Features Of Political Culture Research Articles

2018 Presidential elections in Georgia (Elections without a leader)

The article notes that the Constitution of 2018, which came into force since the inauguration of the President, establishes the model of Parliamentary governance in the country and this was the last time President was chosen through universal public elections (6 year term), from 2024 President will be chosen (for 5 years) by election board and Country will totally shift to Parliamentary form of governance. The work analyzes aggressive pre-election campaign factors: socio-economic conditions, the management team's mistakes, features of political culture, contrast of Georgian mentality and consciousness, mutual accusations of candidates in protecting Russia’s interests - the "war with compromises", pre-election promises of Salome Zurabishvili and Grigol Vashadze, Government resources used in favor of a government-supported candidate, preliminary reports published by international (according to which the legitimacy of the election was not doubted, but there were critisizing comments), new initiatives announced in inauguration speech of newly elected President (democratic values ​​and political priorities), which gives the public hope for the future.

Features of political culture in the modern politics of the CIS countries

Features of political culture in the modern politics of the CIS countries

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ НЕОЛОГІЗАЦІЇ АНГЛІЙСЬКОМОВНОГО МЕДІЙНОГО ПОЛІТИЧНОГО ДИСКУРСУ

The investigation provides a thorough analysis of neologisms in the political discourse, reveals the peculiarities of their creation and use on the basis of British newspaper articles and audio / video materials of TV news. The peculiarities of the language of media political discourse were revealed, the expediency of using neologisms in mass media texts, their structural and semantic models were substantiated.The efficiency of coining new words by affixation, word formation, conversion, telescopy is confirmed. It has been proved that political neologisms most often perform word-forming, nominative and emotive functions. The use of neologisms for the nomination of socially significant concepts of politics, power and global current problems are revealed. Lexical-semantic groups of political neologisms have been singled out, the most numerous of which are groups to denote people – participants of communication, political processes, parties and associations. The analysis of modern media text at the lexical level allowed us to trace the main trends in enlarging the vocabulary of the media, reveal the links of neologisms with thematic and genre-style peculiarities of texts in which words and phrases function in their new meanings. It has been proven that modern mass media have been enlarged significantly by neologisms with positive and negative connotations as well as derived words formed from borrowed bases to denote new realities, particularly in political discourse. It has been found out that new words have a greater semantic capacity compared to similar counterparts in the language, in addition, they play a special stylistic role in the text – pun. The analysis of statements of various politicians has made it possible to explore the features of political culture and consciousness of a particular social group. Among the lexical means of creating political neologisms, it is worth noting the use of numerous repetitions, appeals to the readers’ or viewers’ audience. Political neologisms have been studied according to the following criteria: belonging to a certain class (lexical, phraseological and semantic), sources of origin (The Guardian, The Times, audio / video materials CNN News, BBC News), method of creation (affixation, composition, conversion, reduction, telescope, abbreviation, acronym, borrowing), word-forming potential (productive, non-productive, author’s), connotation (positive, negative, neutral), frequency of use (absolute, relative), thematic sphere of use (power, politics, state, society, people, law, democracy, integration, global problems of today).

“Ethnic Revival” in Globalizing World: The Example of Indigenous Political Movements in Latin America

The article offers an inquiry into the problem of “ethnic revival” in politics against the background of the accelerated globalization processes through the example of the indigenous movements in Latin America. In particular, it explains how such global trends as the democratization and liberalization of social and political spheres, intensified activities of international institutions on the empowerment of disadvantaged social groups, the inclusion of ecological problems in national and international agendas, growing interest of international society to the social and political problems of developing countries have contributed to the intensification of political activities of the indigenous peoples in Latin America in the last 25 years.The indigenous political activism has taken radically different institutional forms and has led to diverse outcomes. For instance, in Mexico the indigenous peoples did not manage to create a viable sociopolitical force capable of advocating for their rights. In some other Latin America states, there are indigenous organizations that successfully promote the interests of native peoples. Moreover, in various countries the indigenous representatives are elected to national and local governments. In Colombia, Ecuador and Nicaragua the indigenous political parties were found, which, as long as other political forces, are participating in electoral processes and are delegating their representatives to public institutions. Whereas in case of Bolivia, the indigenous movement in alliance with left and progressive social organizations, has become the leading political force.The author gives an explanation why the political activism of the indigenous peoples in different Latin American countries has taken such forms and has contributed to such results. On the basis of the analysis of these political activities the conclusion is made about common features of political culture, self-identification and perception of social and political processes by the indigenous peoples of Latin America.

