Political Failure Research Articles

Prosecuting human traffickers in Nigeria: victim-witnessing and community-oriented challenges

AbstractThe paper reflects on the limitations of Nigeria’s antitrafficking efforts, as they relate, particularly, to the complexities of victim-witnessing in the prosecution of sex trafficking cases. While much has been written about the institutional and cultural impediments to victim-witnessing in Nigeria or Nigerian-related sex trafficking cases, our work seeks to ask an often underplayed, if not ignored question: Can individuals existing under unjust structures find the impetus to assist the state advance the course of justice? We respond to this question by exploring the interrelationships between political failure, community-oriented trafficking and the moral quandary faced by intercepted victims who see trafficking as a conduit for economic mobility. Utilising Robert Merton’s strain theory, we highlight how the relational dynamics between traffickers and their victims within a community-oriented trafficking context underscore an innovation adjustment to the Mertonian strain. Against this background, we conclude that victim-witnessing is and will remain a challenge for Nigeria’s criminal justice response to trafficking because victims perceive their criminal exploiters as inextricably linked to their material wellbeing.

Divergent Pathways in North–South Education Policy Development in Ireland in the 1920s: Exploring the Influence of the First Ministers for Education on Both Sides of the Border

ABSTRACT A long tradition of both State and religious interest and support characterised provision for education on the island of Ireland from the 1700s. Following the partition of Ireland in the 1920s, the newly created political entities of the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland forged separate and distinct education policy trajectories that largely reinforced and propagated the dominant identity in each jurisdiction. This article explores and assesses the contributions of the first Ministers for Education in the Irish Free State and in Northern Ireland in the 1920s, Eoin MacNeill and Lord Londonderry, respectively. A particular emphasis is placed on their influence, impact and legacy on primary education policy development and enactment. Ultimately it could be argued that both Ministers can be characterised to a certain extent as political failures in terms of introducing and embedding education policy that aligned with their personal or political ambition and ideology.

Federal Aid to Women and Children: The Children’s Bureau, the Social Security Act, and Political Development Victories and Failures

Federal Aid to Women and Children: The Children’s Bureau, the Social Security Act, and Political Development Victories and Failures

Instability and inequality in the British state

Abstract The UK state has been through many periods of perceived crisis, but the instability of the last decade has shaken some of the foundational institutions of British politics. Our main argument is that the rise of political instability relates to the failure of British politics to respond to structural inequality in society and politics. This includes growing economic and geographic disparities, as well as destabilizing divisions over long-standing social injustices. The infusion of these trends into the political process is the subject of the ‘asymmetric power model (APM)’, which acts as the theoretical underpinning of this paper and the special issue it introduces. In this editorial to the Parliamentary Affairs Special Issue on ‘Instability and inequality in the British state’, we elaborate these arguments and provide a brief overview of the eight papers in the issue, which cover the APM, the constitution, the UK Union, the Conservative Party, public policymaking, gender inequalities, intersectional inequalities, and geographical inequalities. Together, the papers identify the causes and features of the UK’s troubling inequality-instability dialectic and offer various practical and theoretical ways forward.

Legal Pluralism in South Africa: The Implications of Co-Existing Customary and Civil Marriages

In South Africa marriage was a key site of colonial legal pluralism. Family formation and marriage were central to upholding boundaries between colonial and local normative orders. Under the umbrella of a single set of fundamental constitutional rights, post-apartheid law nevertheless retains separate statutes, precedents and legal rules for different cultural and religious marriages. This can lead to legal gaps and uncertainty when people enter into simultaneous or coexisting marriages, especially when the same couple concludes a customary marriage together with a civil marriage. This article examines the current configuration and implications of legal pluralism in South Africa by analsysing the interaction between coexisting customary and civil marriages between the same spouses. It identifies three themes in the relationship between these marriages: a hierarchy which continues to privilege civil law over other legal and normative systems; second, failure on the part of the legislature to clarify confusing aspects of the interaction between these forms of marriage and, finally, gaps which neither applicable legal system addresses satisfactorily. It also illustrates the political failure of the legislature, almost thirty years after the advent of democracy, decisively to address the socio-economic problems created by pluralism and the inadequate regulation of customary marriages.

