Political Emigration Research Articles

Early Repatriation Policy: Russian Refugee Return 1922-1924

The repatriation of Russian refugees from Bulgaria between 1922 and 1924 under League of Nations’ supervision represents the earliest international attempt to organize a co-ordinated refugee return. Drawing on new archival research, this article argues that enhanced understandings of the historical development of repatriation contribute to the contemporary political theorization of repatriation. It demonstrates the long-standing liberal-international commitment to the ethical corollaries of ‘voluntariness’, ‘safety’ and ‘protection’ in repatriation, despite the manipulation of these terms by political emigre groups interested in resisting Soviet state power. This exposes the complex connections between the early 20th-century rise of the sovereign European nation-state and consequent refugee exodus. Repatriation was thus a fundamentally political project concerned with restoring the relations between state, nation and citizen: it ultimately failed in the Russian–Bulgarian case not because of any disagreement over repatriation's liberal corollaries, but because of disputes between the League of Nations, the Soviet State and the Russian refugees themselves regarding the nature of both inter-state and intra-state sovereignty. The article concludes by suggesting that it is these questions of political community which continue to pose the greatest challenge to repatriation as a durable solution to contemporary refugee crises.

Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation- Edited by Nancy L. Green and François Weil

<i>Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation</i>- Edited by Nancy L. Green and François Weil

Początki teorii totalitaryzmu

In the political thought of the 20th century important role was performed by the theory of totalitarianism. It developed in the 20s in Europe, at first in Italy, then in many other countries – such as Germany and among political emigration from the Third Reich and Austria (after taking power by Hitler in these countries). Thanks to this political emigration the theory of totalitarianism pervaded into English language and spread in the political debates about shape of mankind. The rise of totalitarian theory was connected with the new political regimes, which tried to control all social behavior and to mobilize people for fighting to achieve governance over the world.

Die Exterritorialität des Denkens: Hans Sahl im Exil by Andrea Reiter

914 Reviews Die Exterritorialit?t desDenkens: Hans Sohl imExil. ByAndrea Reiter. G?ttingen: Wallstein. 2007. 398 pp. 38. ISBN 978-3-8353-0223-5. There are few scholars better equipped towrite about Hans Sahl thanAndrea Reiter, who has published and lectured extensively on thisauthor. InDie Exterritorialit?t des Denkens: Hans Sahl imExil Reiter both draws together and considerably expands her previous insights on Sahl, this time?adopting a very ambitious approach positioning her author within thewider cultural and ideological framework of his times. The writer and translator Hans Sahl, whose dates alone (1902-1993) suggest him to be exemplary of his century, also serves inmany ways as an exemplum of the exile fromNational Socialist Germany, as the intellectual caught up in the ideological conflicts of his age. Born into an assimilated Jewish family in Berlin, Sahl saw himself primarily as a political rather than a racial exile. Having worked as a journalist inGermany for the liberal and left-wingpress, he fled the country in 1933 and, following a familiar path of the German political emigration, made his way to Paris via Prague and Zurich. In Paris, in the late 1930s (the exact date is disputed), deeply disillusioned by theMoscow trials, Sahl made his break with Communism. Although never actually a Partymember but rather a fellow traveller, he nevertheless became a renegade in the eyes of the comrades with whom he had closely associated. Itwas this searing experience that led Sahl to view his own position as one of twofold exile, 'das Exil im E as he later entitled one of his volumes ofmemoirs. Indeed thisperception remained with him beyond his stay inFrance and throughout his far lengthier period of exile in theUnited States (which he reached only in 1941 with the aid of the legendary Varian Fry). InAmerica, initially life was hard?indeed it would be nearly twentyyears, when his career as a translator bore fruit,before he was able tomake amore comfortable living.Despite takingAmerican citizenship in 1952, he failed to feel at home in theUnited States; however, his attempt to return to Europe in 1953 also proved unsuccessful because of the prevailing political climate of Adenauer's Germany. A classic example of an exile caught between ideologies, cultures, and countries?even continents?Sahl finally returned to Germany in 1989, shortlybefore the 'Wende', where he lived out the last few years of his life. Yet it was Sahl's perception of himself as belonging on neither side of theAtlantic, as fulfilling the function of guest and observer in both America and Germany, that appears tohave fittedhim for the role of intermediary: he became a prolific translator ofAmerican drama for theGerman stage and, as a journalist, reported not only on American artistic events fora European readership but also on European affairsfor American readers, as Reiter records. Relating to the process ofmediation, Reiter brings into play concepts of exterritoriality and extemporality as shedding lighton the state of exile per se as well as in connection with Sahl's life and work in exile, the latter including his semi-autobiographical novel of exile, Die Wenigen und die Vielen. For thepresent study,Reiter has drawn on thehuge Sahl archive in Marbach, some of it scarcely or never consulted before, consisting of sixty-two boxes and MLR, 104.3, 2009 915 some eight thousand letters,aswell as SahPs diaries stretching over decades. For the most part Reiters painstaking depiction of SahPs lifeand work is enhanced by its broader intellectual and theoretical framework, encompassing separate discussions of identity or diaspora theory, for example, or widening out to consider parallel biographies (such as that of Bertolt Brecht). Occasionally, however, the complex structure of Reiters work does lead to a loss of focus. That said, though, thiswork amounts to an impressively researched study that adds significantly to the literature on a previously under-researched writer. Imperial College London Charmian Brinson Jedes Wort wandelt dieWelt: Dolf Sternbergerspolitische Sprachkritik. ByWilliam J. Dodd. G?ttingen: Wallstein. 2007. 358 pp. 29. ISBN 987-3-8353-0230-3. When Aus dem W?rterbuch des Unmenschen appeared in book form in 1957, it caused considerable controversy?the so-called Sprachstreit of the early 1960s? about methods of language critique, inwhich linguistics scholars took...

