Political Parties In Poland Research Articles

The importance of Ukraine in the process of ensuring the energy security of Central European countries in the political thought of Polish political parties during the Russian-Ukrainian war. Selected issues

Ukraine has played an extremely important role in ensuring the energy security of Central European countries over the years, mainly due to its position as a transit state. Past energy crises (2006, 2009) have affected the perception of the country in Europe and led to Russian-German energy projects that reduce the level of regional security (e.g., Nord Stream 1, Nord Stream 2). In Poland, various political parties (Law and Justice, Civic Platform, the Left Party, Polish People’s Party) have referred differently to regional cooperation and the function Ukraine might offer in this type of process. In this context, the aim of the article was to analyse the political thought of selected Polish parliamentary parties regarding the importance of Ukraine in ensuring the energy security of Central European countries during Russia’s armed attack on Ukraine in 2022. The starting point of the analyses was the general thesis that political parties in Poland treated Ukraine as a key state in efforts to limit the negatively perceived energy policy of the Russian Federation in the region.

Parliamentary political parties in Poland in the face of the climate change issue in the years 2005–2019 (perspective of social networks)

The aim of the article was to define the attitude of Polish parliamentary political parties towards the issue of climate change in the years 2005–2019. Discourse Network Analysis, used in the study, allowed to identify the most frequently co-occurring concepts expressed by different parties over the past fifteen years, as well as, to present the affiliation networks between the parties. The postulates regarding climate policy proposed by Polish election committees were gradually modified in the analyzed period. The gradual convergence of pro-climate positions of Polish parliamentary parties is visible over time, while the structure of anti-climate positions becoming less coherent. However, there is still a visible difference in the approach to climate protection between the centrist and left-wing parties and those identifying themselves as right-wing.

Partie polityczne w Polsce wobec polityki wschodniej i współpracy polsko-ukraińskiej: uwarunkowania, koncepcje, ewolucja

The study addresses the issue of the positions of political parties in Poland on eastern policy, in particular on Polish-Ukrainian cooperation. Therefore, an attempt was made to answer questions about the historical background of these views, the impact of international and internal situation in Poland and Ukraine. The subject of the analysis was the issues of economic relations, views on the European integration of Ukraine, the relevance of historical issues in the programs and decisions of political parties from the early 1990s to 2023.

Przywództwo w nowych partiach politycznych w Polsce i jego znaczenie dla przekroczenia progu reprezentacji oraz instytucjonalizacji partii

LEADERSHIP IN NEW POLITICAL PARTIES IN POLAND AND ITS IMPORTANCE FOR OVERCOMING THE THRESHOLD OF PARTY REPRESENTATION AND FOR PARTY INSTITUTIONALIZATION After the period of relative stabilization of the Polish party system at the parliamentary level in the first decade of the 21st century, changes related to the entry of new parties on the political scene took place in the second one. While in 2007 only four established parties (PO, PiS, SLD and PSL) got seats in the parliament, and the party system at the parliamentary level was described as “concreted”. In subsequent elections of 2011, 2015, 2019, newly created parties managed to overcome the threshold of party representation. What they have in common is that they were founded shortly before the election by recognizable leaders and immediately achieved election success, which they were not able to repeat in subsequent elections, they lost their importance and were replaced by newer parties. The aim of the article is to define what role the leader plays in achieving electoral success of new parties and what is the importance of leadership for the party’s survival and further election success. These issues are considered in the context of changing the organizational model and the concepts of party institutionalization.

W dwadzieścia lat później – uwagi o finansowaniu partii politycznych w Polsce

Financing of parties is an issue that interests and excites many, not only members of specific parties, but also, or perhaps especially, the so-called regular Joes. Emotions may not come as a surprise, as financing parties has provided material for many surprising stories in the past. After 1989, the rules for financing of political parties in Poland were modified several times until they were regulated in the fullest way in 2001, with the introduction of party financing from the state budget. The article takes a closer look at the evolution of the rules on the financing of political parties and analyses the doubts that have arisen during more than 20 years of the current statutory regulation.