Britain’s Last Colonial War

Abstract The United Kingdom fought its last colonial war in South Arabia (1963 t0 1967) during a pivotal era of waning economic strength, rising Arab nationalism, and growing anticolonialism. Determined to retain Britain’s international status, the Macmillan government considered military facilities in Aden essential to projecting power east of Suez. This article argues that policy decisions taken from 1937 onwards increased the likelihood of a nationalist insurgency and made countering it at an acceptable cost extraordinarily difficult. The British never devised a comprehensive strategy, responding to threats on an ad hoc basis. Contrary to what some scholars insist, South Arabia neither confirmed the failure of the British approach nor heralded a new era of counterinsurgency. The conflict was a political failure, not a military defeat.

For a United Russia? The White Movement’s Rejection of National Self‐Determination, 1918–20

AbstractFor obvious reasons, the White Movement rarely features in works concerning national self‐determination in the aftermath of the First World War. Beyond the looming shadows of Woodrow Wilson and V. I. Lenin, the “governments” of White generals that swore allegiance to A. V. Kolchak made no secret of their desire for a Russia “one and indivisible.” Those responsible for drafting Omsk’s edicts were suspicious of self‐determination’s apparent Germano‐Bolshevik origins. Analyzing the so‐called Russian state’s resistance to both the term and concept of national self‐determination—and its relatively novel association with secession—highlights the self‐defeating nature of Kolchak’s policies on the matter. Moreover, and most significantly for wider discussions on national self‐determination during the period, the White Movement’s rejection of federalism in any form, coupled with the stalling progress of White armies, the conclusion of the Paris Peace Conference, and the consolidation of Soviet Russia made statehood for Russia’s neighbor nations more realistic, logical, and justifiable. The political failures of the White Movement contributed to the feasibility of small states in the eyes of both the Allies and the national peoples themselves, and this warrants attention.

Schlock Value and the Politics of Fiasco

This article tracks the ways citizens in the People's Republic of China have come to manage the banality of state violence and impunity by turning common political failures into a distinctive politics of fiasco. As a mode of civilian engagement with officialdom in contemporary China, this kind of politics is a departure from the usual straightforward forms of popular resistance, as typified by the 1989 Tiananmen Square protest. Fiasco is not just any kind of failure. It is a kind of flop with performative flair, where repeated malfunctions and blunders escalate in often ludicrous and humiliating fashion to turn once earnest and serious projects in feel‐bad dramas of inescapable failure. As such, this form of politics casts a renewed light on the aesthetic and affective dimensions of citizen–state struggles, especially among those that persist in confronting failures of justice under authoritarian conditions of political non‐crisis.

Hamas-Israel War: A Brief Analysis of First Two Phases of War

At the end of 2023, the Middle East experienced some new challenges. Among these new challenges, one of the most important of them all is the Hamas-Israel war. After almost four months of war and no end in sight, there are now growing questions about whether Israel will be able to accomplish its stated goals in Gaza. The brutality of the Hamas’s attack on October 7, the extent of the cruel massacre, shocked both the Israeli society and foreign public opinion. To better understand the factors of Hamas's operational success, the strategic surprise attack on Israel from Gaza, on October 7, 2023, needs a thorough analysis to understand all its political, intelligence, and operational failures aspects. It goes without saying that many elements of Hamas's brutal but largely successful attack are still unknown. Taking this into account, this paper focuses on only three elements of the ongoing war. Firstly, based on the qualitative methodology of research, this study evaluates and highlights the political background of the bloodiest attack in modern Israel's history which happened on October 7, 2023. Secondly, using the research methodology of data collection and analysis, this paper seeks to answer the still open-ended question, how was Hamas able to attack a country which operates one of the best intelligence organizations in the world by an extreme surprise? Finally, by using the narrative and historical models of qualitative research and the available data, this paper focuses on assessing the first and second phases of the war. Furthermore, the study formulates conclusions regarding the expected directions of change in the Israeli security system and some aspects of regional security implications of the ongoing Hamas-Israeli conflict. The potential result of the current paper is to present the reasons for the ongoing Gaza conflict based on the historical background. In addition, it provides a primary analysis, based on currently available information, of the first two phases of the obviously protracted Hamas-Israel conflict for the benefit of the community of researchers, scholars, and academics.