A VIEW ON THE HISTORY OF LATVIAN-FRENCH CULTURAL RELATIONS BEFORE WORLD WAR II

Because of the geographic location of the Latvian and the French nations and of different trends in the development of their histories contacts between them were established relatively late. This in turn slowed down the development of their cultural relations. In this development, we can distinguish two stages: before the formation of the Latvian state (from the second half of the 19th century until 1918), and during the Latvian state until the Soviet occupation (1920–1940). The objective of this paper is to determine the place and the role of the Latvian-French cultural relations in the development of the Latvian culture before World War II. For this purpose, archive materials, memoirs, reference materials and available studies were used. For the main part of the research, the retrospective and historico-genetic methods were mostly used. The descriptive method was mainly used for sorting the material before the main analysis. The analysis of the material revealed that the first contacts of the Latvians with French culture were recorded in the second half of the 19th century via fine arts and French literature translated into Latvian. By the end of the century, these relations became more intense, only to decrease again a little in the beginning of the 20th century, especially in the field of translations of the French belles-lettres. The events of 1905 strengthened Latvian political emigration to France. The emigrants became acquainted with French culture directly, and part of them added French culture to their previous knowledge. The outcome of World War I and the revolution in Russia then shaped the ground for the formation of the Latvian state. This dramatically changed the nature and the intensity of the Latvian-French cultural relations. To the early trends in the cooperation, the sphere of education was added, with French schools in Latvia and Latvian students in France. In the sphere of culture, relations in theater, music and arts were established. It should be noted that also an official introduction of the French into Latvian art began at that time. As a matter of fact, such an introduction had already been started by Karlis Huns, Voldemars Matvejs, and Vilhelms Purvitis, who successfully participated in the Paris art exhibitions before the formation of the Latvian state. In the period of the Latvian state, artists would arrange their personal exhibitions in France, and general shows supported by the state would be arranged. The most notable of them were the following: - In 1928, the Latvian Ministry of Education supported the participation of all Latvian artists’ unions in the exhibition dedicated to the 10th anniversary of the state. General shows were organized in Warsaw, Budapest, Copenhagen, Paris, London, etc. (Jaunākās Ziņas, 1928: Nr. 262, 266); - in the summer of 1935, an exhibition of folk art from the Baltic states, including textiles, clothes, paintings, sculptures, and ceramics was opened in Paris; - the largest exhibition of Latvian artists in Paris took place from January 27 to February 28, 1939, with presidents of both states being in charge of its organization. It can be concluded that the Latvian-French cultural relations were an important factor in the development of Latvian culture, especially in the spheres of fine arts and literature until the Soviet occupation.

Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation. Nancy L. Green , François Weil

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsCitizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation. Nancy L. Green , François Weil Virginia R. DominguezVirginia R. Dominguez Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Anthropological Research Volume 64, Number 4Winter, 2008 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/jar.64.4.20371292 Views: 5Total views on this site Copyright 2008 The University of New MexicoPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Weimar in Exile: The Antifascist Emigration in Europe and America (review)

