of structural and institutionalised constraints prevent women in Zimbabwe from fully participating in political and electoral processes. These institutionalised structures have a disproportionately negative impact on women’s political ambitions compared to men’s. The article concludes that promoting gender equality in the area of politics and decision-making as well as in society as a whole is a long and complex process. Any initiatives to remedy these inequalities must be strategic and long-term oriented.

A Mathematical Model of an Electoral Process and Predicting of Outcome

We developed and analysed a mathematical model to study the dynamics of an electoral process and predict the outcome in Nigeria with three political parties as major actors. We model the ruling party (P1); major opposition party (P2) and minority opposition parties (P3). The model includes party campaigners of the three political parties and a class of eligible voters. The model also incorporates the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), electoral observers, judiciary, security personnel and thugs. The influx of voters into the system is determined by the registration rate of voter cards. The model’s interest lies in the measure of positive influence that the party campaigners who eligible voters to join their party. With this, the model mirrors election’s outcome and the movement of voters between the three groups of political parties involved. The model has proven that the pattern of election’s outcome for each political party is affected by the defection of party members and lack of policy consistency. We determine the equilibria analytically and discuss the stability of the system. Numerical simulations are graphed in combination with curve fitting to compare each party’s performances over the years. The result shows that no political party remains in power steadily from 2007 to 2019. Thus, the prediction of elections outcome to the political space of any region in Nigeria depends on political party structures and voters’ decisions.

Die Europawahl 2024 – systemische Besonderheiten, Erwartungen und die extremistische Herausforderung

The division of powers in the federally structured European Union, the lack of fixed political coalitions, the absence of effective control of voting behaviour in the European Parliament by parliamentary group leaderships and the structure of European political parties as alliances of national parties make European elections systemically specific. In the 2024 European elections, the lead candidate system for the President of the European Commission is back. This may contribute to increased voter participation and be successful if the informal preconditions for the candidates are met during nomination. During the phase leading up to the election of the President of the Commission, the Parliament achieves maximum leverage. Political forces that endanger the existing conditions of the system itself, should be categorized as extreme and be opposed by the political mainstream.

Enhancing The Institutional Capacity of Political Parties to Achieve Affirmative Action in South Kalimantan

Affirmative action is a program that promotes equal and equitable representation for the involvement and inclusion of women in politics and governance, based on the recognition that women’s rights are part of broader human rights. This study's objective is to thoroughly examine the practical use of affirmative action in national and regional political spheres, with a particular emphasis on Southern Kalimantan, which exhibits both patriarchal cultural idiosyncrasies and societal openness. Moreover, the study examines whether providing focused political education to female cadres within the established political party structure can increase women’s representation. This study selects samples from five branches of the DPD/DPW of prominent political parties identified as the top five vote-getters in the 2019 elections in South Kalimantan. The use of institutional theory is encompassed within the analytical approach. Utilizing a descriptive qualitative methodology, the process of selecting study participants involves purposive sampling, which includes primary and secondary data sources. The results of this study significantly contribute to the support and validation of affirmative action policies and improve access to women's representation by emphasizing the importance of institutional aspects inside political parties. Promoting political education for women cadres directly fulfills fundamental elements of women’s political and human rights. This effort requires the courage and generosity of political parties to advocate for special political education to be included in the party’s constitution as a formal legal basis and a long-term commitment to upholding affirmative action as a social obligation of political parties.

Anglo-American Elements of Constitutional Organization in the Constitutional Arrangement of Bosnia and Herzegovina: An Influence on Rule of Law through Legislative Function

The current constitutional arrangement of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as model of the constitutional regulation is the result of peace agreements – Washington Peace Agreement and General Framework Agreement for the Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (so called – Dayton Peace Agreement) that were imposed under the dominant influence of the US administration. Thanks to this influence, some elements that are close to the Anglo-American legal tradition and understanding of law have been implemented in the constitutional system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, such as the framework model of constitutional normative regulation based, in most cases, on general legal principles and framework norms of a general nature that regulate constitutional matters in a framework way and without entering into details. This paper, at the first place, contains considerations related to model of constitutional normative regulation in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as adopted centralized model of protection of constitutionality. This model of constitutional regulation, as will be seen from the following text, is not close to European-continental legal tradition and understanding of law. Second part of this paper considers implementation principles of constitutionality and rule of law – in general through performing legislative function in the condition of American model of constitutional normative regulation in Bosnia and Herzegovina as result of imposed peace agreements. The third part contains considerations regarding organization and structure of political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their influence on legislative function in the condition of actual constitutional arrangements. The results of the research and consideration contained in this paper show that the combination of elements of constitutional arrangements and regulations that belong to the Anglo-American legal tradition and understanding of law with elements that belong to the European-continental legal tradition do not give an adequate result in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the standpoint of constitutionality and the rule of law.

