Political Ideological Orientations Research Articles

MODERNIZAÇÃO-RESTAURADORA E TRANSFORMISMO NA POLÍTICA DO ENSINO MÉDIO PERNAMBUCANO: ESTRATÉGIAS DE APASSIVAMENTO DA HEGEMONIA EMPRESARIAL

ABSTRACT: The text examines the political-ideological dynamic and the contents of the business hegemony in high school politics in Pernambuco. The analysis deals with the intellectual organizers in politics, the private hegemony devices, the political-ideological orientations, and the behavior of sectors and subordinate representatives regarding Procentro and, later, the Programa de Educação Integral (Full Education Program). For such, official documents and private institutions were analyzed, making use of Gramscian categories, with passive revolution and transformism as standouts. The conclusion is that the business hegemony in politics is expressed in a movement of modernization-restauration of managing rationality, revising ideological aspects that are secondary to the business hegemony in order to incorporate, residually, demands from the subordinates. That results, in terms of appearances, in a more “social” and “inclusive” project of management which, in turn, translates into transformism phenomena as expressions of passivation of opposition to the management model. It also stands out that the movement of modernization-restauration analyzed in Pernambuco is part of a historical block headed by progressive sectors in politics and civil society that characterizes a Brazilian-style passive revolution and its social liberalism (CASTELO, 2011).

Социально-политические ориентации религиозного и нерелигиозного населения Российской Федерации

As part of updating the problem of finding key pillars for building domestic consolidation policies, the authors suggest examining the religious factor in terms of its cultural and historical influence. The context of this paper examines the worldview specificity of Orthodoxy, the attitude of believers to political power, to citizens of other statuses/beliefs, ideas about the social order, etc., formed on its basis. The article is based on the results of sociological research carried out with the participation of the authors. It is based on the analysis of empirical data and devoted to the comparative analysis of dominant sociopolitical and political-ideological orientations of religious and non-religious population of modern Russian society. The results of the study showed that the level of loyalty, consolidation, and trust in the authorities and public institutions of Russian society is higher among the religious population, who retain a commitment to traditional values, historical memory, and social justice. Accordingly, the potential for socio-political consolidation of this group is higher. At the same time, in spite of believers' high appraisal of spirituality as a basic value for Russia's future revival, few respondents in this world-view group consider Orthodoxy and individual religiosity to be a consolidating force in Russian society. We can assume a gradual consolidation in the public consciousness of ideas about the future of Russia as a sec- ular state.

Are fee-and-dividend schemes the savior of environmental taxation? Analyses of how different revenue use alternatives affect public support for Sweden’s air passenger tax

This article studies if, how, and why different revenue uses affect public attitudes to environmental taxation. More specifically, using a large-scale (N = 4292) randomized survey experiment with a 2 × 3 factorial design, the article analyses how attitudes towards a proposed increase in the current air passenger tax in Sweden are altered when combining a tax increase with three different suggestions for revenue use. The increasingly popular fee-and-dividend solution, where revenues are distributed back to the public, thus decreasing negative distributive tax effects, is compared with two additional revenue uses: unspecified government spending on welfare services, and re-investment of revenues into aviation biofuels. Our results show that, although some of the commonly used independent variables such as climate concern, personal norms and political-ideological orientation are significant in determining policy attitudes, varying both tax level and revenue use also tangibly affects how a policy proposal is received. Interestingly, however, the fee-and-dividend approach does not yield the most positive policy attitudes. Rather, directing the revenues to fund an increased use of biofuels for aviation is the alternative that most clearly drives positive attitudes to this policy, and is also the alternative that is perceived as the most effective and fair in both the high tax and the low tax alternatives.

