Political Inequality Research Articles

Expertise and Inequality Amid Environmental Crisis: A View from the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta

ABSTRACT Scientific expertise is crucial for responding effectively to environmental crises. Nevertheless, under conditions of political inequality, expert policy making can inhibit policy solutions by altering incentives of powerful interest groups. This is the situation facing the predominantly Alaska Native communities of the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta, which have long relied on salmon for subsistence and are now experiencing a collapse of the salmon population. Scientific evidence indicates that climate change is a primary cause, and experts therefore have opposed demands by Native subsistence fishers for ameliorative measures—especially restricting pollock fishing—as likely to be ineffective. However, this approach eliminates incentives for the influential pollock industry to support policies to address the salmon crisis, including climate-change mitigation. This article presents a simple formal model that demonstrates these incentive effects. This argument contributes to theories of business power and shows how expert policy making can inadvertently force marginalized communities to bear the burden of climate change.

Middle-class Populism: Political Inequalities and Populist Appeal in India

Populist appeals resonate in contemporary India because of political inequalities. These inequalities persist because political parties are stuck in a reciprocity trap that favours local elites, who provide the party with financial support and resources. This reciprocity trap not only perpetuates political inequalities but also leads to the systematic marginalization of the poor by political parties who remain less receptive to populist appeals by a political leader. This article shows that the middle class, not the poor, were more receptive to populist messages in the 2024 elections. Even though Modi remained immensely popular, the middle classes found Rahul Gandhi’s populist message more compelling. The analysis is based on the pre-and post-election surveys from 2024 and other NES surveys.

Elite Politics, Mass Discontent and Political Inequality in South Korea: Who Represents Me?

In an era of heightened public skepticism toward political institutions, understanding the perceived divide between political elites and the general population has become increasingly essential. This study examines how Korean citizens perceive their political representatives, focusing on the socio-economic and demographic disparities between political elites and the wider public. To achieve this, this study concentrates on three core elements: citizens’ perceptions of politicians, the social networks of elite politicians, and the socio-economic and demographic attributes of these elites in comparison to the general population. Employing a data-driven approach—including text analysis, clustering, social network analysis, and visualization techniques—this study investigates data on political elites alongside district-level data. The findings reveal significant socio-economic and demographic disparities between political elites and the public, with elites predominantly emerging from narrow backgrounds characterized by affluence, high education, and an overrepresentation of males above the age of 60. These results underscore the need for measures that promote transparency, accountability, and inclusivity within the political system, highlighting the importance of bridging the divide between political elites and the general public to cultivate a more representative and responsive political environment.

Free-market institutions and income inequality: Did the link persist around the world even in times of falling within-country inequality, 2000–2021?

High or rising economic inequality can exacerbate political inequalities and is plausibly linked with some social harms, such as health problems and declines in happiness and trust. Within-country income inequality increased sharply across most of the world since the 1980s. One prominent critical sociological account of this occurrence points toward institutions of free-market capitalism, or “neoliberalism,” as a key cause that unleashed inequality during the globalization age. This article empirically operationalizes free-market institutions with the use of Fraser Institute’s index of economic freedom and examines the issue with fixed-effects regressions in a novel dataset of 130 countries between the years 2000 and 2021. It finds a substantial positive correlation between the two variables in the developing, though not the developed, world. This finding is robust to a variety of alternative specifications. Moreover, across specifications, modest size of government and freedom of international trade stand out as the two clear components of economic freedom driving the aggregate relationship. Finally, mediation analysis suggests there also exists an indirect ameliorative relationship between economic freedom and inequality through the conduit of economic development.

‘Time becomes memory, and memory becomes the ditch in which we drown’: rethinking modes of knowing the past in Ian McGuire’s The Abstainer (2020)

ABSTRACT This article argues that historical novels play a crucial part in rethinking contemporary modes of knowing the past. Drawing on Achille Mbembe’s concept of necropolitics and Judith Butler’s thoughts on precarious life, this article elucidates the close relationship between modes of knowing the past and progressive politics in the present, crystallised in the political concept of grievability. National histories paint the picture of ‘a past without strangers’, in the terms of Achille Mbembe, creating narrow circles of grievability which do not challenge established solidarities and structures of political inequalities in the present. This article goes on to demonstrate that historical novels may subvert this nationalist fantasy through the portrayal of liminal characters in liminal spaces. Ian McGuire’s The Abstainer (2020), set in an intra-European colonial context, continually breaks the frame of what is considered a grievable life by criticising a mode of knowing the past that prioritises mourning the dead over caring for the needs of the living in the present. In conclusion, this article argues that The Abstainer ultimately proposes a radical and paradoxical mode of knowing the past: It urges us to recognise that commemoration of the dead may become an obsessions and justification for acts of violence, and encourages us to rethink not just what histories we tell, but also how we tell them.