Debate as a form of political communication in modern Russia

The paper discusses debates in modern political communication as a form of public exchange of opinions between two or more parties on topical issues; the dynamics of the attitude of Russians towards political debates from 2003 to 2018; social and political and cultural prerequisites for their role and place in the political life of modern Russia are also analyzed. The purpose of the research is to reveal the role and place of political debates as a form of political communication in modern Russia. Achieving this goal requires consideration of the characteristics and functions of debates, analysis of the reasons and nature of the audience's attitude to political debate. The methodological basis of the research is systemic and structural-functional approaches, sociological, logical and comparative methods. The empirical base is the data of the participant observation. As a result of the research, we came to the following conclusions: - Political debates in modern Russia did not become an active tool of political practice; the interest of Russians in such kind of political communication as a political debate is being reduced. - Socio-political and cultural reasons for this attitude are: the nihilistic attitude of Russians towards political elections as such; features of political culture; the existing political system and the role of the party of power in it; disunity of the opposition; lack of taste for discussion among the majority of the population. - Characteristic features of political debates in modern Russia are the absence of discussion (monologues instead of polemics) or the extremely low professional and ethical nature of their conduct; political debates in many ways take the form of a talk show, or a conversation program. The main feature of the debates in Russia is the non-participation of the main competitor in political debates.

Deliberation and governance in Chinese middle-class neighborhoods

AbstractThis paper examines the mechanisms of deliberation and conflict resolution in Chinese urban middle-class residential communities. Along with the rise of private home ownership and urban middle-class residential estates, disputes and conflicts have risen between the residents, resident self-elected organization (homeowner associations), real estate developer and property management companies, and the local government. Through the lens of deliberation in middle-class neighborhoods, this paper analyzes (1) how and to what extent deliberation is introduced and employed as an instrumental tool by the local government to achieve their goal of maintaining social stability. (2) In what ways and to what extent deliberation has served as part of governance strategies. And (3) whether and how the state and non-state actors interact with each other during this process to produce more democratic governance under the Party-state's authoritarian rule. This paper adopts a systemic approach to examine authoritarian deliberation as a neighborhood governance strategy. The findings suggest that (1) deliberation has become an instrumental tool for conflict resolution introduced by the local government to middle-class neighborhoods. Residents’ Committees, on behalf of the state, has become key coordinator and mediator during the deliberation process. (2) The systemic approach of authoritarian deliberation includes a mix of deliberative elements and other features of political culture, traditions, strategies, and institutions. The dynamic interactions between deliberation and authoritarianism, between deliberative and non-deliberative features, and between formal deliberative meetings and informal deliberative talks all contribute to a functional deliberative system.

Civility and citizenship: a study for the island of Lesvos, Greece

<p>The purpose of this article is to examine the condition of the civil and civic perception of the common good, and the attitudes toward the public sphere in the Greek islands of the Northern Aegean. In particular, we wish to examine whether they constitute a region of particular political-cultural characteristics. Based upon the findings of a previous study (Marangudakis, Rontos, and Xenitidou 2013), we examine the moral self in a political framework:.Following Alexander and Smith. Triandis, and Ramfos we examine the quality of specific moral attributes and value preferences vis-a-vis aspects of modern and pre-modern mentality, as well as the valueand mean- orientation of their purposeful action.</p>

Қы тай мен Жа по нияның саяси мә де ниеті нің ерек ше лік те рі

Қы тай мен Жа по нияның саяси мә де ниеті нің ерек ше лік те рі

Power groups, interests and interest groups in Latin America: a new era or more of the same?

This final article draws on the 13 contributions to this special issue, regarding the broad range of perspectives and in‐depth analyses of interest group systems across Latin America, to assess the contemporary operation and academic study of the region's interest group activity. In doing so, the analysis draws on the questions, premises and framework set out in the first article of this volume. Although the development of group systems varies from country to country, extensive developments have occurred since the early 1980s in the institutionalization of interest group activity. Yet, major challenges need to be overcome to ensure a deep‐rooted acceptance of interest group pluralism. Moreover, as with all group systems, the challenges facing the region are very much shaped by long‐standing socioeconomic and political cultural characteristics. These include widespread economic inequality and the central socio‐political role of family that often translates into clientelism, elitism, and corruption in the public policy arena. In turn, these and other challenges facing the group system affect the consolidation of democracy. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The Roosevelt years: Crucial milieu for Carl Rogers' innovation.

