Political Expediency Research Articles

On the Role of the 1957 Decrees of the Baltic Soviet Republics in Dismantling the Gulag and Special Settlement System

The article looks at the process of dismantling the Gulag and special settlement system in the USSR from 1953 to 1957. Some of the specific outputs of this process were the decrees adopted by the Presidiums of the Supreme Soviets of the Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian SSRs in 1957. In all three cases, there were two simultaneously approved legal acts with similar contents: one on the establishment of a Presidium commission to review the cases of special settlers, and one on the ban on the return of convicts. The research paper describes the legal and political framework of the process that led to the adoption of the decrees mentioned, and sheds some light on their application. The relationship between the all-Union and the Soviet republic levels is observed. The reaction to the events of 1956 led to a tightening of the Soviet regime. In the light of the events abroad and in the USSR in 1956, the 1957 decrees of the Baltic Soviet republics were an example of the USSR’s ad hoc approach to governance more generally, and of the release process specifically. The content of these legal acts was evidence of the primacy of political expediency over the law.

The Dynamics of Kikuyu-Kalenjin Ethno-Political Relationships: The Run-up to 2013 Elections in Uasin Gishu County, Kenya

2007 Post Election Violence (PEV). Surprisingly, in the following immediate national elections held in 2013, the two major protagonist ethnics; the Kikuyu and Kalenjin, previously embroiled in the political violence of 2007, came together in a new political coalition in the fight for the position of president and vice president. The elections witnessed the political elite skillfully harness their cultural institutions to achieve political power. The main concern of this study, therefore, was to establish the role played by certain cultural aspects of ethnicity in restructuring the political engagements between the Kikuyu and Kalenjin in Uasin Gishu in the run-up to the 2013 elections. To this end, the study employed the lens of instrumentalist and primordial theories while employing the historical method with a duality of an interpretivism philosophical underpinning and a qualitative approach. Primary data was analysed thematically and corroborated with secondary data. The study posits that some cultural aspects of both the Kalenjin and Kikuyu were instrumentalised by the political elite in Uasin Gishu to coalesce their people for political expediency. By the use of the same reverse logic, the study advocates the use of traditional African cultural structures to inculcate peace and political tolerance among the residents of Uasin Gishu as this historical study has proved possible.

Appearance of Coalition Politics after a Decade at the Centre: A Political Expediency

Appearance of Coalition Politics after a Decade at the Centre: A Political Expediency

Breaking the Silence: The Role of Health Professionals in the Gaza Crisis

Having the opportunity to write something in this moment, I would use it to raise my voice on behalf of the health professional community for the people of Gaza. As mentioned by Sualeha Shekhani and Dr. Aamir Jafarey, doctors represent the moral voice of their era. However, in light of the events of October 7, 2023, and the subsequent armed assault by Israeli forces on Gaza, which has led to a significant humanitarian crisis, the response from the global bioethics community seems muted (Shekhani & Jafarey, 2024). This silence can be partly explained by editorial restraints that may prevent a more robust response from the health community towards the Gaza crisis. Health professionals are uniquely positioned to influence policy decisions and advocate for equitable healthcare. They possess specialized knowledge of medical ethics and healthcare structures, enabling them to champion the causes of the vulnerable and reduce disparities across society. Physicians, trained in evidence-based medicine, can ensure that policy decisions are grounded in scientific research rather than political expediency (Fernandes, 2024). The medical community's silence regarding the Gaza crisis is troubling. Healthcare workers in Gaza are targeted, and doctors work without essential medicines and resources, risking their lives for the population they serve. The current health sector in Gaza is at a breaking point, exacerbating the public health crisis and psychological trauma experienced by the residents (Fernandes, 2024).

THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT OF A DEMOCRATIC STATE ON THE BACKGROUND OF CRISIS POLITICAL AND INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the form of government as a structural basis for the exercise of power, formed within the framework of constitutional law, under the condition of representation of the main socio-economic groups of society. The purpose of the study is to establish the peculiarities of the form of state government as a factor in the formation of democratic institutional design. Features of the form of government as a factor of institutionalization of relations between authorized centers of power are characterized. It was emphasized that the modernization of the form of government in the political agenda may indicate a lack of deep consensus regarding the development of the political system. The significance of changes for institutional design within the evolution of the form of state government, which depends on the level of satisfaction of the requirements and needs of key political players, is analyzed. The significance of the political experience of Ukraine, which during the last decades has shown that political expediency is a more significant principle than considerations of preserving constitutional stability, is revealed. It was found that the existence of the current form of government in Ukraine is the result of the evolution of certain institutions, first of all, the institution of the presidency. In the context of the experience of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the assessment of the crisis phenomena of 2008 and 2010 becomes important, in particular the pressure of the demands of socio-economic balancing, which caused the “internal national reading” of the functioning of the form of government. It is revealed that the use of the existing potential of the form of government to ensure advantages in political competition led to the authoritarianization of the institution of the prime minister in modern Hungary. It has been proven that the international community’s fixation on the deterioration of the state of human rights protection has become a clear evidence of the influence of the form of government on inter-institutional interactions, in particular, in increasing the pressure of public authorities on civil society. It was established that the contradictions between high standards and the demands of the consumer society caused the support of right-wing conservative populist political forces. It was found that the situation in modern Slovakia shows that the parliamentary republic as a form of government also ensured the transition to democracy and the observance of democratic procedures. It was established that the trends of “non-normative” use of the power potential of the form of state government may indicate the search for a national model of balance between branches of government and key officials. It was concluded that a high level of self-regulation in the political system corresponds to a high level of civil political activity, responsibility and consensus of political elites, professionalism of the political class as a whole.

Politics, Chieftaincy and Violent Extremism: Case of Chereponi-Wenchiki in Ghana-Togo Border

This study examined three issues, namely politics, violent extremism, and chieftaincy issues, in the Ghana-Togo border communities to determine which variable(s) influenced the other. This paper examines the relationship between violent extremism, politics, and chieftaincy conflicts in Ghana's North East region. It attempts to see if there is any linkage or connection between or among the three variables in the context of conflict and security along the two West African countries' borders (Ghana and Togo). Edward Azar's (1990) Protracted Conflict Theory (PCT), later emphasized by Bat-Tal (2000), guided the study. This study posits that politics and chieftaincy conflicts are the primary causes of violent extremism. In this regard, the study seeks the opinions, views, and experiences of the people in the Chereponi district, especially the communities along the Ghana-Togo borders. The study adopted an exploratory research design with a blend of experts' and non-experts' perspectives in the North East Region of Ghana and a few communities in Togo. The experts are spread across five regions of Northern Ghana, whereas the non-experts are concentrated in the Chereponi district. Twenty (20) respondents were interviewed face-to-face. The study found that the two major political parties (NPP and NDC) in Ghana were more involved in promoting the interests of some chiefs for political expediency. It found no link between politics and chieftaincy, leading to violent extremism. The study concludes that there is a clear link between politics and the chieftaincy institution in Ghana, but it also establishes that the Ghana-Togo border is free of extremist activities. It recommends a strong collaboration between Ghana and Togo in the fight against insecurity and possible acts of violent extremism along their borders.

The Inconspicuous Epidemic: Spanish Flu Discourse in National Newspapers of Soviet Russia (1918–1919)

This research investigates the discourse of the so-called ‘Spanish flu’ in the national Soviet newspapers Pravda (Truth) and Izvestia (News) during the epidemic period of 1918–1919. Our analysis revealed that discourse developed in three stages, each with specific characteristics. The nature of discourse was, above all, impacted by ideological factors, while reporters and Bolshevik authorities promoting this type of discourse were primarily guided by political expediency. Lack of adequate and comprehensive information on the disease, its etiology, and its spread not only around the world but also in Soviet Russia, administrative and bureaucratic problems, and simultaneous epidemics of other infectious diseases (cholera and typhus) were also significant factors.

Evidence-based decision-making in a climate of political expediency: insights from local government

Aims: Local authorities in England are responsible for public health and health promotion. This article sought to explore how research and decision-making co-exist in a local authority in England. Methods: An Embedded Researcher was based within the local authority and used qualitative methodology to address the research aim. Interviews and focus groups were employed to ascertain a range of stakeholder views in the local authority. All transcripts were coded on NVivo 12 by the Embedded Researcher and two members of the research team cross-checked a sample for coding accuracy. Data were analysed using framework analysis. Results: The data suggest several barriers to using research to inform decision-making in health promotion and public health. The study shows that research is valued in local authorities, but not always privileged – this is due to cultural factors and practical political reasons which often means that decisions need to be made expediently. Participants outlined a juxtaposition between academic credibility; timeliness to complete the research and the financial cost associated with it; against the independence and credibility that independent academics could bring. Conclusion: Policy formulation and delivery is an integral aspect of health promotion and critical to achieving improved population health and reductions in health inequalities. However, there exists tensions between gathering research evidence and making research-informed decisions. The article concludes by advocating the use of Embedded Researchers to fully understand how research is gathered and used to support public health and health promotion policymaking.

