Political Interests Research Articles

(Dis)embeddeding humanitarianism: Trajectories of subordination and subversion within migrant-serving NGOs

A broad body of scholarship has examined how states and intergovernmental organizations like UNHCR and the IOM mobilize discourses of humanitarianism and political neutrality to legitimize and depoliticize “migration management,” which is imagined as an orderly, economically productive, and humane endeavor that is in line with state security interests, prevailing growth and development objectives, and human rights norms. The article contributes to more recent work that has tended to frame smaller grassroots humanitarian organizations as either subversive or subordinated to migration management. We engage with long-standing conversations in economic geography and related social science disciplines to consider embeddedness as a conceptual framework that highlights the spatial and temporal nuances of how migrant-serving NGOs negotiate intersecting moral, legal, and political interests. We suggest that conceptualizing embeddedness as a spatio-temporal process nuances recent conversations regarding the ambiguous role of NGOs as either subordinated or subversive relative to migration management. Approaching (dis)embeddeding as a dynamic relational process, we argue, provides a framework for understanding how NGOs simultaneously align with and contest the interests of migration management amid shifting social, economic, and political conditions.

INFLUENCE OF POLITICAL POWER ON INDIAN NEWS CHANNELS COVERAGE: A STUDY OF HATHRAS CASE 2020

This study investigates how political power influences the coverage of the Hathras 2020 case in Indian news media. They use a qualitative content analysis to investigate how political interests influence the framing, emphasis, and tone of cases in media reports. The study focuses on agenda-setting through political goals, prejudices, and sensationalism, all of which are linked to media integrity in India. A thorough examination of the coverage of the Hathras-Fall demonstrates the need of maintaining journalistic independence and transparency in the face of political interference. Keywords: Political hegemony, Media representation, Hathras tragedy, Broadcast journalism, Dalit women victimization, Societal impact

A sociocultural approach to voting: Construing voting as a duty to others predicts political interest and engagement

A representative democracy requires citizens to be politically engaged; however, a substantial portion of eligible United States voters do not vote. While structural (e.g., ease or difficulty of voting) and individual (e.g., political efficacy, civic knowledge) factors contribute to (a lack of) turnout, the present work adopts a sociocultural perspective to investigate an additional contributor: how people construe-or make sense of-the duty to vote. We examine whether, and for whom, construing voting as interdependent (i.e., voting as a duty to others), compared to independent (i.e., voting as a duty to self), is associated with increased perceived duty and political engagement. Archival analysis (n[Formula: see text] 10,185) documents how perceived duty to vote relates to voter turnout in a nationally representative sample of Americans (Study 1). Two preregistered studies (total n[Formula: see text] 1,256) provide evidence that naturalistically construing one's duty to vote as interdependent (Study 2) and experimentally reflecting on interdependence (Study 3) both predict increases in perceived voting duty. Perceived duty to vote, in turn, is associated with heightened political engagement intentions. Taken together, the present work suggests that how voting is construed-as an independent duty to the self or an interdependent duty to others-may meaningfully influence political engagement, with implications for voter turnout interventions.

Political Choices of Muhammadiyah Citizens as a Muslim Minority in the 2018 Bali Governor Election in Indonesia

Purpose: the primary aim of this study is to explore how the Muhammadiyah community in Bali, a minority Muslim group, engaged in the 2018 Bali gubernatorial election to assert and navigate their political identity. This research seeks to understand the impact of their political participation within the broader dynamics of identity politics in a predominantly non-Muslim setting. Theoretical Reference: the study is framed within theories of political identity and political communication, which provide insights into how identities are formed, communicated, and leveraged in political contexts. These theories help elucidate the complex interactions between minority groups and the political environment, particularly in areas where identity politics play a significant role. Method: A qualitative descriptive approach was employed to capture the political preferences and behaviors of Muhammadiyah members during the 2018 gubernatorial election. Data was gathered through interviews, focus groups, and analysis of campaign materials and public statements. This method enabled a detailed and nuanced understanding of the Muhammadiyah community's political engagement. Results and Conclusion: the findings indicate that Muhammadiyah members actively participated in the election, using it as a platform to advocate for their political and social interests. Their engagement was shaped by their minority status and the need to assert their identity in a socio-political landscape dominated by different religious and cultural norms. The election outcomes revealed both the challenges and opportunities faced by Muhammadiyah in navigating identity politics in Bali. Implications of Research: this study highlights the critical role of minority religious communities in shaping political landscapes, even in regions where they do not form the majority. Understanding these dynamics is essential for policymakers, political leaders, and civil society organizations that aim to foster inclusive political processes. It also underscores the importance of effective political communication strategies that cater to diverse communities. Originality/Value: this research contributes to the limited literature on the political behavior of Islamic organizations like Muhammadiyah in regional politics, particularly within non-Muslim majority regions. It offers a unique insight into how identity politics and minority status influence political engagement and communication, adding depth to the discussions on multiculturalism and political inclusion in Southeast Asia.