This study explores broad features of political culture and event of the 1930s and World War 2 years, viewed in relation to the emergence and rapid early growth of the new therapy of Carl Rogers. The paper traces Rogers' early professional life and examines distinctive emphases in sociopolitical thought and development during Franklin D. Roosevelt's leadership as President over the prolonged emergency of the Great Depression and the crisis of the War. The study includes a focus on the President's own outlook and style, pertinent New Deal innovations, and wartime needs. Twelve features of this larger context are discriminated as together having vital importance for the new therapy and its founder. The congruent courses of the macrocontext and of Rogers' innovation are followed to the ending of Roosevelt's life. Direct causation is not attributed, but the evidence adduced newly points to particular contours of a larger environment favorable for the expression of Rogers' values and rare ability. In sum, the author concludes that a synergy of highly conducive historical circumstance and individual exceptionality contributed to the philosophical underpinnings, attitudinal values and early momentum of Rogers' client-centered therapy.

Политико-культурные показатели в исследовании политических режимов

One of the most common methods of political regime analysis and in particular assessment of their democratic character is a rating approach that envisages political regime classification depending on belonging to one or another group or cluster of democratic and non-democratic countries. Nevertheless this approach usually ignores political-cultural aspects of studied regimes. The article outlines the most commonly used indices of political regime comparison. The example of Central and Eastern Europe region proposes political regime classification taking political-cultural characteristics into account.

Conditions of Authoritarianism, Fascism and Democracy in Inter-War Europe: A Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Analysis

1. Introduction In view of the economic and political crises which are now affecting many parts of the world there has been renewed interest in the question of how major countries and regions previously faced such challenges in order to learn as much as possible from these experiences. The end of the Cold War and the wave of democratization it entailed in many Eastern European and Third World countries has, in the absence of overriding superpower rivalry and influence, also directed attention to the internal factors which have shaped these developments in each case (see, e.g., Hadenius, 1992, Held, 1993, Huntington, 1991, Vanhanen, 1990). For these reasons, an analysis of the social and political reactions to the Great Depression during the inter-war period in Europe may not only reveal some insights which are pertinent to crisis theory (Almond et al., 1973, Dobry, 1986) and an empirical theory of democracy (see in particular Dahl, 1989) in general, but may also be relevant for contemporary political concerns. The inter-war period in Europe seems to be particularly interesting in this respect because it most closely resembles what can be called a quasi-experimental research design which is, for ethical or practical reasons, relatively rare in the social sciences (Mill, 1843). The cases to be considered share many socio-economic and political-cultural characteristics. Their history is relatively well-researched and documented, The time period is clearly demarcated by common events, i.e., of the two World Wars, which significantly altered the internal and external political landscape and set it apart from earlier and later developments. All cases could initially be termed parliamentary democracies, some of them having been established for a relatively long period, and others being of comparatively recent origin and more democratic in form than in substance. These countries were then affected by a common external stimulus: the world economic crisis of the late 1920s and early 1930s. Some parliamentary regimes survived while others turned to a more authoritarian form of rule and, in particular, to fascism. This period has, of course, been discussed and analyzed from a large variety of research perspectives (for a critical review and a test of major hypotheses see Berg-Schlosser/De Meur, 1994). Our concern here is not so much with the economic aspects of the crisis and the impact of the various economic policies pursued (although these must also be assessed within our overall context) since they have been largely discussed by economic historians and economists (see, e.g., Kindleberger, 1973, Schulz, 1985, Gourevitch, 1986, Eichengreen, 1992). Rather, we are concerned with the social and political reactions to the crisis and the factors which contributed to the final regime outcome, i.e., the survival or breakdown of democratic systems. Our research differs from previous and related projects in a number of critical respects. Most importantly, we consider the inter-war European crises to have been political in nature. They certainly had their economic and social 'causes', but what links these varying inputs to the 'crisis outcomes' are essentially political decisions and political factors related to both the institutional and cultural patterns of the polities in question and to their political actors. This impact of political variables thus depends upon a complex interaction of structures, cultures and pre-conditions both at any one point in time and in terms of the development sequence that gave rise to such configurations. These general factors are all linked to specific outcomes through the actions of intermediary groups and individual actors and through the particular choices of these persons and groups, including the possibility of new alignments being formed at critical moments. By proceeding in this manner, we are attempting to steer clear of the pitfalls of a premature and over-generalizing historical materialist determinism on the one hand, and the overly personalizing ('men make history') and individualizing ('not true in my country') approach of many conventional historians on the other. …

SOCIAL CAPITAL AND POLITICS

▪ Abstract This review evaluates the most recent studies of social capital in political science and argues that they have strayed considerably from the original treatment of social capital, which casts it as endogenous. Recent treatments have recast social capital as a feature of political culture and thereby treat values as exogenous. These two approaches emanate from incompatible premises and have fundamentally different implications. Thus, efforts to combine the two approaches are rendered unproductive by inevitable inconsistencies of internal logic. Moreover, empirical tests of the exogenous social capital approach are deficient: They are selective in their use of data and employ ad hoc procedures at crucial junctures. We therefore urge a return to the treatment of social capital as endogenous.