Accelerated demographic and economic transition calls for resolute socioeconomic policies

Population management seemed to have gotten underway quite well in 1970. But no sooner had the program gained traction than the Roman Catholic hierarchy and conservative groups voiced their strong opposition to family planning, which President Marcos, Sr. accommodated for political expediency. Thus, with a failed family planning program, declining fertility – a necessary condition for demographic transition towards faster economic growth, higher employment, and poverty reduction could not be achieved. A hugely missed opportunity graphically illustrated when comparing the Philippines and Thailand in particular, which had virtually identical key demographic-economic indicators in 1970 but drastically diverged by 2020. Apparently, the former ‘sowed the wind and is reaping the whirlwind’ – a cogent motivation moving forward for overcoming failures and balancing population and the economy better by adopting judiciously chosen policy options.

Правда и ложь в исторических репутациях. Образ императора Николая I в отечественном кинематографе

The article analyses the problem of distortions of historical reputations of the rulers of the Russian Empire, in particular, Nicholas I, who is considered one of the most slandered monarchs on the Russian throne. Attitudes to Nicholas I and to his thirty‐year reign, which started with the Decembrist uprising (1825) and ended with the Crimean War (1853–1855), were and still are largely conditioned by historical assessments of the two events. These assessments, in their turn, have been influenced by the notorious political expediency, which implies manipulations, selective citations, hushing up the positive points while emphasizing the negative ones, arbitrary abridgments of utterances, etc. However, recent decades have demonstrated obvious efforts to undertake objective or, better to say, fair reassessments of the personality of Nicholas I, as well as of the personalities of other Russian monarchs. During one hundred and twelve years (1910–2022) Russian cinema produced about fifty films in which Nicholas I is shown, but mostly as a supporting character whose appearance, in some cases just for a minute, is a necessary attribute of the biographies of his contemporaries: poets, writers, composers, rebels, etc. The article concentrates on those films in which Nicholas I appears as an active figure, interacting with A.S. Pushkin or reacting to the tragic events of the Decembrist uprising. New trends in studying Russian history have generated in Russian cinema, especially in documentary and documentary feature cinema, the desire to scrutinize the events that took place two hundred years ago in order to try to understand why the scions of the highest nobility staged a coup and planned, to begin with, to exterminate the whole family of the Emperor.

Коллизии политической целесообразности и законности в интерпретации сущности права на примере СССР 1920–1930-х годов и современных стран Запада

The article discusses the issues of conflicts of the essence of law in the approaches of Soviet scientists and statesmen of the USSR in the 30s and their analogies in modern conditions, using the example of the legal policy of Western countries in relation to the Russian Federation. The author focuses on the problem of politicization of the principle of expediency both in the law of the USSR and in the modern conditions of the sanctions pressure of Western countries on Russia. The article points out the positive and negative aspects of revolutionary expediency within the framework of the administrative command system and the mechanism of legal regulation in the USSR. And also — on the illegality of the priority of political expediency and certain “rules” in the politics of Western countries over international law in modern conditions. In conclusion, the author concludes that the interests of both the revolutionary expediency in the USSR and the representatives of the “deep state” in the modern United States are directly dependent on collisions in the assessments of the essence of law, which are mediated by the political and economic interests of the dominant forces.