Dislocation: Toward a Framework for the Study of Crises

Abstract The paper develops a conceptual framework for the analysis of crises. It rests on the central argument that crises cannot be restricted to exceptional occurrences or temporarily delimited events, but we approach crisis as ontologically constitutive for our everyday lives. The concept of “discursive dislocation” is the cornerstone of this endeavor, as it grasps multiple aspects of sociopolitical instability, including societal deficiencies, fragilities, and political failures. Through theoretically advancing the concept of dislocation, we systematize three dimensions of crisis as permanent, recurring, and ephemeral dislocation. This allows us to analyze crises not only in their immediate environment but also makes it possible to understand them in their broader sociopolitical context. The conceptual framework is illustrated with the example of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States, which reveals how the construction of the pandemic as a crisis is embedded in the historically ingrained self-portrayal of the United States, and how crisis responses are invoked to serve particular sociopolitical purposes in retaining an established American identity.

The Truth About Africa's Coups

Abstract: The recent coups in Africa do not portend a return to praetorian politics in the region. They are the outcomes of country-specific historical processes associated with the underdevelopment of state capacity, the decay of political institutions, and the failures of electoral politics to improve citizens' material conditions. At the same time, the coups are an important warning regarding the state of democracy in Africa. Surveys show that majorities of Africans harbor both a deep dissatisfaction with democracy and an openness to military interventions to address civilian political dysfunction. While coup contagion is a remote possibility due to strong norms against military rule in much of the region, popular dissatisfaction with democracy and permissiveness towards military interventions in politics present a real risk of autocratization through elections.

Which roads lead to access? A global landscape of six COVID-19 vaccine innovation models

BackgroundUnequal and inequitable access to Covid-19 vaccines in low- and middle-income countries (L&MICs) was a major political, ethical and public health failure in the pandemic. However, vaccine developers’ practices were not monolithic, but rather, took diverse approaches to supplying different countries, with important implications for global access.ResultsUsing data on R&D investments, regulatory approvals, manufacturing and purchase agreements, and vaccine deliveries, we identified six distinct innovation models that apply across the 14 COVID-19 vaccines with more international presence from 2020–2022. “Western Early Arrivers” Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna supplied the largest volumes quickly and prioritized high-income countries (HICs) from registration to vaccine delivery. “Western Latecomers” Janssen and Novavax supplied intermediate volumes later, also prioritizing HICs but with a greater proportion to L&MICs. “Major Chinese Developers” Sinopharm and Sinovac supplied intermediate volumes early, primarily to middle-income countries (MICs). “Russian Developer” Gamaleya completed development early but ultimately supplied small volumes, primarily to middle-income countries (MICs). “Cosmopolitan Developer” Oxford/AstraZeneca supplied large volumes early to HICs and MICs at the lowest prices. Finally, “Small MIC Developers” CanSino, Bharat Biotech, Medigen, Finlay Institute and the Center for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology (CGEB), exported relatively small volumes to a few MICs. Low-income countries (LICs) were not targeted by any developer, and received far fewer doses, later, than any other income group. Almost all developers received public funding and other forms of support, but we found little evidence that such support was leveraged to expand global access.ConclusionsEach of the six innovation models has different implications for which countries get access to which vaccines, how quickly, and at which prices. Each offers different strengths and weaknesses for achieving equitable access. Our findings also suggest that Western firms had the greatest capacity to develop and deliver vaccines quickly during the pandemic, but such capacity is rapidly becoming more globally distributed with MICs playing a significant role, especially in supplying other MICs. Given the critical role of public support in enabling pandemic vaccine development and supply, governments have both the capacity and responsibility to craft international rules that will make responses to future pandemics more equitable and effective.