“It’s true! I saw it on WhatsApp”: Social Media, Covid-19, and Political-Ideological Orientation in Brazil

The Covid-19 pandemic in Brazil was widely affected by politics and the population’s consumption of information is fundamental to understanding the situation. This study aimed at understanding the relationship between political-ideological markers, consumption of information, and preventive practices during the pandemic. We conducted an online survey with 1,328 Brazilians who answered a questionnaire about authoritarianism, conservatism, political orientation, trust in social media, and preventive practices during the pandemic The results indicate that right-wing and centrist individuals, with higher authoritarianism or higher conservatism scores, put significantly more trust in the information about Covid-19 conveyed through WhatsApp and less trust in the information conveyed through traditional media, in comparison with left-wing individuals or individuals with low scores for these factors. Additionally, these elements were closely associated with worse practices concerning the use of masks, practices of social distancing, and the intention of being vaccinated. The findings warn of the impacts of fake news in health practices during the pandemic.

Dynamics of the Russian population political-ideological orientations in the post-Soviet period

Under permanent transformations in all spheres of life in the Russian society, the dynamics of the political-ideological views of people, their attitudes to the choice and implementation of the strategic directions of social development become especially important. Russian scientists prefer the ideas of the crisis of liberal ideas, growth of conservatism, left turn, and consider the state ideology a way to overcome the ideological split in the society and to ensure its unity and integrity. At the same time, some opposite tendencies are often ignored in the scientific analysis, which leads to misunderstanding of the real development of the ideological situation in the post-Soviet period. The article aims at filling this gap based on the analysis of the dynamics of the Russians key political-ideological orientations in the last quarter of the century. Based on the empirical data of the sociological monitoring How are you, Russia? and the authors research, the article describes the dynamics of the Russians views, ideological and political orientations. In particular, the study confirmed the hypotheses about the decreasing role of ideology, societys ideological polarization, mosaic ideological views of Russians, and the loss by ideological markers of the political structure of their status of terminal values. The authors conclude that the blurred ideological orientations would not allow the state ideology to overcome the existing eclecticism of ideological views without a contemporary welfare legal state that would replace the hybrid regime.

Chiesa, cattolicesimo e nazionalismo negli anni tra le due guerre. Introduzione

Beginning with some references to XIX century processes of Catholicism nationalisation, to the construction of the cultural concept of “Catholic nation” and to the relationship between the Church and new nationalisms from the end of the XIX century to WWI, this article examines the encyclical Ubi Arcano Dei (1922), questioning its efficacy as deterrent against nationalism. The hypothesis here verified in relation with the cases of Spain, Germany, Austria and Croatia is that the condemn of the “immoderate nationalism” in the encyclical and in other previous and successive ecclesiastical interventions kept the way opened to a tolerated nationalism that was translated into different, although all ascribable to the category of nationalcatholicism, political-ideological orientations. Regarding the historiographic debate, the article presents some considerations on the hermeneutic usefulness of the category of nationalcatholicism.

POLITICAL VALUES OF THE RUSSIAN SOCIETY (results of the comparative research)

The article presents the results of the comparative study of political-ideological views of the Russian population on the values of freedom, democracy, social justice, the role of the state, etc. The research covers almost a quarter of a century - the surveys based on the same questionnaire were conducted among Muscovites in 1992 and 2016. The results of the comparative study show that the structure of the views on basic political values has not changed significantly. However, there are still different, often opposite social-political representations in the Russian society, which is clearly manifested when opposing freedom and inequality, democracy and socialism, social justice and individualism. Moreover, the shares of respondents expressing opposite views are approximately equal. At the same time, the attitudes structure revealed at the end of the last century has changed if compared to the data of 2016 survey, especially considering the role of individual activities in determining life trajectories. There is growing support for the importance of individualism as opposed to social justice and for the expectations of various types of state social guarantees. The results of the multidimensional statistical classification prove that there are several groups with different political-ideological orientations - from supporters of liberal democratic ideas to those who prefer socialist values. However, most groups still support the paternalistic ideas of the Soviet period such as the importance of social guarantees and social role of the state.

