Political Institutions Research Articles

AI in STEM Education: The Relationship between Teacher Perceptions and ChatGPT Use

The rapid development of AI in the recent years has triggered numerous discussions in the education sector since it offers numerous opportunities, but also challenges. This study addresses one context in which AI might become a relevant tool for different purposes: German secondary education. This study therefore examines the extent to which STEM teachers in German secondary education assess the benefits but also the risks of ChatGPT and how this influences the future use of AI in an educational context. As part of a questionnaire study, 102 STEM teachers were investigated. The current and future use of ChatGPT and various teacher variables were recorded with questionnaires based on classifications of researchers as well as political institutions. Relationships between the variables were explored using a path model investigating hypotheses regarding the affect heuristic, perceived risks and benefits as well as effects on teaching quality. In general, AI is still used relatively rarely, but future usage expectations are high compared to current usage. Results further revealed that perceived competence and benefits of ChatGPT have a positive influence on the use and intention to use it. Perceived risks and concerns have no significant influence on the usefulness of ChatGPT in the classroom, indicating that STEM teachers use AI in the classroom despite potential concerns and perceived risks. Additionally, perceived benefits and risks are negatively associated with each other, indicating that teachers rely on an affect heuristic when judging the usefulness of AI technology in the classroom.

Mapping the composite institutional dynamics risks and spatial spillover effects on environmental sustainability in 28 Asian economies

This study emphasizes the impact of economic, financial, and political institutions on environmental sustainability across 28 Asian countries from 1995 to 2022. Using a spatial Durbin model, we analyzed the direct effects of these institutional factors within each country as well as their spatial spillover effects on neighboring nations. Our findings demonstrate the interconnectedness of environmental risks and the broader regional implications. This highlights the critical need for collaborative policy initiatives at the regional level to promote environmental sustainability. The results provide important insights for policymakers and international organizations seeking to address environmental sustainability in an increasingly globalized context. By emphasizing the role of institutions and spatial interdependencies, this research offers a nuanced understanding of the drivers of emissions in Asia and the potential for coordinated action to mitigate climate change.

Regime Type and Data Manipulation: Evidence from the COVID-19 Pandemic

Context: This study examines whether autocratic governments are more likely than democratic governments to manipulate health data. The COVID-19 pandemic presents a unique opportunity for examining this question because of its global impact. Methods: Three distinct indicators of COVID-19 data manipulation were constructed for nearly all sovereign states. Each indicator was then regressed on democracy and controls for unintended misreporting. A machine learning approach was then used to determine whether any of the specific features of democracy are more predictive of manipulation. Findings: Democracy was found to be negatively associated with all three measures of manipulation, even after running a battery of robustness checks. Absence of opposition party autonomy and free and fair elections were found to be the most important predictors of deliberate undercounting. Conclusions: The manipulation of data in autocracies denies citizens the opportunity to protect themselves against health risks, hinders the ability of international organizations and donors to identify effective policies, and makes it difficult for scholars to assess the impact of political institutions on population health. These findings suggest that health advocates and scholars should use alternative methods to estimate health outcomes in countries where opposition parties lack autonomy or must participate in uncompetitive elections.

Socioeconomic reforms in times of political transformation: Conflicts over the political economy in Egypt and Tunisia post-2011

While ample research on the political economy of the MENA has pointed to the underlying causes of the Arab uprisings, little analysis has been done on the political economies after this massive rupture. To fill this gap, the contributions in this themed section use in-depth case studies from Egypt and Tunisia post-2011, and look at how socioeconomic challenges were addressed once political institutions – in very different regime contexts – were back in place. Given the fairly similar political economies, the case studies offer intriguing insights into obstacles that both a democracy and an autocracy face in tackling socioeconomic problems in issue areas such as fiscal policy, labour laws and decentralisation reforms. Studying these conflicts helps us to identify the relevant actors and their relative power at a given moment. The analysis also provides an opportunity to identify how formal and informal institutions are used and if the new institutional setting allows for effective conflict management. The results uncover a mixed depiction of capacities to implement reforms, which cannot be explained by the regime variable or absolute state capacity alone. Instead, explanatory power is found in a dynamic, relational, agency-oriented approach to analyzing state and social actors in issue-specific socioeconomic reform conflicts.