Cooperation under the shadow of political inequality

We study cooperation among individuals and groups facing a dynamic social dilemma in which the benefits of cooperation are divided according to political power obtained in a contest. The main theoretical and experimental results focus on the role of the incumbency advantage. Specifically, an incumbency advantage in the political contest leads to a rapid breakdown of cooperation in the social dilemma. In addition, we investigate whether groups behave differently than individuals and provide simulations based on the individual evolutionary learning model of Arifovic and Ledyard (2012) to shed light on the difference observed in the experiment.

Fragile Geographies and the Climate-Conflict Nexus: Investigating Climate-Induced Security Risks, Migration, and Inequality in Balochistan, Pakistan

Although climate change has been recognized as a “threat multiplier,” its specific effects on conflict-affected areas remain underexplored. This study investigates the nexus between climate change and violent conflict within the “fragile geography” of Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest province. Balochistan’s increasingly fragmented security landscape and recurring natural disasters, notably the 2022 floods, provide a pertinent background for examining the interplay between climate change and violent conflict. A qualitative approach was employed, whereby interviews and group discussions were conducted in two Balochistan districts. The analysis revealed that weak institutional capacity, deep-rooted socioeconomic and political inequalities, and notably, “migration patterns” are critical variables influencing the dynamic interplay between climate change and violent conflict in the region. By analyzing the vulnerabilities inherent in Balochistan’s diverse physiography, this study illuminates how climate change exacerbates violent conflict in a region already beset by instability, highlighting the urgent need for a more nuanced understanding to address these complex challenges.

‘Pirates’, ports, politics: The Gulf (khalīj) & international society’s expansion

Abstract This paper examines how Britain, through ‘gunboat diplomacy’ campaigns against so-called Arab pirates, overran the pre-existing Gulf suzerain system and became the predominant power in its waters. By filling a gap in the classical English School ‘international society’ expansion thesis, this article describes how and when political and ideational shifts in the Gulf allowed sovereignty to manifest into its present dynastic form. It argues British imposition of rules, norms, and institutions through a series of nineteenth-century Anglo-Arab treaties against Arab ‘pirates’ broke traditional conditions of divisible sheikhly authority to embed a new telos of sovereign indivisibility, facilitating indirect colonisation. Colonialism as an overlooked primary institution in the classical international society expansion story reinforced political inequality to create dynasticism to simplify colonial statecraft. The 1836 Restrictive Line was a central institution introduced by Britain to manage the transition from divisible to indivisible authority. Drawing from colonial archives, the paper argues that British control over cross-coastal movements through a Restrictive Line reinforced domestic sovereignty of British treaty signatories while weakening agency of maritime sheikhs outside the Anglo-Arab treaties framework. This unsettled traditional structures, transforming maritime tribal confederacies from participation to compliance and reconfiguring Gulf coastal security imperatives for treaty-signatory sheikhs from sea to desert.

Implications of COVID-19 relief packages on livelihoods of rural dwellers in border towns along Southwestern Ghana

The global efforts to curtail the livelihood crises brought about by the eruption of the COVID-19 pandemic witnessed the adoption of livelihood strategies in the form of relief packages. Using a quantitative analytic framework, the article sheds light on recipients’ perspectives on the various government interventions in Ghana, focusing on how socio-economic and political inequalities in Ghana shaped access to pandemic relief support for rural dwellers in border towns in Southwestern Ghana. The findings suggest that, despite the partisan twist, the relief packages positively impacted intended beneficiaries in their short-term income-generation activities. Furthermore, it reduced the vulnerability of rural start-up businesses and brought the establishment of new health facilities to augment the infrastructural development of the area. The article concludes that the pandemic provided insight into how rural communities can better leverage relief packages to improve their livelihood conditions.

World Society, Cultural Diversity, and Gender Gap in Political Empowerment

Abstract This article studies the interactive effects of world society and cultural diversity on the gender gap in political empowerment. Focusing on the Women’s Share of Seats in National Parliaments (WSSNP) and the Gender Gap in Political Empowerment (GGPE) Index as two main outcome variables, the analyses use a growth curve approach to estimate nations’ trajectories of gender political inequality and explain them by time-invariant and time-varying independent variables. Overall, the results suggest that nations’ level of embeddedness in the world society, measured by the political globalization index of the KOF Swiss Economic Institute, closes the gender gap in political empowerment. Nevertheless, more culturally diverse societies, in terms of the level of religious fractionalization, are more susceptible to the equalizing impacts of globalization on the gender gap in political empowerment. Conversely, culturally homogenous nations appear to show some level of resistance to adopting the gender-equitable values prompted by world culture.

