Political Parties In Parliament Research Articles

Особености на парламентарната реторика в 47-ото Народно събрание

Abstract: The paper presents the results of a study of parliamentary rhetoric of the 47th National Assembly MPs, carried out through rhetorical analysis. Four significant topics related to foreign and domestic policy, as well as a debate on a vote of no confidence against a regularly elected government, are selected. The analysis is based on speeches and appearances of MPs from seven parliamentary political parties and coalitions over the period from 3 December 2021 to 31 August 2022. The rhetorical figures, arguments and communicative techniques used by parliamentary speakers are identified after an analysis implemented on the basis of a previously prepared registration card including basic rhetorical techniques. It confirmed the hypothesis that the main features of parliamentary rhetoric in the studied period are the polarization of positions, the reduced use of rhetorical figures, the construction of arguments through familiar techniques and their combination with manipulative techniques. Parliamentary debates take place in a tense atmosphere and political figures fail to build trust in their constituents and to mobilize them to vote in the subsequent elections. Keywords: parliamentary rhetoric, debates, speakers, MPs, rhetorical figures, arguments.

Comparative analysis of the representation of youth cells of the parliamentary political parties in the Internet

Comparative analysis of the representation of youth cells of the parliamentary political parties in the Internet

Attitude-Based Coalition Towards Policy-Driven Policies "Coalition: Eight Parliamentary Parties And An Open Proportional System In The 2024 Elections"

This journal discusses the formation of a coalition involving eight parliamentary political parties: the Golongan Karya Party (Golkar), the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), the National Democratic Party (Nasdem), the Nation Awakening Party (PKB), the Democratic Party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the National Mandate Party (PAN), and the United Development Party (PPP). The coalition is based on their shared stance to maintain the application of the proportional open electoral system in the 2024 election. In this context, the study refers to William Gamson's theory of determining factors for a coalition, which consists of three types. Firstly, the initial distribution of resources is a crucial factor where all coalition participants calculate opportunities deemed more rational to favor those perceived to possess the most significant or determining resources. Secondly, the rewards obtained factor into the decision-making process, where coalition participants evaluate options expected to yield the maximum reciprocity or advantage. Finally, the decision point factor plays a role, as the most effective decision is based on the strength of resources possessed by each coalition participant. The research adopts a qualitative method supported by literature study techniques to obtain data. The results of this study reveal that the coalition formed among the eight parliamentary political parties is based on the calculation made by each party, considering that the implementation of the open proportional electoral system is more rational, provides advantages, and is perceived as more effective in supporting their winning efforts in the 2024 election.

Parliamentary political parties in Poland in the face of the climate change issue in the years 2005–2019 (perspective of social networks)

The aim of the article was to define the attitude of Polish parliamentary political parties towards the issue of climate change in the years 2005–2019. Discourse Network Analysis, used in the study, allowed to identify the most frequently co-occurring concepts expressed by different parties over the past fifteen years, as well as, to present the affiliation networks between the parties. The postulates regarding climate policy proposed by Polish election committees were gradually modified in the analyzed period. The gradual convergence of pro-climate positions of Polish parliamentary parties is visible over time, while the structure of anti-climate positions becoming less coherent. However, there is still a visible difference in the approach to climate protection between the centrist and left-wing parties and those identifying themselves as right-wing.

Slovakia: Political Developments and Data in 2022

AbstractThe war in Ukraine and its fallout dominated politics in Slovakia throughout 2022. The coalition split up after the summer, leaving the Cabinet in a fragile position in Parliament. This led to chaotic parliamentary sessions in October and November that ended on 15 December, when the Heger II Cabinet lost a no‐confidence vote initiated by a former coalition party Freedom and Solidarity, SaS. As no new parliamentary majority formed, the Heger II Cabinet continued in office under the supervision of President Z. Čaputová, with parliamentary political parties unable to compromise on early elections.

Вовлеченность молодежных крыльев парламентских политических партий Российской Федерации в современную экологическую повестку

The article considers the degree of participation of young people consisting in the youth departments of the parliamentary political parties of the Russian Federation in the development of environmental problems in Russia. As part of the study, the following youth departments are analyzed: the Young Guard of United Russia, the Lenin Communist Youth Union of the Russian Federation, the Youth of Fair Russia, the Young organization of the Liberal Democratic Party. Features and forms of participation of young people in environmental activities within the framework of programs of political parties are revealed. Determine the degree of participation in environmental protection, the number and variety of events held. The authors conclude that the youth branches of parliamentary political parties are weakly interested in solving environmental problems and half duplicate the activities of their political parties.