Reviewed by: Weimar in Exile: The Antifascist Emigration in Europe and America Marion Kant Weimar in Exile: The Antifascist Emigration in Europe and America, by Jean-Michel Palmier, translated by David Fernbach. London and New York: Verso, 2006. 852 pp. $55.00,. This is an extraordinary book: in its historical breadth, its command of literature, documents, and archival material, its ambitious scope, and its sweeping judgments. The study was initially published in French in 1987 with support of the French Ministry of Culture. It took nearly twenty years for the English translation to follow. Much has happened since 1987: in 1989 the fall of the Berlin wall signaled the collapse of the Eastern bloc and the socialist system, and in 1998 Palmier, a professor of aesthetics at the Sorbonne, died, only 53 years old. The end of state socialism is highly relevant here: would Palmier have written a different book after 1989? Would he have written a study on antifascist exile at all when antifascism as a close ally of socialism was fast going out of favor? Palmier’s book preceded some of the most comprehensive and encyclopedic volumes on exile that provide today’s scholars with a vast amount of data: the International Biographical Dictionary of Central European Émigrés 1933–1945 and its German counterpart, the Biographisches Handbuch der deutschsprachigen Emigration nach 1933, both conceived of as complementary parts, published in New York and Munich in 1999. In addition, many smaller studies focusing on the emigration of professional groups like historians, musicians, theatre people, etc. have been written. This is not a book about exile per se; the title indicates that we are looking at a specific part of exile: intellectuals and artists fleeing Germany. Weimar [End Page 189] stands for the ideals of the short-lived German republic that was destroyed by Hitler and the Nazis in 1933. It is dedicated to those “who died in concentration camps or were murdered by the Nazis,” “who took their own lives in exile,” and “all the German antifascists who never saw Germany again.” Its more than 800 pages are organized into two main sections: Exile in Europe 1933–1940 and Exile in America 1939–1945. Chapters within these two parts discuss stages of exile and the countries to which refugees fled, support networks, organizations and institutions such as newspapers or theatre companies, the beginning of World War II, the integration of refugees into professional life—or their failure, the breakup of the political emigration and the beginning of Mc- Carthyism in the United States. Palmier states that within a few months of the Nazi ascent to power German culture was bleeding to death; Germany was drained of its intellectuals, its cultural life. The importance that Hitler gave to the arts as a means to subvert the Germanic racial state provided the basis for and justified the cause of the destruction of Weimar. It was a state crusade that turned its mighty force into institutional as well as personal persecution—the goal was to win the struggle against “degeneration,” in this case “degenerate” art and related intellectual expressions. It was the implementation of a systematic program that organized the assassination and elimination of unwanted intellectual life on every level and in every sphere of German life. The book burnings of 10 May 1933 became the signal that the Nazis were serious and that exile was the only answer for those who represented Weimar intellectualism. Those who fled had many reasons to do so, but exile was as much a choice to save one’s own life as it was the refusal to become an accomplice of a murderous regime. From this position Palmier then follows the paths of anti-Fascist refugees, geographically as well as intellectually, psychologically, and emotionally. But here the problems begin: what, after all, constitutes “anti-Fascist”? Non-political Jews leaving the country? Communists and socialists? Betrayed SA men who escaped after the “night of long knives”? Two major problems of the book’s structure need to be discussed: It is misleading, to say the least, to divide such a massive book into two parts and juxtapose exile in Europe to that in the United States. This...

Review of &lt;em&gt;Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation.&lt;/em&gt; Nancy L. Green and Francois Weil, Editors. Reviewed by Miriam Potocky.

Book review of Nancy L. Green & Francois Weil (Eds.). Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation. Champagne, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2007. $60.00 hardcover, $25.00 papercover.

Nancy L. Green and Francois Weil, editors.Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation.:Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation.(Studies of World Migrations.)

Nancy L. Green and Francois Weil, editors.<i>Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation.</i>:Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation.<i>(Studies of World Migrations.)</i>

NANCY L. GREEN and FRANCOIS WEIL, editors. Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation. (Studies of World Migrations.) Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press. 2007. Pp. x, 318. Cloth $60.00, paper $25.00

NANCY L. GREEN and FRANCOIS WEIL, editors. Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation. (Studies of World Migrations.) Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press. 2007. Pp. x, 318. Cloth $60.00, paper $25.00

War or Revolution: Russian Jews and Conscription in Britain, 1917 by Harold Shukman (review)