The Responses of Grassroots Leadership to Rural Environmental Protests in China

Focusing on the escalation of environmental protests amid worsening pollution in rural China, this study examines the responses of grassroots authorities to environmental protests. Through an analysis of several cases, it reveals that grassroots leadership suppresses, mediates, and sometimes even leads these movements. Accordingly, I raise the following questions: (1) How does China’s grassroots leadership respond to environmental protests? (2) Why does it choose to lead them? To answer these questions, this study posits local cadres as actors intending to maximize their self-interest within conflicting incentives, reaching the conclusion that under certain conditions, leading a protest can be a better option for their cost-benefit considerations. I argue that the varying behaviors of local cadres are contingent upon two crucial factors: (1) the degree of economic benefits derived from polluting companies; and (2) the degree of social unrest resulting from environmental protests. These factors are pivotal in shaping the economic and political interests of local cadres that influence their responses toward environmental activism.

The role of Ukrainian political and legal thought in strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians of Galicia in the interwar period

The article summarizes the contribution of national-democratic, conservative and nationalist thinkers to the restoration of Ukrainian statehood based on the analysis of ideological and worldview doctrines of representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the interwar period. The forms and methods of struggle, which are the basis of the state concepts created by them, are summarized. It was established that the defeat in the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people at the beginning of the 20th century led to the transformation of the worldview of many Ukrainian scientists and politicians, who, despite ideological differences, had a common strategic goal - the need to restore and establish a sovereign, independent Ukrainian state. The study of the intellectual heritage of the leading representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought gave reason to conclude that the failure of Ukrainians to form an independent state was largely connected with the weakness of the national consciousness of the people and the insufficient ideological and political maturity of its leaders. In view of this, Ukrainian political and legal thought was aimed at strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians and their awareness of their political interests. It is argued that the scientific approach to substantiating the idea of national-state independence of Ukraine was initiated by Stanislav Dnistryanskyi, one of the founders of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the national-democratic direction. It is characterized (according to Volodymyr Starosolskyi) that the struggle for one’s own (national) state is a historically political factor in the formation of a nation. It is emphasized that disappointment in the ineffectiveness of the republican-democratic methods of organizing power prompted V. Lipinsky and other representatives of conservative opinion to search for more adequate forms of state organization. It is shown that in the interwar period for the Ukrainians of Galicia, nationalist ideology was especially important, which had a powerful influence on the formation of the Ukrainian nation as a self-aware, social, cultural, legal and political community and was a prerequisite for the creation of its own sovereign and independent state.

ON SOCIO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF THE USE OF POSTCARDS IN THE GERMAN-CZECH CONFLICT AT THE TURN OF THE 19TH CENTURY

Postcards as a reflection of German-Czech contradictions in the period of the Badeni crisis in the late 19th and early 20th centuries have more than once been the subject of study. The research novelty of this article lies in the fact that the problem is examined not through postcard images themselves, but from the point of view of the primary functionality of postcards as a means of communication and a commercial product. The author focuses on commercial, postal-technical, consumer practices, institutional and legal aspects, as well as the reception of postcard messages, both individual and public. Various national associations and private entrepreneurs, main producers of postcards, oft en deliberately radicalized their content in their political or commercial interests. The specificity of the postcard as a means of postal communication and its mass appeal served as the basis for unique practices in mobilizing supporters and criticizing opponents by “cartographical attacks”. Even the design of postcard forms was a means of national struggle and expression of personal position. Publishers of the respective orientations designed them in the “German” or “Czech” spirit, while the official position was to refuse any name for this postal product. At the same time, the numerous variants of handwritten edits concerning all the constituent parts of the postcard (technical design of the form, address, and stamp) allowed users to state their position on the national question. Th e legal side of postcards’ production, functioning and existence was determined, on the one hand, by conditions which were common to other types of printed matter, in particular, by the liberal press law of 1868, and, on the other hand, by postal regulations that periodically withdrew certain postcards from circulation. All this became the subject of litigations and debates in parliament and thus provided a way for postcards to enter the public sphere and, accordingly, served to attract further public attention to the national conflict and its aggravation.