Examining Factors Contributing to the Entrenchment and Collapse of Authoritarianism Through the Lens of the Arab Spring

Abstract: This paper hopes to examine the reasons contributing to the failure of the Arab Spring to culminate in a lasting change in political reform and democratisation. The article utilises frameworks by previous authors to explain the phenomenon of the short-lived democracies in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) as well as provide additional insights of the author in obtaining a comprehensive understanding of the reason why autocratic states are so entrenched within MENA. At the end of this, the aim is to provide political substantiations regarding the failure of the Arab Spring, as opposed to the current focus surrounding violence and civil war as the driver to stunted democratic growth and autocratic resurgence. The article concludes that MENA countries are uniquely situated by their social, political and economic institutions and history that make democratic growth difficult unless as a means to achieve another priority, such as economic prosperity. This can be extrapolated towards analysing the behaviours of a variety of other states, democratic or autocratic, in their interactions with their population and foreign states.

Women in the Labor Market and Experienced Political Institutions

ABSTRACTIn this paper, I first present a novel finding: women who have experienced democratic institutions during their impressionable years are more likely to participate in the labor market, while controlling for factors such as country, cohort, language and various other confounding factors. I then provide evidence suggesting that discriminatory attitudes may serve as a channel for this phenomenon. Other explanations receive less support from the data.

The Biggest Decision of Your Life(Time)? Examining the Politics of Married at First Sight

Lifetime’s “Married at First Sight” (MAFS) aired its seventeenth season in 2024, averaging 2.58 million viewers per weekly episode. In this paper, we ask, how does MAFS reflect and intervene in contemporary marriage politics, particularly regarding race, gender, class, and sexuality in the U.S.? To answer this question, we draw on scholarship about marriage as a political institution, and on reality TV as a window into contemporary socio-economic issues. Using interpretive, feminist methods of analysis, we find that MAFS reflects and intervenes in contemporary marriage politics by offering viewers a very traditional and exclusionary version of the institution at a time when it and everything else (reproductive rights and same-sex marriages, to name just two examples) is in flux. However, even as it attempts to offer a “balm” to all of this upheaval, in practice, the show’s “experimental results” offer something more complex, which both reflects the contemporary realities of marriage and attracts viewers.

Dismantling labour markets from above: the case of wage policy in the European Union

Abstract Are countries reforming their labour market constrained by external political or financial institutions? This article analyses the supranational pressures impacting wage policy in European member states. Theoretically, it takes inspiration from the literature on international financial markets to analyse the key phases of a nascent multi-level policy cycle, where the European Commission plays a pivotal role. Empirically, it distinguishes between wage policy prescriptions (CSR database, 2011–2019, complemented with EUR-Lex) and reform events (LabRef database, 2008–2019) granting more or less protection to workers. Methodologically, it employs mixed regression models with country and year random intercepts finding out that: (a) the Commission, when recommending wage policy, unambiguously prefers reforms reducing workers’ protection, thus displaying preferences aligned with those of international financial institutions; (b) through external conditionality, the pressures stemming from such biased approach exert a tangible impact on national policymaking, ultimately resulting in weakened labour market institutions and reduced well-being of workers.

Democratic Stability and Backsliding <!--EndFragment-->

In light of mounting concerns about democratic backsliding, Rawls’s work – which has an unusual focus on considerations of stability – is now being mined for insights about democratic fragility. This paper begins by arguing that the key mechanism underlying Rawls’s account of stability cannot, consistent with a proper recognition of the burdens of judgment, explain what makes democratic stability possible. It is, therefore, not well-positioned to help us to think productively about how to mitigate the risk of backsliding. Building on an influential literature in political science, I describe an alternative way of thinking about what enables democratic stability that focuses on the importance of giving key actors self-interested reasons for compliance. This account provides a more productive framework for understanding the causes, and thinking about how to mitigate the risk, of backsliding. It should, therefore, contribute to how we evaluate political institutions and proposed reforms.