Development of the parliamentary parties’ institute in modern Russia: prospects and trends

The article analyzes the current state of the institution of parliamentary parties in the Russian Federation, the political and legal conditions of their activities , and examines the political processes that determine the trends and prospects for their development . The study of modern scientific literature on the relevant topic made it possible to get acquainted with various assessments of the state of the parliamentary parties institution in Russia, as well as with the factors that determine the features of their development at the present time . The method of problem-chronological analysis made it possible to determine the main stages in the evolution of parliamentary political parties in Russia. The method of comparative analysis made it possible to identify common and specific features of their development in current conditions . The development of the institution of parliamentary parties is considered in the context of the modernization processes of the entire political system of Russian society , the evolution of the public administration system . The author notes the significant role of external factors , including crisis phenomena in the international situation , growing tensions and the transition to open confrontation between Russia and the West. This has a considerable impact on the ideological component of political parties , both pro-government and those representing the parliamentary opposition . The article concludes that the changes taking place in the socio-political life of modern Russia predetermine the emergence of new forms and mechanisms of decision-making , affect the role of parliament and parliamentary parties in the process of political decision-making , affect the capabilities and potential of political parties . According to the author , the prospects for the development of the institution of parliamentary parties in modern Russia directly depend on the entire system of public administration and social development , their improvement and further enhancement of the role of political parties at the national , regional and local levels .

Russian Parliamentary Parties Activities in Fundraising: Current State, Problems and Prospects

The paper deals with the problem of fundraising as the activity of political parties represented in the federal parliament. The research gave a definition of fundraising, revealed its normative legal basis, indicated the circle of persons who would not be able its subjects. Also, it fixed the principles of sanctioning legislative restrictions. The problems of fundraising development in the Russian political environment are the dominance of local campaigns to collect donations as a sponsorship and the low level of motivation of some parliamentary political parties to conduct fundraising campaigns because of their strong dependence on state funding. In conclusion, the author drew findings about the prospects for the development of fundraising in the activities of the Duma parties.

Media policy attitudes and political attitudes: the politization of media policy and the support for the ‘media welfare state’

ABSTRACT Previous research has neglected media audiences’ and citizens’ opinions on how the media should be organized, how they should function in society and what individual, corporate and state responsibilities should be in regard to these questions. In an attempt to understand the relationship between citizens’ broader political attitudes and their attitudes on media-related politics and responsibilities, this study uses a survey (n = 2003) of the adult Swedish population to investigate the distribution of a range of media political attitudes in the contemporary space of political positions. The results reveal overlaps between the space of media political attitudes and the broader political space, where support for a Nordic ‘media welfare state’ corresponds to leftist and GAL-oriented values, while TAN-oriented and right-wing attitudes link to scepticism towards state interventionism in the media landscape. A small but highly opinionated right-wing and TAN-oriented segment displays laissez-faire views on media policy that are reflected in current policy propositions from right-wing political parties in parliament.

Energy transformation in Poland – the perspective of the discourse network analysis of political party manifestos and the social perception of changes in the energy sector

The aim of the article is to define the attitude of Polish parliamentary political parties towards the method of energy production, as well as to present the social perception of changes in the energy sector. The structural connections between parties, based on their energy concepts, were presented by the so called “affiliation networks”. Discourse Network Analysis, used in the study, also allowed to identify the most frequently co-occurring concepts expressed by different parties over the past fifteen years (coal, natural gas and renewable energy sources). As a result of the analysis, differences in the parties` approach to the energy issues were determined (among others: division between Law and Justice and Civic Platform since 2011; support for the exclusion of coal as an energy source made by Left and Civic Coalition in the year 2019). In order to present social attitudes towards the energy transformation data created by the Public Opinion Research Centre were used. According to the data, the main concern revealed by Poles regarding the energy transformation process is the possible rising cost of the energy.