Understanding the Effects of Politicizing Media Operations: A Study of the Patriotic Front Regime (2011–2021)

There are various forms of Media that have a wider reach of communication, such as newspapers, radio, television, internet-based websites, and magazines. These have a major impact on politics, especially television, radio and newspapers. However, media reporting has received a reaction from political leaders and, in some cases, banned for what is deemed negative reporting against the ruling government. This paper explores the relationship between media and politics in the context of democratic tenets. The study used both secondary and primary sources of data collection. A total of 25 participants took part in this study as key informants. These were selected through purposive sampling and several official and academic documents were reviewed to address this study's aim. The collected data were analysed through a thematic, methodological approach. The findings show that the influence that the Patriotic Front (PF)'s time in government was defined by both successes and a shrinking media space for political debates and information sharing with the public. It was found by this study that television stations, such as Prime TV, with highly politicised content being aired, were bridled by the government to the point of their closure. This study has revealed that various political party structures of the Patriotic Front were used to intimidate the media. Based on the findings, it can be argued here that media houses' critical role in politics was not consolidated but rather constrained during the period under study. 

Australia’s Foreign Policy towards China from the Perspective of the Multiple Stream Framework

The relationship between China and Australia has maintained a trend of fluctuating development for a long period since the establishment of diplomatic ties. However, around 2017, Australia gradually adopted negative policies towards China, and the relationship between the two countries cooled down rapidly, with no obvious easing trend. Based on the Multiple Stream Framework, this paper attempts to use the China5G case to analyze the factors contributing to Australia's negative foreign policy toward China. The paper argues that the definition of problems by the top governmental officials and the urgency of the problem mutually determine whether the final resolution is negative or positive toward a country; that the complexity of domestic political party structure and electoral politics imply the preference for national policy; and that the lead of public opinion, as well as the government's political intention to maintain the rule of legality, are the key factors affecting the policy orientation. This analysis aims to better understand the deep connotation of the relationship between China and Australia and provides a thinking path for improving relations between the two countries. It also refers to analyzing the attitudes towards China's rise from other countries in the Asia-Pacific region.

A Fractured Electorate? French Presidential Election Forecasting for 2022

This paper forecasts the first round of the French presidential election five months in advance. It uses a key industry-standard structural variable in its forecasting model, approval of the French president. Its parsimony allows for an early forecast, but its potential for error is higher. In the end, the forecast was somewhat off the mark, though it accurately showed the strength of a somewhat attenuated left. However, the structure of French political parties has changed dramatically over the past several years, leaving some doubt as to the reliability of this forecasting technique.

Tackling the legislative underrepresentation of women in Ghana: Empowerment strategies for broader gender parity

The question of women's legislative underrepresentation is an enduring problem which continues to garner considerable scholarly attention all over the world. Whereas the burgeoning literature on the subject has largely focused on impediments to gender parity in representation in parliament, the interest of this paper is somewhat different. In an effort to make an original contribution to the discourse, the starting point of this paper is the argument that women can be politically empowered to achieve greater representation in parliament. Consequently, in this paper – which draws on empowerment theory as theoretical lens – we present a snapshot of the views of 22 women parliamentarians from Ghana, with the aim to exploring empowerment strategies for attaining greater gender parity in representation in the legislature. They emphasize the importance of affirmative action policies, funding, inclusive political party structures, education, and societal re-socialisation in addressing women's legislative underrepresentation in Ghana. These findings may have some important implications for the nature and scope of interventions targeted at women for the purpose of promoting an inclusive political environment.