REVIEWS 787 of steb,too, isby no means confined to theworld of rockmusic. The intention of theMusic and Word chapter is to reveal the origins of contemporary pop music 'on the one hand in the official Soviet pop culture of the 1960s and 1970s (estrada) and on the other hand in the underground bard and rock movement' (p. 199). This is a crucial undertaking and the account of Soviet popular music, official and non-official, iswide-ranging and lucid.One minor omission is the explanation of the institution of the state-licensed vokal'no instrumental'nyi ansambl' ? despite not defining this phenomenon, Beumers occasionally uses the acronym 'VIA'. Nonetheless, the chapter provides a much-needed account of theway inwhich both official and unofficial Soviet culture played a part in shaping post-Soviet trends. It also introduces an interesting discussion of the importance of gender, sexuality and transgression in the lyricsand visual culture of rock and pop since the 1980s. One of the real successes of Pop CultureRussia!, especially as a teaching resource, is in giving context to aspects of contemporary Russia that have some currency outside the former Soviet Union, whether related to a particu lar cultural product, such as the girl pop duo, t.A.T.u., or the film version of Nochnoi dozor (Night Watch, 2004), or simply as a result of the kinds of events thatmake it into Western headlines. With its insightfuldiscussion of an ambi tiously conceived and always engaging panorama of contemporary culture, itmakes an important contribution to the development of Russian popular culture as a subject for serious study. Department ofRussian and Slavonic Studies Polly McMighael Universityof Nottingham Shukman, Harold. War or Revolution: RussianJews and Conscriptionin Britain, igiy. Vallentine Mitchell, London and Pordand, OR, 2006. x + 157 pp. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Index. ?45.00; ?18.50. War or Revolution follows the fate ofRussian Jews in Britain who, hitherto exempt from compulsory military service during the First World War, were compelled to choose in the summer of 1917either to enlist in theBritish forces or return to fightforRussia. This is not one of the big subjects of theGreat War ? the dilemma applied to only around 30,000 men, and less than 4,000 were sent to Russia ? nevertheless, it is a micro-history with a big theme: the question of identity.This is fundamental to the study of history; after all, history is supposed to tell us where we came from, so we can understand who we are. This subject isparticularly important toHarold Shukman because his father and uncle were among those sent to Russia in 1917. One of themany iniquities of totalwar was that the state foisted a national identity upon all subjects and citizens. Yet the Yiddish speaking Russian Jews in Britain didn't seem to fit into any convenient category: were they belligerents, neutrals or allies? Were they refugees or immigrants? Russian or British?When a British court demanded thatLeon Trotskii state his national ity in 1917 he replied 'Social Democrat' (p. 69). There were no answers to 788 SEER, 85, 4, OCTOBER 2007 these questions largely because Jews of the Diaspora were self-professed 'Internationals' (p. 69), 'stateless before the notion of statelessness existed' (p. 68). Nevertheless, the bureaucrats of Britain, with Kafkaesque absurdity, expended a great deal of energy in trying to find an answer. Chapter one of this book explains why the Russian Jews could not be included in theMilitary Service Act of 1916: theywere not citizens, so they had neither the rightsnor obligations of citizenship. Chapter two explains why they came toBritain in the first place in a succinct and even-handed summary of the plight ofRussia's Jews in the lastdecades of tsaristrule. Chapters three and four explain why, even if the British chose to ignore their refugee status, they couldn't send them toRussia: put simply, the tsardidn't want them back ? Jews and emigre socialists were all considered politically unreliable. All of this changed with the downfall of the Romanovs: the new Provisional Government was sympathetic to both Jews and socialists alike. The British government duly hammered out an agreement for the return of thoseRussian political emigres and Jews who chose to return, and conscripted the...

Sentidos y subjetividades detrás del discurso: reflexiones sobre las narrativas del exilio producidas en entrevistas orales

This piece present some thoughts that have emerged from the work carried out with real testimonies from Argentine political emigrants. It is based on the analysis of some of the discursive variations used by the interviewees, their silences, that which they “forget”, their manner of structuring their memories and all those non-linguistic elements that characterised their communication with the interviewer. There is a special interest in reflecting on how these discursive elements are also a source that can generate meanings on the problem of exile. The analysis of these issues allows us to approach the complexity of the problems that have appeared in recent Argentinean history and the sense overload that encapsulates the concept and identity of the “exiled”.

German Antifascist Refugees in America and the Public Debate on “What Should be Done with Germany after Hitler,” 1941–1945

The debate over “what should be done with Germany after Hitler” became so intense in America in 1943–44 that competitive organizations were created to influence public opinion and official postwar planning. German refugees fought on both sides in the crossfire of opinion. Recent historical scholarship has discussed the failure of the German political emigration to gain formal political recognition from the United States government and the right to participate in Allied planning for postwar Germany. Though correct, this contention should not obscure the significant role that some of the anti-Nazi exiles played in framing the public debate on the treatment of Germany. They swam against the tide of extreme anti-German sentiments at the height of the Second World War, and their views found considerable resonance among American intellectuals. The public debate on the Allied policy for postwar Germany was more extensive than many historical accounts suggest in focusing on the proposals of Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau and the infighting within President Roosevelt's administration. German antifascist emigrants in America devised the arguments and rhetorical tools against the movement for a draconian peace long before the political controversy over the Morgenthau Plan in September 1944. Their contribution to the wartime debate on Germany's future helped to prepare Americans to accept the modification of Washington's tough policy for occupied Germany before the Cold War turned a onetime enemy into an ally. By the terms in which they cast this debate, they contributed also to the marginalization of the Holocaust in the wartime discourse on Germany more than historians have hitherto recognized.