The Attitude of New Political Parties in Poland towards Religion and the Catholic Church Based on the Example of Left-Wing Parties

In recent years, the issue of the relationships between the state and the Catholic Church has been increasingly present in public discourse in Poland. New political parties have become embroiled in the debate, taking diverse stances. The paper discusses the attitude of new political parties in Poland towards religion and the Catholic Church, using three groupings as examples: the Palikot Movement [Ruch Palikota], Robert Biedroń’s Spring [Wiosna Roberta Biedronia] and the Together Party [Partia Razem]. The authors, using content analysis as the research method, reviewed the party policies and media statements made by politicians on the topic. The aim of the article is to investigate the positions taken by selected political parties towards religion and the Catholic Church and to verify the hypothesis that the new left-wing parties advocate a strict separation of church and state.

Koncepcje dywersyfikacji źródeł i kierunków dostaw ropy naftowej do Polski w myśli politycznej Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej w latach 2001–2005

The construction of a more diversified crude oil supplies structure to domestic refineries was treated differently by individual political parties in Poland. For the Democratic Left Alliance, a key element contributing to energy security was the need to ensure a constant supply of this commodity at the lowest possible price, and not to diversify the sources and directions of crude oil supplies. Therefore, the SLD government held talks on regulating the transit position of Poland (an initiative of the Russian side), but at the same time raised the need to build the Odessa-Brody-Plock pipeline. The aim of the article was to analyze the political thought of the Democratic Left Alliance in terms of ensuring alternative sources and directions of oil supplies to the Russian Federation, and to identify the potential consequences of the views and decisions made. The main assumption was that in the SLD concept, supplies from the Russian Federation played the most important role, but cooperation with other oil exporters created an opportunity to build a more diversified structure of import this commodity to Poland. Taking up the topic was important due to the lack of studies in which we can find the results of original studies on the position of political parties in the context of building a diversified structure of crude oil supplies, as well as the construction of the Odessa-Brody-Plock pipeline.

‘We, the people’ in Poland: democracy of ‘ordinary people’ in the statements of politicians and posts on social media

ABSTRACT In this research constructivist grounded theory was used to explore the style and content of 300 posts on the subject of democracy on the Facebook pages of the main political parties in Poland. Analysis of the data, collected from 2016 to mid-2017, resulted in the construction of two typologies that identify distinct rhetorical and thematic types of popular political discourse. In stark contrast to previous forecasts of the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, Polish netizens’ conceptualisation of democracy is often procedural, tribal and majoritarianist. Furthermore, a comparison of such social media posts with diverse pronouncements of leading politicians reveals that popular discourse on democracy is largely generated and shaped top-down by the country’s political elite.

The constitutionalization of political parties in Poland – evolution or change?

The article discusses the evolution of constitutional solutions concerning the, issue of political groups. The subject of the analysis includes successive Polish constitutions, beginning with the March Constitution1. At the same time the development of statutory, regulations referring to the functioning of political parties is shown. These Polish regulations, are aligned with the European tendency to constitutionalize political parties. Although, Poland experienced a delay compared to the countries of Western Europe, as a result of the, nondemocratic system of the Polish People’s Republic, the principle of political pluralism has, been the key principle underpinning the system of government found in the Constitution of, the Republic of Poland since December 1989.

The pedagogy of shame. Education in the face of the demokratur of ignoramuses

This article relates to the slogan of one of the populist political parties in Poland – “the pedagogy of shame”. It is an example of manipulation and the creation of simulacra in social life in order to justify the necessity of assuming power. On accomplishing this, the slogan becomes the primary principle in the management and rearing of a new society fed on illusions. The author points to the deeper roots of a pathologies which define corrupt power – indifference or acceptance of minor injustices, lack of civic engagement, insouciance with regard to the natural and social environments, the creation of unhealthy arrangements and relationships in small social groups and institutions, including educational – from the lowest level up to the university. In conclusion, the author indicates the necessity of supporting the development of civic society as understood by M. Gruntvig.