The behaviour of populist parties in parliament. The policy agendas of populist and other political parties in the Italian question time

AbstractThis article addresses the question of whether populist parties behave differently from other political parties in parliament. Building on the attention-based perspective of the study of policy agendas, we map issue emphasis in parliamentary questions in Italy over more than two decades (1996–2019). The paper is innovative as it compares populist and non-populist parties in government and in opposition. Using data from theItalian Policy Agendas ProjectandThe PopuList, we find mixed evidence. Specifically, we show that populist parties behave differently from other parties only when they are in opposition (signalling that they are different from ‘elite’ ones) but not when in government (signalling that they are ‘competent’ policymakers). While the results are exploratory and drawn from the Italian context, this study contributes to deflate the myth of populists' exceptionalism, at least in terms of their behaviour in parliament. As such, it holds broader implications for the scholarly understanding of party government and the so-called ‘normalization’ of populism in contemporary democracies.

Meninjau Ulang Ketentuan Presidential Threshold dalam Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden di Indonesia

The presidential threshold is a requirement for the nomination of the President and Vice President to meet the minimum threshold percentage for support from the DPR or the number of valid national votes. Presidential threshold provisions are contained in various laws and regulations regarding Elections. This research is juridical study using a conceptual approach and statute approach. The legal materials used in this research are primary and secondary legal materials. The two legal materials are inventoried; then used as a basis for compiling a prescriptive study of the legal issues raised. The results of this study state that the presidential threshold has started since 2004. Regulations regarding post-reform elections always include a presidential threshold. Then, the presidential threshold has been 'tested' several times by the Constitutional Court. Various decisions of the Constitutional Court stated that the presidential threshold is one of the provisions which is the domain of open legal policy for legislators or the making of laws. Furthermore, the implication of the presidential threshold is aimed at simplifying the fragmentation of political parties in parliament. The nominations for the President and Vice President promoted by the parliamentary political party actually allow for more than two candidates; and it is also possible to have an Election that does not get the support of more than 50 persen of the voters' vote. Thus, effectiveness is needed regarding the implementation of the presidential threshold provisions in the presidential system by strengthening relations between presidential institutional actors and the President's non-institutional personnel.
 KEYWORDS: Presidential Threshold, General Election, Open Legal Policy.

METHODS USED BY WOMEN PARLIAMENTARIANS TO INFLUENCE LEGISLATIVE PROCESSES AND OUTCOMES IN KENYA’S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE 11TH PARLIAMENT (2013 -2017)

Purpose: The study examined the legislative influence of women in the context of gender quotas in Kenya’s National Assembly of the 11th parliament (2013-207). This article focuses on the methods women parliamentarians used to assert legislative influence.
 Methodology: This was a descriptive case study which focused on all 68 women in the National Assembly. Respondents were identified through stratified sampling based on: pathway to parliament; membership and leadership of parliamentary structures; contribution to debate; and sponsorship of Bills enacted. A total of 11 women were interviewed, derived from four of the seven parliamentary political parties, specifically the two largest political coalitions which contributed 94% of the legislature. The study also interviewed four purposively sampled key informants (KIs) - three male and one female. The data was processed manually, analysed and presented under each study objective. Sources of primary data were coded as follows: WL (Woman Legislator), ML (Male Legislator) and KI (Key Informant). All respondents were allocated specific numbers for identification and acknowledgement. 
 Findings: The study established that women legislators used the following methods to influence legislation: mobilisation of male colleagues; solidarity across political parties; activism; leveraging committee positions; reliance on the National Assembly leadership; and compromise and conciliation. It notes that the methods were effective in some circumstances but failed in others.
 Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study outlines how various methods were applied by women legislators in Kenya’s National Assembly 2013-2017, the first time quotas were applied in Kenyan elections. It fills the gap in earlier studies that did not document these methods. The study notes that the methods were not intrinsically weak but their effectiveness was limited by circumstances, especially the attitude of male legislators. It illustrates the importance of diversifying approaches to influence legislation. The study recommends that women legislators should: work with supportive male legislators and other pressure groups in the legislature; introduce Bills early in the legislative calendar to improve chances of success; receive training on parliamentary work; and occupy influential parliamentary leadership positions.