ECONOMIC JOURNALISM OF THE NOVOYE VREMYA OF THE 1880 S

The article represents the first attempt at a comprehensive analysis of the economic journalism in A.S. Suvorin’s newspaper Novoye Vremya in the 1880s. It was a period when after heated discussions about the role of private and state capital in the economy, the public sentiment and government policy increasingly shifted in favor of the necessity of state ownership in such strategically important areas of the national economy as railways, mining plants and forests. After A.S. Suvorin acquired ownership of the Novoye Vremya in 1876, the newspaper took on a noticeable national-democratic slant, which became increasingly more conspicuous over the years. Despite the editor’s allegiance to the authorities, his contemporaries deservedly saw him as an independent figure. The influence of Suvorin’s newspaper was so significant that the famous parlor general E.V. Bogdanovich tried (not always successfully) to use it to his advantage. Bogdanovich, who initially advocated the “concession” nature of the Siberian Railway, later supported its construction at the expense of the treasury. A.S. Suvorin himself, as well as such regular newspaper contributors as V.K. Petersen and K.A. Skalkovsky were also initially supporters of private capital, concerning it an active creative force. At the same time, Novoye Vremya assessed the German experience of “state socialism” quite positively, but pointed out its inapplicability to Russian conditions and the lack of a suffcient number of active and incorruptible officials in the country. In 1883 K.A. Skalkovsky engaged in polemics with M.N. Katkov, criticizing his project to create state-owned grain elevators. However, from the mid-1880s the editors of Novoye Vremya were forced to support “statist” tendencies in the economic life of the country. In general, the economic policy of that time was not as dogmatic as in the subsequent socialist era. Subject to political interests, it was rather instrumental, practical and situational in its orientation, and the ambiguity of the position of the publicists of Suvorin’s periodical largely resulted from the latter circumstance.

Русско-персидские школы как элемент реализации политики «мягкой силы» Российской империи в Северной Персии в конце XIX – начале XX в.

Introduction. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries witnessed an intensified Russia–UK confrontation in Persia, which was paralleled by penetrations of other great powers (France, Germany, USA) into the Near and Middle East. Under those conditions, Russia’s traditional economic methods of influence in Persia became insufficient. Goals. The study seeks to examine the phenomenon of Russian educational institutions in Northern Persia as another way of pursuing own national political goals in the designated country. The work aims at confirming — with evidence from archival documents — the activities of Russian-Persian schools during the specified period were to shape a positive image of Russia in Persian society. Materials and methods. The most important sources characterizing the process of opening Russian-Persian schools in Northern Persia (their goals and objectives, training agenda, certain results) are documents of both central authorities and diplomatic, economic and military institutions of the Russian Empire to Persia discovered at the Russian State Historical Archive. Analytical and generalization methods — with comparative into historiographic and archival materials — have proved most instrumental therein. Results. The article identifies some prerequisites for the emergence of Russian-Persian schools in Northern Persia, determines the validity of their activities in this particular region of the country, clearly outlines the context of Russia’s competition with other governments in this matter to conclude as follows: the Russian government was perfectly aware of the need to open such schools that would disseminate the Russian language and Russia-related ideas among Persia’s population; graduates of those educational institutions would serve an important element in pursuing Russia’s interests both in trade, economy, and politics; despite various difficulties — primarily financial ones — the schools were popular enough among ethnic Persians both in Tehran and in other cities of Northern Persia.

The mathematics pipeline in England: inclusion and the excellence stream

Abstract In England, there is currently heightened political interest in increasing mathematics attainment and maximizing post-16 participation. The latter is not merely an issue for upper secondary but requires a long-view of students’ mathematical progress. This paper reports such a system-level overview of the mathematics education pipeline in England based on analysis of linked data from the National Pupil Database (NPD) and Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA). A sequence of mixed-effect logistic regression models at each phase of the education pipeline are developed to predict attainment in General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE), A level and undergraduate mathematics and participation in post-16 and university mathematics. In particular, we focus on the impact of prior attainment and student demographics: gender, ethnicity and socio-economic status. The analysis identifies four important findings. Firstly, female participation and attainment in A level Mathematics and Further Mathematics is lower than that of male students, which impacts their representation in undergraduate mathematics, despite them marginally outperforming male students at both GCSE and degree level. Secondly, the attainment and participation of students of Asian ethnicity in GCSE and A level Mathematics is striking in its positive divergence from the trends of other ethnic groups, whereas White students have higher attainment than other ethnic groups at university. Thirdly, many students from poorer backgrounds fall behind their peers during years 7 to 11, and their participation and attainment in A level Mathematics is also reduced compared to their more affluent peers. Lastly, students who study A level Further Mathematics are more likely to study undergraduate mathematics, but they are no more likely to achieve a first-class degree, compared to those who haven’t studied Further Mathematics. The findings should be informative to policymakers and other stakeholders who can put in place enhancements and interventions to improve the outcomes for underrepresented groups.