Afghan Scholars’ Response to Perspectives on the Afghanistan War: Arrogant Conquest; Disgraceful Withdrawal

In response to the special issue on the Afghanistan War published by Armed Forces & Society, this article offers alternative perspectives regarding America’s longest war from the point of view of scholars who experienced the war firsthand and continue to live in its aftermath. We argue that Afghanistan was invaded by Western militaries who came to experience political failures and moral regrets. The soil could be conquered, but the Afghan nation has always strictly rejected foreign rulers and dictations. As our research critically evaluated the special issue articles published in the Armed Forces and Society Journal, we believe these articles fall short of reasonable analysis by only considering and analyzing the military strategies, war tactics, and failed stabilization efforts in Afghanistan. Civilian casualties owing to military operations by U.S.-led forces, not establishing an inclusive central government, strong resistance of the Taliban, ignoring the Afghan nation’s core ambitions, Pakistan’s double game policy, and high level of corruption led the U.S. to defeat. Nevertheless, we conclude that the U.S. approach to getting revenge for 9/11 victims and restoring their dignity through banzai attacks, blind bombardments, and night raids in civilians’ homes in Afghan cities and villages and taking innocent lives must be recognized, remembered, and condemned.

The Antibusiness Basis of Leftist “Breakthrough” Presidencies in Neoliberal Latin America

Why did so many of Latin America’s leftist presidential hopefuls win at the turn of the twenty-first century? Why were they successful at breaking with their neoliberal political establishments when other leaders were not? For five of these leftists, antibusiness sentiment—not just frustration with political failures—boosted support. It catalyzed a backlash against the economic conditions and U.S. architects of neoliberalism to tip the electorate in favor of leftist candidates. It did so even as antibusiness sentiment did little for the parties of seven leftist presidential contenders who lost in that same period. These results align with Gramsci’s assessment that left electoral success hinges on breaking through the “common sense” narratives that otherwise occlude the capitalist interests undergirding establishments and thereby preserve class hegemony.

Hamas-Izrael War, Short Analysis of First Two Phases of War

At the end of 2023, Middle East faced new challenges. Among these new challenges, one of most important is the Hamas-Israel war. To understand the factors of Hamas operational success, and the strategic surprise attack on Israel from Gaza, on October 7, 2023, needs a thorough analysis to understand all its political, intelligence and operational failures aspects. In this article three issues related to new Gaza war will be addressed. Firstly, this article highlights the political background of the bloodiest attack in modern Israel's history happened on October 7, 2023. Secondly, this article seeks to answer the question, how was Hamas able to attack a country with operates one of the best intelligence organizations in the world by an extreme surprise? Finally, based upon the available data, this article analyzes the first and second phases of war.

The Origin of the Khanate of Karabakh

Abstract In the absence of the Armenian independent statehood, the Artsakh principalities (melikdoms) were the only force based on which, if possible, the Armenian state could revive. In general, the Artsakh principalities were free and sovereign, so long as the heart of the ruler of one of them was not captured with the sense of treachery. When in 1752 by the connivance of the governor Varanda Melik-Shahnazar II Panah Khan, the head of a tribe of nomadic Sarijallu, was firmed up in Artsakh, he and his son Ibrahim managed to significantly weaken the Armenian principalities. Inflicting great damage they could not change the situation in the province. With the establishment of the Russian dominion in Karabakh the khanate was abolished because of its administrative and political failure and the lack of significant support among the local population.

Gaza and the Political and Moral Failure of the Responsibility to Protect

Gaza and the Political and Moral Failure of the Responsibility to Protect

Kobieta z drugiego planu. Katarzyna Konstancja z Niszczyckich Towiańska i jej polityczna działalność w burzliwych czasach przełomu XVII i XVIII w.