Participation of Political Parties in Local Governments of Nepal

The success and failure of the political economy depend on the structure and function of political parties. The agenda of development in a democratic country is set and met by ruling political parties. Political parties are dynamic forces to mobilize mass for achieving common agendas. Political parties play an effective and efficient role in political socialization of citizens. In Nepal, political parties are mostly capable of creating public awareness about the common concern. Political parties produce both positive and negative impacts on all dimensions of society in Nepal. To analyze the status of political parties in the local governance of Nepal, and to explore their role, strengths and weaknesses in the local development of Nepal, this article is prepared with the title ‘Participation of political parties on local level government in Nepal”. It is mainly based on the secondary data of the election commission of Nepal. Information regarding objectives was collected through various search engines by a simple literature review. The status of political parties is found unequal at the local level of government in Nepal. Nepali congress party occupies the first position followed by CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist respectively in second and third positions. Local-level Governments must play effective roles to solve the day-to-day immediate problem of people. The joint efforts of all political parties are mandatory to meet the immediate requirement of local people through the effective mechanism of service delivery. The role and responsibility of political parties are vital to fulfilling gaps between service consumers and providers. Lack of coordination, unhealthy competition, and lack of transparency in political parties are notable issues to address without delay. To meet the common concern of Nepalese people regarding their local issues, joint efforts of all political parties are mandatory.

인터넷 표현규제 관련 20대 국회 공동발의 네트워크 분석 — 소속 정당 간 연결구조와 입법시기별 차이를 중심으로 —

이 연구는 표현규제와 같이 기본권을 제한하는 의원입법안 발의를 정치적 이해관계가 반영된 행위로 보고, 공동발의 네트워크 분석방법을 적용해 발의자가 소속된 정당 간 이해관계가 인터넷 표현 규제 법안 발의에 어떻게 반영되었는지를 분석하였다. 제20대 국회 임기(2016년 5월 ~ 2020년 5월) 중 의원입법으로 발의된 인터넷 표현규제 관련 법안 153건을 분석한 결과 다음과 같은 결과를 관찰할 수 있었다. 첫째, 20대 국회의 인터넷 표현규제 관련 공동발의 네트워크를 살펴본 결과, 더불어민주당과 자유한국당(새누리당)이라는 거대 양당 중심의 네트워크 구조가 관찰되었으며 바른미래당, 국민의당 등 제3당 의원들이 더불어민주당에 가깝게 연계하며 두 정당을 매개하는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 거대 양당 중심의 네트워크 결집은 ‘드루킹 사건’, ‘5 18민주화운동 막말사건’등 주요 정치적 이슈가 발생한 시기에 보다 강하게 나타나 소속 정당의 이해관계가 법안 발의 구조에 영향을 미친 것으로 분석됐다. 마지막으로 허위조작정보 관련 27개 입법안의 공동발의 네트워크를 별도로 분석한 결과, 자유한국당은 김성태 의원을 중심으로 응집력 있는 단일 네트워크를 형성한 반면, 더불어민주당은 복수의 의원들을 중심으로 각기 다른 네트워크 구조를 형성해 당내에서도 의원별 군집이 분산된 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 이 연구결과는 20대 인터넷 표현규제와 관련한 다수의 입법안들이 국회 내 충분한 숙의과정을 거치거나 다양한 정치적 입장이 반영되기 보다는 정당의 이해관계나 정치적 역학 구조가 법안 발의 과정에 더 큰 영향력을 미쳤다는 것을 나타낸다. 이에 인터넷 표현규제와 같이 표현의 자유라는 헌법상 가치의 보호가 중요한 영역에서 정당 간 이슈 매개 활동이 더욱 강화될 필요가 있으며, 입법 영향평가 등 행위자 중심의 체계적인 정책 검토 과정이 필요하다는 점을 제안하였다.

The Politics of Service Delivery in Pakistan: Political Parties and the Incentives for Patronage, 1988-1999

This paper examines the impact of the political party structure on the incentives for politicians to focus on patronage versus service delivery improvements in Pakistan. By analysing inter-provincial variations in the quality of service delivery in Pakistan, the paper argues that the more fragmented, factionalised, and polarised the party systems, the greater are the incentives for patronage, weakening service delivery improvements. Fragmentation and factionalism both exacerbate the information problems that voters have in assigning credit (blame) for service delivery improvements (deterioration), thereby creating the incentives for politicians to focus on targeted benefits. Polarisation, particularly ethnic polarisation, reduces the ability of groups to agree on the provision of public goods, again causing politicians to favour the delivery of targeted benefits.