Accounting for the association between socioeconomic status and youth political participation: A twin family study

AbstractPolitical participation (PP) has been found to be associated with socioeconomic status (SES) indicators, most strongly with educational attainment. At the same time, previous research has been inconclusive regarding potentially biasing effects of personality and cognitive characteristics on this association. In the present study, we investigated the association between different forms of youth PP and attained SES, taking youth's and parents' individual characteristics into account. We used data from 983 German twin families with same‐sex twin pairs of emerging adults (aged 21–25) that provided information on electoral, nonelectoral individual and collective political participation as well as on youth's and their parents relevant personality and cognitive characteristics. After adjusting for youth's and parents' individual characteristics, regression analyses showed educational attainment and household income to be solely significantly associated with emerging adults' electoral political participation. Genetically informative analyses revealed confoundedness due to shared environmental factors for electoral PP and due to genetic factors for individual and collective PP. Depending on the form of PP, the covariance between attained SES indicators and youth's PP mostly or fully overlapped with variance in political interest, general cognitive ability, and/or openness to experience. Findings are discussed against the backdrop of genotype‐environment interplay.

“Kings more than Men, Men less then Beasts”: a discussion of the rise and fall of the Ottoman Empire in Fulke Greville’s Treatises

“Kings more than Men, Men less then Beasts”: a discussion of the rise and fall of the Ottoman Empire in Fulke Greville’s Treatises

Developments of the Romanian State and Law in the Period of Communism

The establishment of the communist regime in Romania began in the immediate aftermath of World War II, with the seizure of power by the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) and the elimination of political opposition. The communist regime imposed a totalitarian ideology based on full state control over all aspects of social, economic and political life. During the communist period, the Romanian state was transformed into a totalitarian state with an authoritarian and centralized regime. Political power was concentrated in the hands of the Communist Party and the state became an instrument of its control. State institutions were subordinated to the party, and the separation of powers in the state was abolished in favour of an executive power dominated by Communist leaders. As far as the legal system is concerned, the communist period brought significant changes in legislation and judicial procedures. The law was used as a tool to control and suppress political opposition and all forms of dissent. Judicial proceedings were politicised and the independence of the judiciary was undermined in favour of the political interests of the communist regime.

Refleksi Eksistensi Petani dalam Panggung Sejarah Indonesia

This article raises issues related to the overall exploitation of farmers in various regions in Indonesia. This paper uses historical methods. The existence of farmers was underestimated because they were merely extras, or more precisely, material for Dutch and Japanese colonial exploitation, both for economic and political interests. This fate then suddenly changed because farmers had joined political party groups and become organizations, such as Pertanu, STTI, BTI, and so on. Unfortunately, the euphoria to support the peasants did not run smoothly because there were clashes with civil society and with those who did not share the same ideology. The result is bloodshed between members of the nation; this is truly ironic. Until then, the New Order was born, and all forms of organizations related to farmers were communized.

Long-Run Effects of Earlier Voting Eligibility on Turnout and Political Involvement

Long-Run Effects of Earlier Voting Eligibility on Turnout and Political Involvement

Interplay of Corporate Sector, Politics, and Media in Shaping News Contents in Nepal

This paper examines the intricate implications arising from the symbiotic relationship among the corporate sector, politics, and media in shaping news content in Nepal. This study analyzes the dynamics and interplay between politics, corporate sectors and the influence they can have on the media content largely within the privately run for-profit media outlets in Nepal. The theoretical foundation for this study has been rooted in Habermas’ public sphere model of mass media (1989). The study revealed that vested corporate and political interests are hugely influential both in shaping the opinion and performance of the news media. Besides, the corporate influence, the ideological division of media outlets and journalists not only raises ethical concerns but also the quality of discourse. Taken together, they only undermine the very credibility of the media institutions which does not allow them to become what Habermas calls the public sphere.