German Literary Culture at the Zero Hour

In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, German intellectuals and writers were forced to confront perhaps the most difficult complex of problems ever faced by modern intellectuals in the western world: the complete defeat and devastation of their country, the crimes of the Hitler dictatorship, the onset of the Cold War, and ultimately the political division of the nation. To a large extent these debates took place in literature and literary discourse, and they continue to have pressing relevance for Germany today, when the country is rediscovering and exploring this previously neglected period in literature and film. Yet the period has been neglected in scholarship, and is little understood; for the first time in English, this book offers a systematic overview of the hotly contested intellectual debates of this period: the problem of German guilt, the question of the return of literary and political emigres such as Thomas Mann, the relevance of the cultural tradition of German humanism for the postwar period, the threat of nihilism, the politicization of literature, and the status of German young people who had been indoctrinated by the Nazis. Stephen Brockmann challenges the received wisdom that the immediate postwar period in Germany was intellectually barren, characterized primarily by silence on the major issues of the day; he reveals, in addition to attempts to obfuscate those issues, a German intellectual-and literary-world characterized by an often high level of dialogue and debate. Stephen Brockmann is professor of German at Carnegie Mellon University. He is the recipient of the 2007 DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service) Prize for Distinguished Scholarship in German and European Studies/Humanities.

Goya's last works

Francisco Jose de Goya y Lucientes (1746--1828) spent the last four years of his life living in Bordeaux with other political emigres from Spain and South America. In those years he created small-scale, intimate pieces, including uncommissioned portraits of friends and family, miniature paintings on ivory plaques, and numerous drawings and lithographs. These works attest to the artist's continuing vitality in his old age and also offer insight into his life in Bordeaux.This beautiful book presents fifty-one key works from Goya's late period along with two essays that illuminate his works of that time. Jonathan Brown retells the story of Goya's difficult years in exile when he nevertheless continued to make art, experimenting with the new medium of lithography, inventing a technique of miniature painting on ivory, and painting remarkable portraits of friends and supporters. Susan Grace Galassi describes the rich historical and cultural milieu of Bordeaux and establishes a biographical context and sense of place that underscore the triumph of Goya's final achievement.

Homelands: War, Population and Statehood in Eastern Europe and Russia 1918-1924 by Nick s&gt; Baron Peter Gatrell (review)