Between meeting quotas and following the duty-bound heart: navigating the formidable dilemma of refugee protection in the EU

The provision of refuge to those fleeing persecution and danger is a complex matter that cannot be reduced to simply meeting admission quotas. While numerical targets for refugee admissions may seem like a straightforward way to ensure states are doing their fair share, an overemphasis on numbers risks obscuring the deeper moral issues at play. A truly robust approach to refugee protection requires that states act from the right kinds of reasons - a genuine commitment to the duty to provide safe haven to all refugees, regardless of their country of origin or the political expediency of admitting them. The worry is that if a state’s willingness to accept refugees fluctuates based on domestic political preferences and perceptions of national interest, rather than an unwavering recognition of the moral claims of the forcibly displaced, then the protection provided to refugees becomes contingent and precarious. A disposition to selectively protect only certain refugees undermines the very concept of refuge. However, in our non-ideal world, a commitment to the principle of robust refugee protection can run up against the hard reality of state non-compliance. If the only way to get some states to fulfil their duties is to allow them leeway in choosing which refugees to admit, we face a serious moral dilemma. Relaxing the demands of robustness may enable larger raw numbers of people to access refuge in the near term. However, it also risks eroding the norm of impartial consideration and creating a two-tier system of refugee protection. Ultimately, I argue, the dilemma between refugee numbers and robustness has no fully satisfying solution - it is an unavoidable product of our current circumstances of injustice and non-compliance. The best we can do is seek arrangements that ease this tension over time. This requires taking a nuanced, context-sensitive approach attuned to real-world constraints and trade-offs while still keeping sight of the moral lodestar of genuinely unconditional refuge for all who need it.

Analyzing Monarchy and Republicanism in Machiavelli's The Prince: A Corpus-Based Study of Political Representations

This research filled a research gap in the utilization of corpus and discourse analysis in The Prince. Niccol Machiavellis paramount treatise, The Prince, persists in generating scholarly discourse and contentious discussions due to its forthright examination of political expediency within the turbulent milieu of Renaissance Italy. Although Machiavelli's impact permeates the discipline of political science, the preponderance of examinations of his oeuvre has been conducted from political and philosophical perspectives, resulting in a dearth of analysis from a linguistic standpoint. Traditional discourse analysis has played a critical role in investigating attitudes, but it tends to focus on a small number of texts only, which leads to concerns from the perspective of statistics. This study aims to use a new prevailing method combining corpus-based research with manual text analysis, to investigate Machiavellis attitudes toward Republics, by analyzing his famous work The Prince. An analytical model based on the attitude schema is proposed to explicate the strategies for encoding attitudes. Analysis shows that Machiavellis attitudes towards Republicanism are characterized by a series of positive judgments of propriety, creating a positive image of Republicanism, whereas when Republicanism is mentioned, his attitudes are characterized by his favor. It is found that negative attitudes are always expressed implicitly by recounting events that elicit the attitudes (i.e. behaviors of the monarchies or republics) and performing speech acts that are motivated by the attitudes.

Chinese Constitutonal Performance Unveiled: Text Mining Insights in Civil Litigations

Abstract This article presents a comprehensive examination of the role of constitutions in private disputes, with a specific focus on the Chinese Constitution. Utilizing an extensive dataset of digitized court adjudications, this study delves into a relatively unexplored area, yielding crucial factual and legal insights. The research reveals that the Chinese Constitution significantly influences civil adjudications, both implicitly and explicitly. Furthermore, court judgments emerge as pivotal forces shaping public awareness of constitutional principles. These findings hold profound implications for comprehending the role of constitutions in contexts beyond democratic frameworks, particularly within the private sphere. The study underscores how the capitalist market in China empowers individuals to assert and safeguard private rights, consequently affording the Constitution a protective role in this realm. Concurrently, the existing regime has systematically eroded the Constitution’s influence in public affairs, maintaining its symbolic and rhetorical role. Notably, the concept of judicial independence remains a sensitive subject in China, leading many civil courts to eschew constitutional provisions in favor of political expediency. This paradox underscores the necessity of establishing a reasonably independent judiciary as an integral facet of constitutionalism in such settings. In sum, this research challenges prevailing assumptions about constitutionalism’s contours. It transcends the conventional focus on political authority, illustrating how empirical investigations into constitutional performance within civil litigation can illuminate the emergence of constitutionalism in the shadows of non-democratic systems. These findings offer valuable insights into the role of constitutions in private disputes and pave the way for further exploration within this evolving scholarly domain. Ultimately, this study advances our comprehension of constitutional realities and their far-reaching impacts on the legal landscape and society within contemporary China.