Internal Institutionalization of Golkar Party For the Study of Simultaneous 2020 Pilkada (Elections of Regional Heads) in Bandung District

The research aims to analyze the internal institutionalization of Golkar in Bandung District by taking a case study of the 2020 Pilkada. The method implemented in this research is a qualitative method classified as descriptive, with data collection techniques using documents. The researcher will review those data and give meaning to them. The result of the research is Golkar, which has controlled Bandung Regency for 20 years, turned out to be defeated in the 2020 Pilkada due to the institutionalization of political parties that could not accommodate the wishes of party seniors. By looking at four political parties’ institutionalizations from Huntington, Golkar is one of the political parties with a high survival level and can survive during regime shifts to other regimes in Bandung District. The political party structure is also complex enough, but the political party’s dependency on the mass organization in its winning electoral strategy is still high. The birth of political party intrafraction led to the defeat of the pair of NiaUsman in the battle for Bandung District Regent seat in 2020. In conclusion, Golkar in Bandung District only leaves two things that still exist in party institutions, which are the party chronology and organizational structure. The impact of the research is no matter how strong the party institutionalization is, if it doesn’t accommodate the wishes of the party’s seniors, the institutionalization will be weak, as well as if the party is very dependent on the organization’s wing

The Change of Motives to Become and to be a Party Member. An Empirical Analysis of the German Party Membership Studies 1998, 2009 and 2017

In this paper, the thesis is put forward that selective outcome incentives for party membership gain relevance over time. Two possible mechanisms are identified as the cause of this increase in importance: a supply-side mechanism based on processes of societal change that took place through generational succession and a demand-side mechanism focusing on shifts in the self-image and organizational structure of political parties. The supply-side mechanism should lead to changes in the motives of potential members, whereas the demand-side mechanism alters the incentives potential and current members are exposed to.The empirical analyses are based on the German Party Membership Studies of 1998, 2009 and 2017. These three studies are nationwide representative surveys of the members of the following six parties: Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Christian Social Union (CSU), Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), Free Democratic Party (FDP), Alliance90/The Greens (Bündnis90/Die Grünen), and The Left (Die Linke). Within the German Party Membership Studies, both the motives for joining the party and the current membership motives are surveyed.Empirically, it is shown that there is indeed an increase in the importance of selective outcome membership motives over the period under study. The mechanisms behind this increase in importance are investigated using multivariate Age-Period-Cohort (APC) models based on the cumulated data of the German Party Membership Studies. These analyses are based on a total of nearly 30,000 cases. The results of the APC analyses are largely consistent with the supply-side explanation of the increased importance of selective outcome motives for party entry and membership. The demand-side explanation is only partially confirmed.

No Change After A Storm? A Review of Post Electoral Defeat Changes in Party Structure And Organisational Culture

Abstract This paper explores if and how electoral defeats affect the changes in organisational structure of political parties and investigates whether party characteristics, such as being in a government or in an opposition, its country of origin affect how parties respond to defeat in terms of the party organizational structure. For the purposes of this article, three elements were considered for the scope of organisational structure change: party decomposition, change of power balance and the appearance of new organs or bodies in the party. Analysis is based on the examination of 73 parties from 28 countries, and of the consideration of party efforts to change their organization. The conclusion, however, was unclear. Therefore, an in-depth analysis of 12 selected political parties representing three different party systems and electoral systems was also conducted. The study of the Polish, Belgian and British systems facilitate explanation of the reasons why parties take some selective corrective structural actions after electoral defeat. Nevertheless, they are mostly not to be fundamental and have some relation to a specific conditions affecting concrete parties in different party systems.

The Dynamics of Party System in India: A Comparative Study of National and Regional Parties

The purpose of the study is the structure of political parties and comparative analysis of the party system in the Republic of India. The objective of the research is to investigate the functioning of the parties, power structure, dynamics and their role in forming the government at the centre and state levels in the country. In addition, the study analyses the approaches of the parties as an actor to make a coalition government in various provincial governments. The research used comparative method analysis to achieve the purpose of this study and describe the source methods for testing the research objectives. The study finds the comprehensive relevance of parties’ role in the Indian political system. Finally, the result of the article finds as a conclusion that the multi-party system provides multiple opportunities for people to participate in the democratic process in India.

Siyasi Partiler ve Kadın Adaylığı: Nijerya'da 2019 Genel Seçimlerinin Cinsiyet Analizi

This paper accessed the role of political parties in recruiting, selecting and championing candidates for elections and the implications on women’s political attainment. The male-dominated political party structure and power has an overwhelming influence on women’s candidacy selection and winning of political seats. The attitude of political parties towards selection of candidates for elections in Nigeria is undemocratic and a major reason for women’s poor representation in governance. The paper argues that equality of all irrespective of sex is crucial for achieving political equity, better legislation, good governance and national development. Data for the study were obtained through secondary sources and analysis of data revealed that political parties’ candidacy selection and support have been lopsided in favour of men at all levels of political contests. The paper recommends policy strategies that would enhance more women entering into politics and party candidacy list geared towards attaining good governance and national development.