Kompozicija Narodne skupštine Srbije - izazovi i prepreke

Given that political parties participate in the formation, structuring and activity of the parliament, their presence has had a dual impact on the National Assembly of Serbia in the past three decades. On the one hand, their influence has been reflected on the internal structure and efficiency of parliamentary work. On the other hand, the party system combined with the electoral model has left its mark on the mode of political representation. The paper focuses on the impact the political parties have had on the National Assembly in the Republic of Serbia, particularly their influence on the internal organization of the Assembly and the effectiveness in the parliamentary process. The main goal is to explore the normative framework and parliamentary practice in order to analyze the actual prospects of the National Assembly to meet the basic postulates for exercising effective national representation. The main question is whether the Assembly, relying on its constitutional autonomy, is able to achieve the goals of the "working parliament" and the political representation of all citizens. The problem develops around the extent to which the people's representation is capable of exercising its constitutional functions if it does not support and protect the differentiated political will of the people. The aim is to point out to the possibilities provided by the normative framework and the need for successful parliamentary practice in exercising parliamentary autonomy. Parliamentary autonomy is necessary not only for good internal organization of parliament and effectiveness in the parliamentary process but also in terms of strengthening the National Assembly's external impact and position towards the holders of the executive power. The subject matter of analysis are the activities of political parties in parliament, observed through the work of parliamentary groups and parliamentary committees, as well as a lack of the parliamentary opposition guarantees.

Комп’ютерний аналіз комунікативної активності українських та російських парламентських партій

Comparative analysis of Ukrainian and Russian Parliamentary Political Parties Communicative Activity is conducted in the paper. Emotionality and negativity indicators are interpreted. Computer analysis is used for the indicators calculation. News items from official sites of the parties are studied (“Servant of the People”, “Opposition Platform for Life”, “Bat’kivschyna”, “Eurosolidarity”, “United Russia”, “KPRF”, “LDPR”, “A Just Russia”). Is was discovered, that Ukrainian political parties demonstrates higher average indicators of emotionality (18,7%) and negativity (29,7%), that Russian ones (14,5% and 16% respectively). It was concluded, that the results point out to the differences between the political systems: a competitive one (Ukraine) and a controlled one (Russia). As far as Russian parties aren’t demand the government party control, the government itself and other ruling institutions, it’s influence their communication. On the contrary on the Ukrainian parties sites content incudes emotion statements and negativity. Only one Ukrainian party (“Servant of the People”, which formed the majority in the Parliament) had low indicators of emotionality and negativism. It was defined, that the main reason is low need of competition with other party and to criticize the modern government, police and secret services. The research demonstrated a significant attention towards political interactions imitation and leading forms of the imitation. The forms were defined with the more popular political intentions analysis. For the Ukrainian parties the prominent intention is “demand” (with “Servant of the People” as an exception). This is the result of high political struggle and political institutions active interactions. Meanwhile in Russia the intention was used to show the parties members work in the regions, the federal organs weren’t addressed. The same results were achieved with other intentions observation (“decide”, “support”). In majority of cases Russian parties were concentrated on their activity (or “struggle”) promotion in regions or unaddressed demands about social policy. Whereas for Ukrainian parties the current government critics, and (for two parties) Euro Atlantic integration of Ukraine support are significant.

Потенциал основных российских политических партий

The object of the research is the modern party system in Russia. The aim of the article is to study the organizational, financial, and political potential of the main parliamentary political parties: Edinaya Rossiya (United Russia (UR)), CPRF, LDPR, and Spravedlivaya Rossiya (A Just Russia). The comparative analysis of party resources revealed a significant disparity between the potential of UR and the opposition parties. The latter are inferior to the UR in terms of the number of members and the development of the organizational structure. The total number of members and local organizations of these parties is one-third of UR's indicators. The lack of a developed infrastructure for the opposition parties preserves their limited representation and influence at the local level of public power. The financial potential of the parties is formed mainly by state funding and donations from sponsors. Today, four parliamentary parties are eligible for state support. The share of public finance in their budgets is more than half of all revenues. They also receive the bulk of donations, the size of which is limited by law and is official in nature. It can be argued that Russia has formed a mechanism that allows the state to support parties without allowing the establishment of monopoly influence on their activities by individuals and elite groups. The political potential of the parties is determined by the level of their representation in state and local government bodies. Today it is dominated by UR. Its parliamentary fractions actually control the legislative branch of power at the federal and regional levels. Together with the presidential structures of power, UR also ensures the election of presidential creatures to the posts of heads of regions. Party members today form the basis of the governor's corps, with a single representation from other political parties. UR's organizations include more than half of deputies and heads of municipalities, ensuring its influence on the local government system. The high level of dominance of UR and the limited potential of the opposition parties is an important condition for the stability of the existing political regime. UR's significant opportunities allow the ruling elite to maintain and strengthen their positions: cut off the forces of the radical opposition from power, control the legislative process providing legal support for decisions of the government and the head of state, consolidate the federal and regional elite, ensuring the rotation of elites and coordination of their interests. In these circumstances, the parties of the parliamentary opposition are important for preserving the democratic nature of the political process. They do not question the dominant role of UR, offer limited competition to it, and do not have the potential to really influence key political decisions.