Navigating Between National Unity and Political Expediency: The Federal Government’s Response to Substate Identity Policy in Nigeria and Canada

What factors shape the federal or national governments’ responses to substate identity policies within deeply diverse federal systems? This article answers this question by analysing the role of the President or Prime Minister as ‘bearers’ of national unity, when confronted with (exclusivist) identity policies that may threaten the inclusion of all citizens, in particular minorities residing in jurisdictions dominated by a dominant (ethnocultural, linguistic or religious) group. The empirical evidence draws on the experiences of Canada and Nigeria, focusing in particular on the tension over secularism and the Muslim veil in Québec public institutions, and the adoption of Sharia by twelve Muslim-majority states in Nigeria. The paper demonstrates that while the need to uphold cultural diversity could explain the federal government’s responses to the identity policies implemented in these regions, the primary driver of the responses was the president and prime minister’s political goal of re-election and retaining power. The paper contributes to the literature by stressing the similarities in the political reflexes and strategies utilized by political actors in managing the tension between the constitutional principles of self-rule and shared rule in two federations that are often thought to be so different and, hence, incomparable.

Re-envisioning contributory health schemes to achieve equity in the design of financial protection mechanisms in low- and middle-income countries.

Universal health coverage has emerged as a global health priority, requiring that financing strategies that ensure low-income and medically and financially at-risk individuals can access health services without the threat of financial catastrophe. Contributory financing schemes and social health insurance (SHI) schemes, in particular, predominate in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), despite evidence that suggests the most vulnerable remain excluded from such schemes. In this commentary, we discuss the need to re-envision schemes to prioritize equity, offering 3 concrete recommendations: adopt participatory designs for the co-design of schemes with beneficiaries, establish linkages between contributory financial protection schemes with economic empowerment initiatives, and prioritize the needs and preferences of beneficiaries over political expediency. Co-design alone does not necessarily translate into more equitable schemes, underscoring the need for greater monitoring and evaluation of these schemes that consider differential impacts across contexts and subgroups. In doing so, SHI schemes can be both attractive and accessible to populations that have long been excluded from financial protections in LMICs, acting as 1 channel in a broader financing strategy to achieve universal health coverage.

Religion in modern projects: between alarmism, political expediency and utopia

The permanent shift of modernity, the epistemological crisis, and the politicization of all social spheres determine an atmosphere of global political anxiety. The ever-expanding security deficit becomes an attribute of modernity, as a fragmentation as a response to globality and the emergence of alternative ways of political genesis reflects new socio-cultural semantic nodes. Existential threats raise a persistent appeal to religion. The loss of epistemological certainty in political constructions contributes to the theoretical confusion about the future. The diffusion of political and value contexts forces people to turn to religion while developing projects and setting the goals of modernity. This creates cognitive and political- instrumental difficulties in using legitimizing and, at the same time, mutually exclusive religious meanings. The simultaneous truth in different types of discourses and in theory makes it impossible to find a common denominator. We argue that the projects and goal settings of modernity, claiming to be universal, but not achieving it, are structured primarily based on the logic of alarmism and eschatology. A positive project, trying to overcome the limitations of politicization, moves to the value plane. We consider three perspectives of the teleology of modernity, including religious meanings: theoretical, metaphysical, and instrumental. The research methodology is based on the problems of political goal setting in the logic of, traditional/ modern, explaining the religious coloring of political strategies and the splitting of future visions. The othering based on religious differences as a tool of political goal setting, the political instrumentalization of religious identities, simultaneously with religious creation of the world, puts two possible projects of modernity at opposite poles - the World of Religions and the World of Faith. Among the possible projects arising at the intersection of religion and politics, the author suggests three large clusters: alarmism, political expediency, and utopia.

A Brief Outline of Navigation on the Black and Azov Seas from Antiquity to the Russian Regular Fleet

Based on the principles of historicism and consistency, the article examines the stages of navigation in the Azov-Black Sea basin from early antiquity to the Russian regular Navy. Little-known written and material sources were used. The evolution of sailing and rowing vessels is shown, due to the tasks of certain periods and the technological capabilities of the subjects. The constant attractiveness of the Azov Sea and the mouth of the Don River with adjacent lands as sources of rich food resources and as a crossroads of world trade routes for very remote states for thousands of years has been revealed. The decisive role of motivation, technical and professional training of naval potential in ensuring the military and economic success of participants in the competitive historical process is shown. The political and economic expediency and firm consistency of Russia in gaining access to the South Seas, which culminated in the implementation of Peter the Great's Azov project, are emphasized. Using concrete examples, the effectiveness of the principle of historicism in scientific and practical reconstructions of voyages on replica ships of the past is demonstrated. It is concluded that in order to acquire the proper level of national consciousness, Russians need systematic historical education and enlightenment.