562 SEER, 84, 3, JULY 2006 It is hard to determine exactly who constitutesthe target audience for the book. Some of the commentary suggeststhat Murphy assumesthat there will be readers who know little or nothing of the broader historical picture. He therefore provides context and backgroundwhich will be superfluousto specialists. There is also a mistaken effort to tap into the current 'war on terror'with cover blurbsayingthat 'thepassionateenthusiasmof these revolutionaries may give us some insight into the psychology of young men and women who are called "terrorists" today'. In fact when one reads what these men and women were doing, it went no furtherthan undergroundprinting presses. There is nothing at all relevant to contemporary terrorism.Despite these ratherill-directedeffortsto reach out to some popularmarket,this book is of ratherlimited interest,of use mostly to specialistsin the Russian Revolution and CivilWar, and above all to those wishingto gain some understanding of the dynamics of civil war at the lower levels. For such persons, Rostov in the RussianCivilWarwillprove a usefuland occasionallyquite stimulatingaddition to the existing literature. Department ofPoliticsandInternational Studies P. F. ROBINSON University ofHull Baron, Nick and Gatrell, Peter (eds).Homelands: War,Population andStatehood in Easten Europeand RussiaI9I8-I924. Anthem Studies in Population Displacement and Political Space. Anthem Press, London 2004. xviii + 267 PP. Maps. Tables. Notes. Index. f16.95 (paperback). BETWEEN i86o and I9IO, approximately40 million labourmigrantsfrom Eastern Europeanvillagesleft theirhomelandsto seekwork,wages and, eventually 'bread and butter'. This number included tens of thousands of exiles and deportees:intelligentsia,political rebels, oppositionists,ideologues and artists. Despite their relativelysmall numbers, this group became so well known for its political, ideological, intellectual and cultural achievements that the nineteenth century was sometimes called the 'century of forced migrations'. However, it was during the twentieth century that the number of political emigres surpassedthose seekingeconomic relief.It has been estimatedthat in Europe 8o million people migratedinvoluntarily escaping,being deported, expelled or resettled. Frequentlythey were members of ethnic minorities or national minorities (or even majorities).In Homelands, edited by Peter Gatrell and Nick Baron, noted scholarsdiscussone aspect of this dramaticand tragic saga. Gatrell and Baron have prepared and orchestrated a five-year-long international research project, devoted to the very important but not well known interplaybetween 'population displacement, state building and social identity' in Eastern Europe following World War One. Specifically, the volume focuseson the region of the formerRussian Empire and events which took place during its dramaticfall and the formationof the Soviet Union. What was the impact of the experiencesof war refugeeson nationalismand nationalistic ideas in the region? What was the role escapees, refugees and returnees played in propagating ideas of Homeland? What was the role of REVIEWS 563 returned refugees in theconstruction ofindependent statesin theaftermath of WorldWar One? These are amongthe importantquestionsraisedby the contributors. In addition,theyreflectupon the politicsof displacement and actionsundertaken towards groupsofrefugees (thehelpprovided to themand the distrust, reluctanceand consequentsupervision thesegroupsfaced).For instance,Latvians wereoftenconsidered to be Germansandpersecuted as a result.DuringandafterthewarJewssuffered a similarfate,as didPolesand membersof manyotherethnicandcultural groups. Contributingauthors (predominantlyhistoriansbut sociologistsand philosophers as well)live in the regionthey writeaboutand consequently theyintroduce andconfronta Westernaudiencewithhistorical literature and originalarchivematerials fromEasternEurope(Latvian, Polish,Belarusian, Ukrainian, Lithuanian, etc.).AijaPrieditedescribesthe impactLatvianwar refugeeshad on the independence of Latviaafterthe war.ValentinaUtgof writesabouttheroleplayedbyBelarusian refugees intheprocessofconstructing the independenceof theirnation.Tomas Belkelisdescribesthe state's policytowardsrefugeesreturning to Lithuania; and KonradZielin'ski shows how a newlyindependent Polandtriedto controlthe movementof refugees acrossitsborders.In thiscase,themainpreoccupation of thePolishauthoritieswas to preventan influxinto Polandof Ukrainians andJews.Kateryna Stadnik analyses thesituation in SovietUkraineduringtheyearsI921-22 and describesthe processof repatriation. LucjaKapralska in turnlooksat the returnof Polesfrom Siberiaand Manchuriaand identifiesproblemsthese peoplefacedaftertheirreturn.Gennadii Kornilovdocuments theproblems of refugees in theUralsduringtherevolutionary yearsI9I7-25.The lastofthese casestudies(byPeterGatrellandJo Laycock) is devotedto population movements ,refugeecrisesandefforts toformanindependent stateofArmenia. The book is complemented by the introduction and conclusions writtenby the editorswhocorrectly stressthatallof thecontributors provideanopportunity not onlyto learnaboutthepost-World WarOne population movements and theirimpacton discussions aboutidentitybut to hearthe voicesof refugees andheroesof thatstoryaswell. Thisis a sophisticated, richandexploratory workwhichcontributes to the fieldsof migrationand culturalhistory,nationalidentityandpolitics.Baron andGatrellhaveprepared an important andhighlyinteresting volumewhich no historian of migrations or anyoneinterested in therepercussions of World WarOne on EasternEuropecan ignore.Furthermore, becausetheseevents foreshadow andevenexplainpresent-day issuesin theterritory of theformer SovietEmpire,politicalscientists willfindthiscollectionespecially useful. Jagiellonian University, Krak6w A. WALASZEK Murphy, David E. M7Eat StalinKnew:TheEnigma ofBarbarossa. Yale University Press, New Haven...

From Partisan to Party Cadre: The Education of Italian Political Emigrants In Czechoslovakia

In the late 1940s and early 1950s hundreds of former partisans fled Italy for Czechoslovakia in order to escape prosecution. The high levels of secrecy which surrounded them has meant that it has been virtually impossible to discover reliable information on this phenomenon. As a consequence, scholarship on the 'political emigrants' has been partial and, in the worst cases, highly tendentious. Significant archival documentation discovered in Prague, on which the present article is based, has now changed the situation as regards sources. This article presents a detailed microhistory of the party school frequented by the 'political emigrants'. It describes the curriculum, teaching and study methods, and the difficulties that the students encountered. The story of the school provides a valuable insight into the vicissitudes of the Resistance movement after the war was over and Italian Communist Party strategy during a key period in its history.

Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany: Migrants, emigrants, refugees and asylum-seekers

Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany have a long tradition. There have been various economic and social causes, and in some periods even political ones for that phenomenon. Taking into consideration the historical aspect and also the contemporary migration flows, the dynamics of migrations of the Yugoslav population to Germany has the following stages in its development. The first stage had begun in late XIX century and ended with the World War I. Although the overseas migration flows prevailed, yet the German agriculture and its mine industry attracted a part of the Yugoslav population. Between the two world wars mostly "Westfahl Slovenes" and Croats and Serbs from Bosnia-Herzegovina got "temporary employed" in the Rhine-Westfahl industrial area, along with several thousand Serb-Croat-Slovene agricultural seasonal workers per year. The second stage began immediately after the Second World War when most of about 200,000 citizens from the former Yugoslavia, being mostly refugees, moved from the West European to overseas countries, but some of them stayed in Germany. Involuntary migrants and refugees, however, returned in great number from Germany to Yugoslavia. At that stage non-extradition of war criminals on the part of the West occupying powers on German territory, then disregard of West German Governments of the anti-Yugoslav activities of the part of extreme Yugoslav emigration, and different interpretation of the bilateral agreement on extradition, became the essential problem in relations between SFR Yugoslavia and FR Germany. The third stage in development of migrations commenced in early 1960s. At that time, Germany and other Western countries became prominently immigrational, while since mid-1960s till 1973 economic emigrants from Yugoslavia became more and more important in the German economic space. From 1954 to 1967 migration of Yugoslav citizens had not yet been intensive and their intention was mostly to work abroad. Illegal employment was, however, prominent at that time. Due to the normalisation of political relations, re-establishment of diplomatic relations and conclusion of bilateral agreements that legally defined employment of foreign workers, since 1968 till 1973 a great number of Yugoslavs got employed in FR Germany. The contemporary migrations from FR Yugoslavia to Germany resulted from the economic and political crisis in the former SFRY as well as from the civil wars that were waged in the Yugoslav territory. FR Germany became the most important destination country of Yugoslav migrants - workers, refugees, false asylum-seekers and political emigrants. Different categories of migrants from Yugoslavia to Germany enjoy the treatment that is in accordance with the immigration policies of the German governments as well as with the degree of development of the German-Yugoslav political and economic relations, and the degree of the established co-operation in the field of legal assistance and social welfare. Migrant workers, who have legally regulated their employment and residence status, could in the future expect to gain assistance from their mother country in getting efficient protection of their rights and interests in all stages of the migration process. Numerous migrants asylum-seekers, in spite of the proclaimed international protection, share, however, the fate resulting from the politically motivated measures and actions taken by the German authorities within the arbitrary decision-making of the right and/or abuse of the right to asylum. This is the reason why as early as in late 1994 the Government of FRG announced that it would expel foreigners from the country. The remaining refugees, or actually the so-called false asylum-seekers in FR Germany, share the fate of forced repatriation. Within this category special emphasis should be placed on the attitude of the German government to the Albanians and Roma from Kosovo. At first, the Germans treated the Albanians from Kosovo as politically persecuted persons, offering them refuge. Then they declared them (and Roma also) to be false asylum-seekers and insisted on readmission - their gradual repatriation to Kosovo. Considering both positive and negative implications of the migration process, the key issue for the citizens from Serbia and Montenegro who live in Germany remains the following: maintenance of their national identity, cherishing of their mother tongue and culture, keeping up relations with their mother country, social gathering - in various associations, clubs and organisations, education in their mother tongue, what particularly includes comprehensive additional teaching for children in Serbian, as well as better information dissemination.

Evacuation to a Cold Country: Child Refugees from the Greek Civil War in the German Democratic Republic, 1949–1989*

We Greek political emigres celebrate the thirtieth historical anniversary of the GDR as our own holiday since we are vitally connected to this state from its first steps onwards. We feel better than any other foreigner the great joy and the pride of the people of the GDR since, from the foundation of its socialist state, we are marching side by side and since then we by way of our small contribution feel as co-constructors of this grand act. The thirtieth anniversary of the GDR coincides with the thirtieth anniversary of our political emigration to this hospitable country. Today we all remember the first years after our arrival and our caring reception in the GDR. (Speech of the day at the central celebration of the Greek political emigres in the GDR devoted to the thirtieth anniversary of the GDR and the thirtieth anniversary of the political emigration, Dresden, 29 September 1979).