Prawica, lewica i postawy wobec imigrantów. Poglądy Polaków na imigrację i ich dynamika na tle trendów europejskich

Political right, political left, and attitudes towards immigrants. Poles’ opinions of immigration and their dynamics against the backdrop of European trends The aim of the analysis is to demonstrate how individual convictions and opinions on immigration are connected with a subjective political identity, defined by one’s position on the left or right side of the political scale. The article focuses on the case of Poland, examining it in the context and in comparison to the processes taking place in other European countries. The analysis refers to the data of the European Social Survey (nine waves from 2002 to 2018). The results reveal that in Western European countries anti-immigrant attitudes are more connected with self-identification as political right, while in Central-Eastern Europe such correlation either does not exist, or is weaker and more rare. Poland is in an earlier phase of the migration cycle (it has small and relatively new immigrant populations), and the institutionalization of political cleavages within the party system is less advanced than in Western Europe. These factors lead to the situation where self-identification as political right on the one hand and scepticism towards immigration on the other are not correlated. Moreover, the results show that during the period under study, voters of the main political parties in Poland showed increasing support for the presence of immigrants in the country’s economy, while the influence of foreigners on the country’s culture became a polarizing question. Among Poles who are sceptical about immigration, the perceived cultural threat is articulated more strongly than the economic threat.

Women’s rights in the light of the programmes of the victorious political parties in Poland’s 2019 parliamentary elections

<p>Problematyka praw kobiet w XXI wieku jest stale obecna w debacie publicznej i znajduje odzwierciedlenie w programach wyborczych poszczególnych partii politycznych. Zarówno po prawej, jak i po lewej stronie sceny politycznej znajdziemy postulaty dotyczące równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn w życiu publicznym, przeciwdziałania dyskryminacji w zatrudnieniu, wsparcia dla rodzin czy należytej opieki zdrowotnej. Analizując programy zwycięskich partii politycznych w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2019 r. w Polsce, należy stwierdzić, że większość z nich podjęła tzw. problematykę kobiecą. Kwestie te dotyczyły takich zagadnień jak: opieka nad dziećmi, zdrowie kobiet, ale też równa płaca za pracę tej samej wartości bez względu na płeć, równy udział kobiet i mężczyzn we władzach publicznych czy skuteczna walka z przemocą domową.</p>

Women’s rights in the light of the programmes of the victorious political parties in Poland’s 2019 parliamentary elections

<p>Problematyka praw kobiet w XXI wieku jest stale obecna w debacie publicznej i znajduje odzwierciedlenie w programach wyborczych poszczególnych partii politycznych. Zarówno po prawej, jak i po lewej stronie sceny politycznej znajdziemy postulaty dotyczące równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn w życiu publicznym, przeciwdziałania dyskryminacji w zatrudnieniu, wsparcia dla rodzin czy należytej opieki zdrowotnej. Analizując programy zwycięskich partii politycznych w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2019 r. w Polsce, należy stwierdzić, że większość z nich podjęła tzw. problematykę kobiecą. Kwestie te dotyczyły takich zagadnień jak: opieka nad dziećmi, zdrowie kobiet, ale też równa płaca za pracę tej samej wartości bez względu na płeć, równy udział kobiet i mężczyzn we władzach publicznych czy skuteczna walka z przemocą domową.</p>

Women’s rights in the light of the programmes of the victorious political parties in Poland’s 2019 parliamentary elections

<p>Problematyka praw kobiet w XXI wieku jest stale obecna w debacie publicznej i znajduje odzwierciedlenie w programach wyborczych poszczególnych partii politycznych. Zarówno po prawej, jak i po lewej stronie sceny politycznej znajdziemy postulaty dotyczące równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn w życiu publicznym, przeciwdziałania dyskryminacji w zatrudnieniu, wsparcia dla rodzin czy należytej opieki zdrowotnej. Analizując programy zwycięskich partii politycznych w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2019 r. w Polsce, należy stwierdzić, że większość z nich podjęła tzw. problematykę kobiecą. Kwestie te dotyczyły takich zagadnień jak: opieka nad dziećmi, zdrowie kobiet, ale też równa płaca za pracę tej samej wartości bez względu na płeć, równy udział kobiet i mężczyzn we władzach publicznych czy skuteczna walka z przemocą domową.</p>

The evolution of the positions on social issues of major political parties in Poland. Comparative analysis of the election programs of Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) from 2007, 2011 and 2015

For many years after 1989, in the Polish socio-political discourse, the issues related to social policy were subordinated to economic matters, in accordance with the assumption that the construction of a stable market system is a priority for Polish transformations. High unemployment rate, growing poverty of Polish families, demographic collapse, and finally the global economic crisis of 2008, prompted the most important actors of political life to pay attention to social policy and to include discussions about its desired shape to the electoral agenda. The aim of the article is to characterize and analyze the evolution of positions on social issues of the largest political parties, i.e. Prawo i Sprawiedliwość and Platforma Obywatelska based on their electoral programs in 2007, 2011 and 2015.