From Institutional Trauma to Institutional Healing

The societal struggles in American higher education have intensified in recent years, impacting various facets of academic life. Enrollment declines, rising costs, student debt, and emerging alternatives pose significant threats to colleges and universities. The COVID-19 pandemic further strained institutions, leading to deeper budget cuts and potential closures. Falling tuition revenue coupled with culture wars and political polarization have led to prolonged institutional trauma in higher education institutions. Conservative-leaning states have restricted faculty tenure, courses dealing with social and political inequity, and DEI initiatives, while progressives emphasize universities’ role in fostering critical thinking and truth. Organizational trauma can significantly impact an organization’s well-being. It can arise from a single catastrophic event or persistent issues such as workplace biases, discrimination, and poor communication. For many campuses, this manifests as chronic stress, apathy, and mental health challenges, leading to turnover of faculty and staff and low productivity. Understanding and addressing organizational trauma is crucial. Strategies include fostering resilience through supportive leadership, trust-building, and inclusive practices. Thoughtful solutions and collective efforts are needed to heal and strengthen American democracy. The 2024 elections remain uncertain, raising questions about the future of not only higher education, but American democracy. Addressing these challenges requires a concerted effort to bridge divides, promote critical thinking, and uphold the purpose of higher education. The path forward remains complex, but collective action is essential to repair and strengthen American civic health.

Analyzing the relationship between individual and cumulative score of adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) with self-reported mental health disorders in Chile

BackgroundAdverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) are widely recognized as significant predictors of poor mental health in adulthood. Latin America presents several unique challenges regarding ACEs, such as higher prevalence of violence and income and political inequality. However, little is known about this issue from nationally representative samples in the region, particularly in Chile. ObjectiveThis investigation examines the association between individual and cumulative ACE scores and seven self-reported mental health conditions (substance abuse, depression, PTSD, generalized anxiety, suicide ideation, non-suicidal self-harm, and learning disorders) in a representative Chilean urban sample. MethodsA representative urban sample of 2101 adult Chileans completed the International Adverse Childhood Experiences Questionnaire (ACE-IQ) and disclosed any prior mental health diagnoses. ResultsAround 40 % of the sample had experienced four or more ACEs in their lifetime. For these individuals, the risk of reporting a mental health disorder was significantly higher. Several logistic regression analyses were conducted to address the associations between ACEs and the seven mental health conditions. Notably, sexual abuse, bullying, and exposure to collective violence were the ACEs most strongly associated with self-reported mental health issues. Additionally, a cumulative ACE score was found to be a significant predictor of having a previous mental health diagnosis. ConclusionsWe found a significant predictive association between exposure to collective violence and six out of the seven self-reported mental health disorders. Similarly, sexual abuse demonstrated an association with all mental health conditions. Finally, individuals who experienced four or more ACEs had a notably higher chance of reporting a previous mental health diagnosis. We recommend conducting further ACE research in Latin America due to its cultural and contextual singularities.

Political Inequality

Inequality in political participation and influence has strongly increased in recent decades, breeding economic inequality. In this review, we focus on three aspects of political inequality: the increasing concentration of both political and charitable donations, the growing gap in descriptive representation, and the persistent lack of substantive representation. Based on the existing literature as well as on novel evidence, we relate these aspects to the recent widening of turnout inequality. We then examine novel forms of participation—e.g., the rise of small donors in the United States—and the efficiency of policies aimed at improving representation. Finally, we discuss new avenues for research.

Beyond the obvious: a Nordic tale of the raveled relationship between political inequality and indigenous people’s satisfaction with democracy

ABSTRACT Over the last decades, many democracies progressed in the political inclusion of Indigenous people and the recognition of their rights. Does this contribute to how satisfied Indigenous people are with how democracy works? Prior empirical evidence suggests it does. As yet, there is, however, little study of the underlying mechanisms and we should not assume a categorically positive correlation between political equality and satisfaction with democracy. Instead, Indigenous affairs need to be sufficiently politicized to matter for Indigenous people's satisfaction with democracy. I test this argument in the case of the Sámi people in Norway and Sweden. While political inequality is comparatively higher in Sweden, Sámi issues are less politicized. Using novel original survey data, I find that here, satisfaction with democracy is not correlated with Sámi ethnicity. Satisfaction levels among Norwegian Sámi, though, are significantly lower than among their non-Indigenous compatriots and strongly shaped by considerations of political inequality.