『윤지당유고(允摯堂遺稿)』에 나타난 삶과 실천적 글쓰기

This thesis attempted to examine the background of the formation of the identity of Im Yunjidang and the process of establishment through yunjidangyugo. Yunjidangyugo contains 35 articles such as Jeon(傳), Non(論), Bal(跋), Seol(說), Jam (箴), Myeong(銘), Chan(贊), Jemun(祭). In the meantime, as research on Im Yunjidang(1721-1793) was actively conducted, his appearance as a Neo-Confucianist was revealed, and he was positioned as a female Neo-Confucianist in the late Joseon Dynasty. Since Yunjidangyugo contains articles in the order of time, the process of Yoonjidang’s solidification of identity is revealed through the articles contained in the collection. Therefore, this article tried to reveal the significance of anthology by paying attention to her early work and following her values and attitudes toward life.
 Through the first two stories of anthology, it was confirmed that the values of ‘morality’, ‘filial piet’, and ‘academic’ were regarded as important, and Yoon Ji-dang’s view of this value was continuously revealed in the anthology. Even if an adult refuses, an attitude to help others to ease the trouble, sincerity toward her husband, and doing something that pays back enemies to protect filial piety to her father can all be understood as the ‘filial piet as a political expediency’ shown in the following article. It can be seen that Yunji-dang’s writings recognize that it is not the virtue of the women to cultivate and record studies, but still reveal himself as writing. Yoonji-dang’s writing is straight󰠀forward and critical. She does not say her thoughts indirectly but expresses her thoughts without hesitation.
 In other words, Yunjidang shows his values and attitudes toward his life through Yunjidangyugo, which contains 35 episodes. The early two articles show what values Yoonjidang had in his childhood, and the women’s view, values of morality and filial piety, and interest in academic inquiry are confirmed through the articles contained in Yoonjidangyugo. Yoonjidang is not a process of changing his identity through the twists and turns of life, but shows the aspect of maintaining and solidifying his identity even in the twists and turns of life. Her anthology is a practical product that actively records Yoonjidang’s values.

Islamic Faith as an Ethnic Identity Marker: Overview of Sri Lanka Muslim Identity Formation, Politicization, and Violence

Since the late-19th century, for political expediency, the Sri Lankan Muslims have used Islam as a marker of identity difference which has suffered due to the tensions of religious and ethnic identity markers. Unlike Tamils and Sinhalese ethnic groups, Sri Lanka Muslim elites did not choose language as their primary identity marker but sought to differentiate themselves based on the practices and traditions of Islamic faith. These tensions have manifested in several ways, however, following the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, there has been a great strain placed on Muslim representation as questions have been asked as to whether the religious identity has laid the foundations for the radicalization of the Muslims, especially in the wake of global Islamophobia and concerns about security. Therefore, it is important to answer questions related to Islamic identity manifestation in Sri Lanka: What is the role of an Islamic religious identity in radicalizing Sri Lankan Muslims? Why did Sri Lanka become a convenient place for IS’ activities? Did religious identity alone cause the radicalization of some Muslims? This article would attempt to answer these questions by (1) revisiting the Muslim community’s identity formation before the independence, (2) explaining Islamic identity in the post-independence Sri Lanka and the political representation to win votes and mobilize support during the ethnic civil war between Tamils and Sinhalese, and (3) analyzing factors that contributed to the radicalization of Muslims, and Islam. Drawing mostly on secondary sources, the article attempts to situate Sri Lanka Muslims’ identity formation in Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict and reconciliation. Using answers from interviews conducted through Zoom, WeChat, and WhatsApp, the article assesses the behavior of Sri Lanka Muslims in the face of the 2019 terrorist attack by some Muslims. The article finds that religious identity alone is not sufficient to trigger violence, as evidence suggests that underlying socio-economic as well as political grievances produce polarization and radical actions. We argue that long-standing arguments tying radical actions solely to religion may require substantial revision and need to be situated within a wider frame of national reconciliation especially if it does not consider existing contexts.