A woman in the background. Katarzyna Konstancja Towiańska, née Niszczycka, and her political activity in the turbulent period of the late 17th and early 18th century The article deals with the figure of Katarzyna Konstancja Towiańska, née Niszczycka, a relative of Primate Michał Stefan Radziejowski. Its purpose is to shed light on Towiańska’s activities and her unofficial influence on the clergyman’s political endeavours in 1680–1705. They were associated with the events of the interregnum following the death of John III in 1696, when Radziejowski found himself in the party supporting the French candidate. Towiańska played a key role during the interregnum from the point of view of canvassing for support, then the split election and finally the Łowicz Rebellion. In the following years, during the reign of Augustus II, Towiańska engaged in political manoeuvring, at one time declaring allegiance to the monarch, at another showing deference to his opponents and even favouring the idea of dethroning the monarch and electing his successor, designated by Charles XII. However, Towiańska’s political activity in the background was much broader in scope and included patronage for offices and in the affairs of the clergy, matchmaking in marriages that determined political sympathies, and attendance at public events in the presence of the king. For services rendered, Towiańska and her family received specific favours from their protector, Primate Radziejowski, in the form of official patronage, landed estates, bequests and legal protection. Concluding the article, the author sums up Towiańska’s political successes and failures, and addresses the opinion about her as the cardinal’s mistress and her influence on Radziejowski’s political plans.

Individual Dignity as the Foundation of an Inclusive Society

In Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President & Fellows of Harvard College, the Supreme Court considered voluminous evidence that Harvard discriminated against Asian Americans to keep the racial composition of its student body similar year after year. The Court held that Harvard engaged in unlawful discrimination, providing clarity to an area of the law that was filled with ambiguities and self-contradictions. The Court’s decision made clear that discrimination in favor of some racial groups necessarily inflicts discriminatory, race-based harms on others. This Article explores how Fair Admissions sheds light on the failure of identity politics to create a genuinely inclusive, egalitarian society. Practitioners of identity politics, whom this Article refers to as identitarians, argue that all “people of color” in the United States have a common political interest in uniting against the hegemony of the White majority. In reality, racial minorities experience both positive and negative interactions with members of the White majority and other racial minorities. Fair Admissions revealed how, in some circumstances, members of the White majority may unite with some racial minorities to perpetrate discrimination against other minorities. Identitarianism provides no account of how society should weigh the competing interests of different minorities in a manner that best serves the common good. Nor does it offer a vision for how the White majority and racial minorities can and should strive to live together in harmony and cooperation. This Article argues for an alternative theoretical framework for civil rights advocacy rooted in individual dignity. It argues that society should banish arbitrary racial categories from public life, enforce bans on discrimination against both overt and covert discrimination when justified by the evidence, foster talent-based institutions that are inclusive of all people, and promote honest discourse about race. Only a society that values and respects the dignity of the individual can be genuinely inclusive and egalitarian.

Reform and resurgence: The transformation of Islamic movements in the 21st century

This paper studies the development in the thought and praxis of Islamic movements that aim to revive a political system governed by Islamic law. Post-Caliphate Islamic movements - the subject of the current study - have undergone recent reforms in thought, approach, and even branding since the Arab Spring. Notwithstanding the movements? legal and theological diversity, the author argues that they share common features of reform characterized by (a) appeal to public opinion and grassroots work; and (b) willingness to work with groups outside their movement. These reforms were shaped in tandem with and in reaction to the War on Terror, the Arab Spring, and the Taliban?s victory in Afghanistan. The author argues that these changes gave rise to dynamic reform in the latest generation of Islamic movements, leading to substantive revisions in their approach (manhaj) to achieving Islamic change. Despite tightening proscription and censorship, the author argues that the fruit of these reforms has been a resurgence in the form of highly efficient and creative collaboration between movements. Examples studied include collaboration between the Muslim Brothers (MB) and Hizb ut Tahrir in the West, and between former-al-Qaeda and MB affiliates in Syria. The author estimates these strategies - following a period of political failure and internal skepticism - have precipitated a resurgence that makes the future of Islamic movements highly potent, despite resulting in a dilution of each group?s identity and possible decline in membership. As a result of this trajectory, this study argues for the need to theorize contemporary Islamic movements beyond historical categories that have fossilized in Western academia, and often do not capture the dynamic, fluidity and comprehensiveness of Islamic struggle. This study utilizes a mixed methodology, including archival analysis and intellectual genealogy.