Does Novelty Necessarily Mean Change? New Political Parties within the Polish Party System

Abstract The aim of the paper is to assess new political parties in Poland and to examine the question of their perceived novelty and influence on the party system. We employ Barnea and Rahat’s analytical framework to evaluate the newness of Polish parties in three party facets: party-in-the-electorate, party-as-organisation, party-in-government. This multi-dimensional analysis allows one to identify those fields in which any novelty may occur. Among the analysed factors is the new parties’ electoral base that enables one to assess whether the parties managed to mobilise a new electorate or rather attracted supporters from existing parties instead. Last but not least, we study the changes caused by these parties within the whole party system. In our research we include parties that entered the parliament for the first time after the last two elections: in 2011 and 2015. Before that time the parliamentary scene in Poland seemed to be firmly closed with a nearly constant set of actors. Both in the 2005 and 2007 elections no new parties entered parliament. Hence the 2011 election is considered to be an opening for new parties, but does not necessarily bring about a significant change in the Polish party system in terms of the electoral support for the two largest parties or within patterns of electoral competition.

Transparentność finansów partii politycznych a utrata prawa do subwencji z budżetu państwa

FINANCIAL TRANSPARENCY OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE LOSS OF STATE SUBSIDIESPolitical parties play an important role in the contemporary democratic system. However, guaranteeing their financial safety has always been a problem for the authorities. The system of financing political parties in Poland is based on the principle of budgetary subsidy because in our political conditions, subsidies seem to be the most effective solution. Thus, the finances of political parties should be fully transparent and subject to public control because of spending budgetary resources. In Poland, there exist certain circumstances which can lead to the loss of subsidies, which are connected with the financial transparency. The sanction of deprivation of the right to receive subsidies by political parties constitutes a challenge resulting from the violation of legal standards concerning financial reporting of political parties for the given calendar year.

The constitutionalization process of political parties in Poland. Party system evolution after 1918

The constitutionalization process of political parties in Poland. Party system evolution after 1918

Instytucja prawyborów w Polsce. Prawybory prezydenckie (1995–2005)

This paper is devoted to the presidential pre-elections in Poland. It is the second part of a study concerning the parliamentary pre-elections held in Poland. The timeframe of this pa- per covers the period between 1995 and 2005. The paper begins with an overall analysis of pre-elections organized by political parties in Poland, following American patterns, where a candidate for the presidency is to represent a certain group. Next, the pre-elections held in the town of Wrzeœnia in 1995 and 2005, in Nysa in 2000 and Szczecin in 2005 are explored. An assessment of the accuracy of these pre-elections’ results is carried out. The paper also discusses other initiatives similar to pre-elections, addressed at young peo- ple in high schools and universities.

State Financing of Political Parties as a Chance for Healing the Party System: Polish Experience and Ukrainian Realities


 [full article, abstract in English]
 The process of state financing of the political parties in Poland and Ukraine has been analyzed in this article. The authors have studied and compared the theoretical foundations of the Polish and Ukrainian legislation in the sphere of state financing of the functioning of the political parties. By comparing the experience of state financing of political parties in Poland and Ukraine, the authors have distinguished a number of direct and indirect positive consequences in the party system of Poland. It has been determined that in Ukraine, in turn, considering the lack of legal and public sources for financing political parties, political and economic spheres are closely interdependent, which significantly impedes the qualitative consolidation of the party system in general. The authors have concluded that the positive effect of state financing of political parties is primarily reflected in an increase in the level of openness in how the political parties function, the transparency of the parties’ financial activities, the independence of the party system and the political transparency of civil society.