The Tsarist Secret Police Abroad: Policing Europe in a Modernising World by Fredric S. s&gt; Zuckerman (review)

364 SEER, 82, 2, 2004 Maier rounds the book offwith an account of thejourney she herselfmade in I996 in Kennan's footstepsin orderto make a film of his trip.Alas, shewas not able to reproduce his travelsin Chechnya: it is now too dangerousfor the foreigntraveller. The book is well-produced and a pleasure to handle. There are some adequate maps. Kennan seemsto have takenno photographs,but he was able to buy some on the spot, and these have been supplementedby photos taken by the editor. The photos and some reproductionsof contemporaryprintsare rather smudgily reproduced. But the book contains a number of delightful drawings taken from a collection of essays published in I904 by Evgeni Markovabout the life, landscape and historyof the Caucasus. London RODRIc BRAITHWAITE Zuckerman, Fredric S. 7he TsaristSecretPoliceAbroad.PolicingEuropein a ModernisingWorld. Palgrave, Basingstoke and New York, 2003. xix + 277 pp. Appendices. Notes. Bibliography.Index. C5o.oo. THIs book covers a fascinatingand somewhat neglected subjectwith uncanny contemporary relevance. However, its appearance should not dissuade researchersfrom publishing on this topic in the future, as it is an incomplete study of the tsarist secret police (the Okhrana or okhranka) abroad. The first three chapters summarize the concurrent development of security policing and the Russian political emigration in France, Italy, Britain and Germany before the Great War. The aim, Fredric Zuckerman writes, is to provide insightinto 'Russia'splace in Europe'(p. xv). His writinghere, andthroughout the book, is well organized and accessible. However, it is based on a narrow selection of secondary sources and ignores the police institutionsin Imperial Russia's closest contemporary European state, Austria-Hungary. Consequently , Zuckerman'sobservations are often either too vague to be of any use -'Russia was part of Europe and yet it was not' (p. 2 I6) or prone to unsupportedgeneralizationsand exaggeration for example, he assertsthat tsaristspies 'flooded' into Zurich (p. 35) and 'seemed to be swarming'(p. 43) around London, while 'politicallyinspiredterrorspreadpanic acrossEurope' (p. 2 I3), and '[t]he generalpublic itselfnever knewwhen an innocent tripto a cafe or restaurantwould end in tragedyas bombers became more daringand lessdiscriminating[. . .] Bloodthirsty"Anarchists" appearedto be everywhere' (p. 5). An examination of European public opinion regardingterrorand the Okhrana at the time would have been useful in this context. There is not enough relevant researchhere to supporthis frequent referencesto Interpol, 9/ I I and all that. Nor has enough been done to balance the exploration of counter-terrorismwith a discussionof the broadercounter-revolutionaryrole of the Okhranaabroad,which might have highlightedsome of the differences between European securitypolice organs. The next three chapters focus on the development of the Paris Embassybased ForeignAgency of the tsaristsecret police from its foundation in I883 to its closure in I917, followed by four chapters on the six successive tsarist spymasters in Paris and then a chapter on the struggle against the REVIEWS 365 counter-Okhrana operations of Vladimir Burtsev.Zuckermanhas unearthed some original and interestingmaterial- on the agency's detective branch in particular from the Okhrana'sParisarchiveheld at the Hoover Institution, Stanford, California,which is a gem of a collection. But this collection offers an incomplete picture of the tsaristsecret police abroad. Zuckermanhas not explored the goldmine of Okhrana material available to researchers in Moscow. Moreover, he has failed to treat the material that he has collected with sufficient critical objectivity. The result is a very one-sided version of events. Basing his argument on the Paris staff's self-congratulatoryrecords, Zuckerman has only their word to support his contention that they were an 'elite' (p. I I3), 'the most talented group of policemen working on Tsardom's behalf' (p. I92), 'clearly superior' (p. 94) to the Okhrana officersin Russia, who were 'obstructionistand generally amateurish' (p. i86); and that while the Foreign Agency 'confronted the elite of Russia's subversive movement' (p. I87), headquarters in St Petersburg 'offered only useless bureaucratic remedies and carping criticism' (p. 2I6), coupled with 'equivocation based upon naivete, ignorance andjealousy' (p. I92), refusing'to takethe realworld into account' (p. I92). Zuckerman overemphasizes the importance of the Parisagency and it ought to be stressedmore clearlythat thiswas a tiny cog in the tsarist security machine. At its peak after 1905 the Foreign Agency employed half a dozen clerks, less than twenty-five informers and...