How Education Policies Shape Political Inequality: Analyzing Policy Feedback Effects in Germany

How Education Policies Shape Political Inequality: Analyzing Policy Feedback Effects in Germany

Instability and inequality in the British state

Abstract The UK state has been through many periods of perceived crisis, but the instability of the last decade has shaken some of the foundational institutions of British politics. Our main argument is that the rise of political instability relates to the failure of British politics to respond to structural inequality in society and politics. This includes growing economic and geographic disparities, as well as destabilizing divisions over long-standing social injustices. The infusion of these trends into the political process is the subject of the ‘asymmetric power model (APM)’, which acts as the theoretical underpinning of this paper and the special issue it introduces. In this editorial to the Parliamentary Affairs Special Issue on ‘Instability and inequality in the British state’, we elaborate these arguments and provide a brief overview of the eight papers in the issue, which cover the APM, the constitution, the UK Union, the Conservative Party, public policymaking, gender inequalities, intersectional inequalities, and geographical inequalities. Together, the papers identify the causes and features of the UK’s troubling inequality-instability dialectic and offer various practical and theoretical ways forward.

Young Women’s Political Participation and Gender Depoliticization in Nigeria

Since return to Nigeria to civilian administration in 1999, women have been making efforts to access political leadership space with little progress. With international and national instruments to ensure more women gain inroad into politics, there is a dismal record in this aspect. Anchoring the paper on theory of political participation, the paper explored the possibility of gender depoliticisation through the involvement of young women in politics. Desk research method which utilised secondary sources of data collection was employed. The paper argued that in spite of the fact that young women are involved in activism,they are grossly underrepresented in political leadership. Culture, political acrimony, stigmatisation, religion, lack of finance, political violence, etc., constitute barriers to young women representation in politics. The paper contended that there is always political inequality between women and men, particularly among the youngest generations. The paper concluded that young women are at risk of not being included and favourably considered in the decision making process, as non-participation in politics poses a threat to their gender's dignified existence in the body polity. It recommended that socio-economic barriers including culture, religion, patriarchal belief, political acrimony, insecurity, etc., should be addressed. Empowerment should start from the family to re-orientate on the social barriers affecting young women participation in leadership positions. Girl-child education needs prioritisation to develop potentials, particularly contribution in decision making process at all levels of governance, among others.

Community health action and COVID-19 in Barcelona neighbourhoods: responses and challenges.

The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated pre-existing social, economic and political inequalities. The evidence describes the use of community engagement approaches to support appropriate COVID-19 prevention and control measures. We aimed to delve deeper into the community response to COVID-19 in Barcelona neighbourhoods with different pre-existing levels of development of community health action (CHA). A qualitative phenomenological study was conducted in six Barcelona neighbourhoods with different types of CHAs. The sample included 37 in-depth interviews with community agents with good knowledge of the territory. The content analysis focused on three dimensions: symbolic (conceptions motivating action), substantive (the content and resources of the action) and operational (interactions between agents). Regardless of their CHA typology, all neighbourhoods responded to the needs generated by the pandemic. Symbolic: strong-CHA development, characterized by well-established participatory structures, facilitated responses to the crisis. In medium-CHA neighbourhoods, the emergency exacerbated previous tensions. In emerging-CHA neighbourhoods, previous participatory structures, although not health-specific, favoured the coordination of responses. Substantive: technology influenced the way CHA activities were conducted. Operative: in the strong-CHA neighbourhood, new participants were able to join previous participatory structures. In medium-CHA neighbourhoods, power dynamics hindered coordination. In conclusion, strong CHA can play a key role in addressing the adverse consequences of social and health crisis. Empowering citizens and communities should be a primary objective of public policy that integrates the 'health-in-all-policies' approach. This approach entails allocating public resources to strengthen the role of community action and power.

Political inequality: reasons for optimism?

Abstract I comment on the article in this collection by Ansell and Gingrich, who highlight the concept of political inequality. Then they investigate empirically whether political inequality has risen in line with economic inequality over the past few decades in the UK. This is an important question, as political inequality can easily generate an inequality trap. I focus on the last dimension of political inequality that Ansell and Gingrich consider—who politicians are—and highlight that it is strongly linked to the first two: who votes and who they vote for. I first argue that the lack of political representativeness may at least partly explain the rise in abstention. I then highlight the role played by campaign finance regulations in explaining the relationship between political and economic inequalities. Finally, using the example of gender underrepresentation, I argue that shifting descriptive representation may have concrete policy consequences.

Political inequality

Abstract The rise of economic inequality in the UK over the past four decades raises serious questions about the state of political equality in Britain. In this article, we analyse changes in political equality from voter participation to voting behaviour to the descriptive and substantive representativeness of Parliament. We find that voter participation in the electoral process has become substantially more unequal since the 1960s but that traditional geographic patterns of voting, where wealthier constituencies typically voted Conservative, have almost entirely vanished. Descriptively, Parliament has become more reflective in demographic and socio-economic terms of the population. In terms of substantive representation, policymaking in Britain has been more responsive to the interests of older homeowners than younger, less wealthy groups. Almost all British citizens nonetheless feel less represented by politicians and policymaking than they did several decades ago.