Framing of Hamas Attacks on Israel in Al-Jazeera and BBCCoverage

Abstract. Digital media provides the latest news on global issues, particularly in the realm of religion, attracting a broad audience. This research explores how international mass media outlets Al-Jazeera and BBC frame their coverage of Hamas' attack on Israel on October 7. Utilizing a qualitative descriptive research method, the study aims to comprehensively depict the framing processes employed by Al-Jazeera and BBC in reporting on the Hamas-Israel conflict. Primary data includes Al-Jazeera's article "Why the Palestinian group Hamas launched an attack on Israel? All to know" and BBC News Indonesia's piece titled "What is Hamas and why is it fighting with Israel in Gaza?" Secondary data from relevant scholarly studies supports the research. Data collection involves reading and note-taking, while data analysis follows Miles and Huberman's model—data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing. Findings reveal that Al-Jazeera defines Hamas' attack on Israel as a defensive measure, emphasizing its causes and making moral judgments by comparing Hamas' damage to Israel's actions. Al-Jazeera recommends characterizing Israel's actions against Palestine as genocide. On the other hand, BBC portrays Hamas' assault as sudden terrorism, neglecting Israel's criminal history. In its moral assessment, BBC focuses on Hamas' crimes to support a terrorist narrative. Treatment recommendations by BBC attempt to legitimize Israel's colonization efforts by highlighting that Palestine lacks recognition as an independent state by the UN. Differences in framing in the reporting of the Hamas-Israel conflict can affect diplomacy and peace efforts in the region as well as international support for one of the parties. International mass media are not always objective in reporting conflicts because they are influenced by political and ideological interests. This can lead to criticism of media objectivity and fairness and raises questions about the media's responsibility in shaping public opinion that can influence the development of conflicts.Keywords: Framing, Mass Media, Hamas Attack, Israel, Robert Entman

How to study political parties: from civil society to the state and back. The Peter Mair lecture 2023

ABSTRACT Cartel party theory has put the study of party-state relations high on the research agenda, deliberately shifting the focus of researchers away from an understanding of political parties on the basis of their relationship with civil society or, indeed, as part of civil society itself. As fruitful as this reorientation has been, this essay argues that the resulting emphasis on ‘parties as governors’ has produced downsides of its own. Cartel party theory reinforced a separation of the study of parties from the study of other membership organizations considered the very fabric of civil societies. While their governing role makes parties distinct from the latter, I argue that what parties do and how they function should be also assessed against other organizations such as interest groups or associations through which citizens engage in joint activities including but not restricted to political interest representation. The contention is that bringing the study of party back to civil society will generate a broader understanding of the possible roles political parties can (or cannot) play in contemporary democracy than an exclusive study of party as a separate genus.

Women Reservation Bill in Lok Sabha: A Century Long Struggle for Gender Equality

Women in India have been granted various rights over the years to establish gender equality and to improve their number in decision making. Efforts were started when the demand for separate political reservation for women was made in 1920 during the national movement for Independence. It was the Government of India Act, 1935 by which reservation of seats for women was given. The issue was debated at length during the debates of Constituent Assembly. Committee on the Status of Women in India (CSWI) 1971, recommended reservation for women in local bodies. National Perspective Plan for Women 1988-2000 recommended reservation for women in all elected bodies from Panchayats to Parliament that resulted in 73rd and 74th Amendment. To ensure their presence in national and state legislatures, a Bill seeking to reserve seats for women was introduced in 1996 in the Parliament. But due to narrow political interests of different political parties and lack of consensus among them, it could not succeed to get the approval of the Parliament. Finally, the passage of Women Reservation Bill in September 2023 with conditions is a golden moment in Indian Parliamentary history.

The Impact of Online Competition on Local Newspapers: Evidence from the Introduction of Craigslist

Abstract How does competition from online platforms affect the organization, performance, and editorial choices of newspapers? What are the implications of these changes for the information voters are exposed to and for their political choices? We study these questions using the staggered introduction of Craigslist — the world’s largest online platform for classified advertising — across US counties between 1995 and 2009. This setting allows us to separate the effect of competition for classified advertising from other changes brought about by the Internet, and to compare newspapers that relied more or less heavily on classified ads ex ante. We find that, following the entry of Craigslist, local newspapers reliant on classified ads experienced a significant decline in the number of management and newsroom staff, including in the number of editors covering politics. These organizational changes led to a reduction in news coverage of politics and resulted in a decline in newspaper readership, particularly among readers with high political interest. Finally, we document that reduced exposure to local political news was associated with an increase in partisan voting and increased entry and success of ideologically extreme candidates in congressional elections. Taken together, our findings shed light on the determinants of the decline of print media and on its broader implications for democratic politics.