Интеграция контрэлиты: региональные отделения оппозиционных парламентских политических партий в системе власти субъектов РФ

Activity of regional branches of oppositional parliamentary political parties in the subjects of the Russian Federation, integration of their leaders and assets into the system of power is considered. The interrelation of Russian Federation political parties functioning with formation and development of regional party systems is revealed.

Political trust, political party preference and trust in knowledge-based institutions

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to analyze the association between political party preference and trust in knowledge-based institutions, while also considering how political trust facilitates the association. The authors focus on the opinions of supporters of the six largest parliamentary political parties in Finland.Design/methodology/approachThe data are based on a population level survey. First, the authors compared party supporters’ trust in universities and YLE media. Second, the authors analyzed how political trust contributes to party supporters’ trust in knowledge-based institutions by estimating predicted probabilities. Third, the authors derived the partial correlations from the non-linear probability models incorporated separately between trust in YLE, Universities and political trust, and compared the correlations across the parties. Finally, the authors conducted the logit models from which the authors post-estimated the predicted probabilities of having high trust in YLE and Universities according to the levels of political trust separately for each party.FindingsThe results showed a cumulation of trust, reflecting especially on the attitudes of the populist party supporters who tended to have lower trust in knowledge-based institutions and distrust was highly associated with low political trust. This cumulation of trust shows an interesting dynamic in how closely institutions are linked together in terms of attitudes on their legitimacy.Originality/valueThis study assesses the cumulation of distrust, while providing an alternative political spectrum to the US two party system that has been the major focus of past research. Furthermore, the study fills a gap in the research by being the first to assess the intersection of the trust dimensions.

The Failed “Right-Wing March” of the Parliamentary Parties: Bulgaria and Romania in the Inter-War Period

The article dwells on the stages in the inter-war development of the right-wing parliamentary spectrum in two Balkan states, namely in Bulgaria and Romania. The author's conclusion is that due to the complex of existed peculiarities in the socio-political development of both countries during the 20s — 30s of the 20th century no strong right-wing parliamentary political parties capable of resisting radical and authoritarian forces have been established. The formation of the latter took place on the verge of confrontation between the right and left spectrum of the political life in Bulgaria and Romania. This gave them a chance to present themselves in the socio-political space as a kind of “third” force, which differed from the so-called traditional parties that existed within the framework of existed party systems. The article draws particular attention to fluctuations in the degree of support for the right-wing parties, whose “grassroots electorate” gradually refused to view them as reflecting their interests.

Коллективный портрет лидеров региональных отделений парламентских политических партий (на примере субъектов УрФО)

Introduction. In the political science literature, there are several main approaches that explain the weakness of the political parties’ institution in Russia. These concepts point to reasons that are outside political parties. This study attempts to link the low status of political parties in Russia with the quality of party top management, in particular, with the parties’ regional leaders (United Russia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party and A Just Russia). The purpose of the study is to create a collective portrait of the heads of regional branches of parliamentary political parties. Methods. The identification of elites in this work is carried out within the framework of the positional approach. The main method for collecting and analyzing data is the biographical approach. Scientific novelty. An additional explanatory model of the weakness of political parties’ institution in Russia is proposed - the quality of party leadership. The factors influencing the internal party processes are considered. Results. A comparative analysis of the social and professional characteristics of the leaders of the parties’ regional branches, as well as their career trajectories is carried out. The average statistical portrait of the regional leaders of parliamentary parties is revealed. Conclusions. The head of the party’s regional branch is a middle-aged man with a higher technical education who has not served in the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and is a native of the deputy corps or the business community.