Unraveling Incongruence: The EU Proposal in the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue

This paper explores the complexities surrounding the acceptance of the European Union (EU) Proposal in the ongoing Belgrade-Pristina dialogue. The incongruence between Belgrade and Brussels is shaped by several interrelated factors. Central to this discord is the premature transfer of authority from the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) to the EU. This transition was prompted by UNMIK's failure to safeguard Kosovo's non-Albanian population and the breakdown of status negotiations, culminating in Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence. Although the EU has facilitated technical agreements that have supported the region's trajectory toward European integration, it has also encountered significant challenges. Notably, the withdrawal of Kosovo Serbs from political, judicial, and law enforcement institutions, compounded by the destabilizing effects of the Ukraine conflict, has intensified the crisis. These dynamics have accelerated a reliance on informal agreements, which circumvent domestic legislative processes and are characterized by a lack of transparency. The EU Proposal seeks to expedite the normalization process but contains a contentious provision that implicitly demands Serbia's acceptance of Kosovo's independence—an issue perceived in Serbia as a transgression of its core national interests. While the proposal lacks formal legal bindingness, the EU wields considerable influence, applying pressure on Serbia through mechanisms such as economic sanctions. However, such measures risk exacerbating anti-EU sentiment within Serbia. The paper argues that the EU’s strategy, which emphasizes informal agreements and seeks to avoid overt confrontation, may yield eventual progress but also risks entrenching political tensions within Serbia and Kosovo. The long-term implications of this approach remain uncertain, posing potential challenges for the stability of the EU and the broader Western Balkans region.

The Relationship between Democracy and Foreign Direct Investment in East Asia

Has progress toward democracy affected the level of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to East Asia? Existing research presents conflicting theoretical perspectives on the effect of democratic institutions on FDI. One thread suggests that democratization will lead to more FDI inflows; a second argues for less; and a third argues there may be no effect. We explore whether political institutions impact FDI flows to East Asia by empirically assessing the relationship between the two phenomena. Using three-stage least-squares estimation to account for endogeneity and pooled annual time-series data from 1975 to 2018 for 13 East Asian countries, we find that democratic institutions are associated with higher levels of inward FDI. The results are robust across alternative measures of FDI and democracy. We conclude with a discussion of policy implications.

Historicizing Latin American urban politics and governments

ABSTRACT Existing studies about the politics of southern cities, particularly Latin American cities, need to pay more attention to the political institutions behind urban governance. These institutions, additionally, were not created by design but are a product of intertwined historical processes. This article analyzes the main features and transformations of Latin American local governments, their politics, and governance, looked at from the angle of their historical formation. Mobilizing arguments from urban studies and political science usually developed apart, I start with the legacies of two intertwined historical processes—urbanization(s) and state formation(s)—to later observe their recent transformations since the recent return(s) to democracy. The reconstruction of these intertwined historical trajectories and of the effects of the present democratic period help to jointly explain the most important features of the politics of local governments in Latin America that influence their governance and actions—capacities, political grammars, actors, and coalitions—as well as their recent transformations.

More Lessons of the Accord: The 1986–87 Plumbers’ Union Dispute

The early phases of the Price and Incomes Accord sought to constrain money-wage increases in order to reduce the rate of inflation. Despite this, in 1986 and 1987 the Plumbers and Gasfitters Employees’ Union of Australia engaged in industrial action to pressure employers into increasing wages. Using this case study, we examine the capacity for individual trade union agency for wage increases in the context of Accord Mark II. The article draws on document analysis combined with interviews with six of the dispute’s key actors and close observers. It finds that trade union agency was quashed by various political and industrial actors and institutions. This threatened the financial survival of the NSW Australian Plumbers and Gasfitters Employees’ Union, which faced legal sanctions during the dispute.

Political Institutions and Environmental Sustainability: Asymmetric Effect of Institutional Quality Indicators on Ecological Degradation

Political Institutions and Environmental Sustainability: Asymmetric Effect of Institutional Quality Indicators on Ecological Degradation

Elite Politics, Mass Discontent and Political Inequality in South Korea: Who Represents Me?

In an era of heightened public skepticism toward political institutions, understanding the perceived divide between political elites and the general population has become increasingly essential. This study examines how Korean citizens perceive their political representatives, focusing on the socio-economic and demographic disparities between political elites and the wider public. To achieve this, this study concentrates on three core elements: citizens’ perceptions of politicians, the social networks of elite politicians, and the socio-economic and demographic attributes of these elites in comparison to the general population. Employing a data-driven approach—including text analysis, clustering, social network analysis, and visualization techniques—this study investigates data on political elites alongside district-level data. The findings reveal significant socio-economic and demographic disparities between political elites and the public, with elites predominantly emerging from narrow backgrounds characterized by affluence, high education, and an overrepresentation of males above the age of 60. These results underscore the need for measures that promote transparency, accountability, and inclusivity within the political system, highlighting the importance of bridging the divide between political elites and the general public to cultivate a more representative and responsive political environment.