Unveiling the “veil debate” in the Greek press

This article traces and analyses the narrative of the “veil debate” in France and Turkey as constructed by two Greek newspapers: the liberal Kathimerini and the leftist Avgi. It aims, firstly, to bring out the interconnection between the political ideological orientation of each of these newspapers and the narrative that they adopt, and secondly, to shed light on how the peculiarities of the socio-political context intersect with the narrator’s interests and preferences in the process of building the framework for public discussion in Greece. It concludes that the Greek narration of the “veil debate” in France and Turkey runs along normative lines (irrespective of the newspaper’s ideological affiliation), challenges the validity of Westphalian values, reflects the interdependence between socio-political contexts, and takes into consideration the supranational discourse of Greek foreign policy.

The Changing of Political Orientation of Masyumi Party During 1950-1959

Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system.The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election.The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising.

PODEMOS PHENOMENON

The article studies political ideological orientations and practical steps taken by Podemos party, which was founded in January 2014 and for a short time turned into an influential actor in Spanish politics. Special attention is given to the Podemos image metamorphoses, designed to satisfy the interests of various groups of population with different political orientations.

Come decidono gli attivisti all'interno dei Centri Sociali? Uno studio comparato delle occupazioni in una cittŕ italiana

The Social Centres in Italy are autonomous groups set up by left-wing radical activists, who occupy and/or self-manage unused buildings, where they organize political campaigns, social and countercultural activities. In this article, a typology of decision-making and internal democracy models, based on decisional method and preferences' treatment adopted (Consensual vs. Majoritarian), is here proposed and tested through the binary comparison of two Social Centres, as empirical cases, in the same city (Catania in Sicily), with the most dissimilar characteristics (campaigns/activities, political ideological orientations, national networks, legal position, attitude towards institutions). The research, methodologically founded on participant observation, the analysis of self-produced documents and a set of semi-structured interviews, provided unexpected findings, entailing an explanation through the procedure of re-identification and/or cultural recollocation of Pizzorno. As a consequence, the diverse models of decisionmaking and internal democracy adopted by activists of the two Social Centres seem to be depended on their different ends, collective identities and political-ideological orientations

‘Greening the Antipodes’? Environmental policy and politics in Australia and New Zealand

Processes of globalisation, initially in the form of European colonisation, have fundamentally shaped the environmental challenges faced by both Australia and New Zealand. The common heritage and proximate geographical position of these two countries explain many of the similarities in their environmental institutions and responses, and international interventions on environmental issues. But there are also important differences between the countries in environmental performance and their engagement with globalisation, differences for which disparities in domestic socio-environmental, economic and political-institutional factors can provide part of an explanation. The political-ideological orientation of governments appears to be one of the more significant factors shaping the countries' environmental development and policies, nationally and on the international stage.

From Mobilization to Institutionalization? The Case of Norwegian Environmentalism

A widespread view contends that, in due course, political mobilization gives way to institutionalization; that is, vibrant movements turn into rigid hierarchic organizations. In the aftermath of the political radicalization of the 1960s and 1970s, the literature on social movements announced that this impasse' belonged to the past: new social movements were taken to be anti-bureaucratic and anti-hierarchical; representing a new historical subject, beyond Marxist determinism, yet retaining a certain leftist-liberalist political imprint. More recently, an almost diametrically opposed contention seems to have gained hegemony: the (new) social movements are becoming institutionalized and are being incorporated, or even co-opted, by the 'establishment'. These general statements stand in glaring contrast to the theoretical progress made within contemporary social movement theory, and accordingly, the purpose of this article is to contribute to a more nuanced approach to the phenomenon of institutionalization of social movements', on both a theoretical and an empirical level. Against the backdrop of a short review of literature in the field, a theoretical framework is introduced: institutionalization as an open and multidimensional process, encompassing structural, normative and cognitive elements. Thereafter, this typology is applied in order to study institutionalization as part of a wider context. In one section the Norwegian case is introduced and includes the descriptive empirical analyses: how are Norwegian environmental organizations institutionalized Thereafter, the context of institutionalization is studied: which strategies are chosen in order to gain influence. and what are the prevalent political ideological orientations? A final section summarizes and discusses the empirical findings in light of the theoretical framework