Cyber risk logics and their implications for cybersecurity

Abstract Cybersecurity in national and international security is frequently discussed in an existential register. However, most cybersecurity activities are normal and routine, including diverse practices of cyber risk management. The intricacies of cyber risk and its connection to security and threat politics have received surprisingly little attention in the cyber politics literature. This article addresses this gap through a twofold theoretical proposition. The first argues that cyber risk in policy and practice inhabits a continuum between ‘classical’ risk and security postures. The second proposes the existence of multiple risk logics, located at different points along this continuum. To illustrate this, we outline two distinct cyber risk logics: ‘risk as potential threats’ and ‘risk as uncertainty’. Through an exploratory case-study of cyber risk policy and guidance in the United Kingdom, we find indications of the simultaneous existence of these risk logics, including in specific organizational contexts. We propose that the ‘risk as potential threats’ logic, in particular, acts as a ‘bridge’ between conventional risk and security. We conclude by discussing how differentiating cyber risk logics facilitates a more finely grained appreciation of cybersecurity policy and practice and provides opportunities for disciplinary engagement with the organizational and institutional politics of cybersecurity and ‘the international’.

Direct democracy as a liberal political regime

This article is a theoretical contribution to the understanding of direct democracy (DD) and its properties. It departs from common definitions of DD by distinguishing between a hard meaning, according to which direct democracies are characterized by the fact that legislative initiative and veto rights are extended to the entire citizenry, and a soft meaning, according to which they are not. Building on previous findings, it argues that hard DD profoundly alters the balance of power in representative systems and reinforces the liberal features of democratic systems, such as the independence of checks and balances and the empowerment of minorities. This analysis invites us to understand direct democracies as systems in which representatives of political groups and independent institutions negotiate to find a consensual way to implement legislation, and a direct vote of the people only takes place if agreement is not reached.

IMPACT OF POLITICAL APATHY ON THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS AND GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA

This study investigates the multifaceted impact of political apathy on the democratic process and governance in Nigeria, with a focus on local government elections in Ogun State. Through a descriptive research design, data was collected from 230 male and female adults in Ogun State, employing stratified and simple random sampling methods. Statistical analysis, including means and correlation analysis, was utilized to examine factors contributing to political apathy, manifestations of apathy, and its consequences on governance. The findings revealed widespread agreement among respondents regarding factors contributing to political apathy, including corruption, ethnic and religious divisions, and socio-economic disparities. Moreover, low voter turnout, limited civic engagement, and elite capture of political institutions are identified as manifestations of political apathy, undermining democratic principles such as representation and accountability. The consequences of political apathy on governance are profound, exacerbating socio-economic inequalities and eroding democratic legitimacy and accountability. Recommendations are provided to address these challenges, including comprehensive governance reforms, promotion of civic engagement, and initiatives to address socio-economic inequalities. These findings underscore the urgent need for proactive measures to combat political apathy and revitalize democratic governance in Nigeria, emphasizing the importance of transparency, inclusivity, and accountability in political processes.

Shocks to the System: Electoral Manipulation, Protests and the Evolution of Political Trust in Russia

Abstract How do electoral manipulation and resulting anti-fraud protests influence political trust in non-democratic contexts? I leverage the plausibly exogenous variation in the timing of a series of original surveys fielded on nationally representative samples in Russia to understand the impact of political shocks – particularly allegations of electoral fraud and post-election protests – on the evolution of trust in political institutions and individuals. This study demonstrates that allegations of excessive, blatant electoral fraud decrease trust in the autocrat. However, trust rebounds following attendant post-election protests. Finally, I examine the conditional impacts of fraud and protest on trust, finding that updating occurs primarily among those with weak political affiliation.

Analysis of the cause, harm and optimization of “too much democracy”

“Too much democracy” refers to an excess of political procedures, institutions, and information. It has a historical background, but it actually leads to worse governance and poses significant challenges to global democratic systems. The reasons for excessive democracy include the inherent nature of democracy itself and the impure political motives of politicians participating in democratic activities. While excessive democracy can improve transparency and accountability, it can lead to inefficient decision-making, political gridlock and economic losses. Political apathy, which contributes to populism and political polarization, can also be attributed to excessive democracy. Deliberate democracy, as a new trend in numerous democratic countries, does not address the core problems of “too much democracy” and is not a long-term solution. This paper believes that the direction of efforts should be to continuously improve the clarity and efficiency of democratic principles.