Political Clout Research Articles

CHINA'S SOFT POWER DIPLOMACY IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS: STRATEGIES, MEANS AND IMPLICATIONS

The concept of soft power has become increasingly significant in the realm of international politics. As nations seek to exert their influence on the global stage, the ability to shape the preferences and perceptions of others through non-coercive means has emerged as a vital tool. China, with its rapidly growing economic and political clout, has substantially engaged in exercising strategies and means as soft power politics to accomplish its presence in the global politics. This research paper examines China's soft power diplomacy in international politics, focusing on the strategies and means employed by the Chinese government to enhance its global influence. The primary objective of this research is to investigate how China strategically employs soft power and assess the implications of these strategies on international politics. To achieve this, the study utilizes a qualitative approach, considering key indicators such as culture, diplomacy, education, and public opinion. By examining China's soft power initiatives and their effects, this research sheds light on the evolving dynamics of international politics in the 21st century, where soft power plays a significant role in shaping global perceptions and relations

Assessing the Political Clout of Thailand’s “Monarchized” Military in 2023

Abstract Since 1980, Thailand’s monarchy and military have enjoyed a partnership of power with the latter as a junior affiliate — a highly “monarchized military.” However, after 1992, direct military influence across the country diminished, and after the 2006 and 2014 coups, the military regained enormous clout. The country’s post-2019 facade democracy represents the continuation of a tutelary regime involving palace-endorsed military intervention in politics and apparent electoral governance. However, the armed forces-influenced government faces growing domestic challenges. This study examines Thailand’s military in late 2023. 2023 was profoundly significant because a new civilian government entered office that year, which might challenge monarchy-military primacy. The study chiefly asks: To what extent has the monarchy-military partnership clothed itself under the appearance of democracy (while indirectly interfering in it) to sustain its power, and what are the principal challenges this partnership faces? The study finds that in late 2023, Thailand remained a façade democracy, characterized by electoral authoritarianism and lorded over by monarchy and military — a situation the two institutions preferred to maintain.

Domestic Lawfare in South America

Domestic lawfare, using legal measures or their potential utilisation as strategic tools in political or ideological disputes within a nation, is a prevalent phenomenon in South America. Such measures may include lawsuits, investigations, and other legal mechanisms aimed at eradicating, intimidating, penalising, or undermining rivals to achieve specific political or policy objectives. This practice can be identified as domestic lawfare by prioritising legal technicalities over substantive matters. Its impact is of particular concern, as it is employed to suppress dissenting voices and curtail essential liberties, such as freedom of speech. This article sheds light on the significant challenge that constitutional democracies in South America currently face due to the rise of lawfare. This does not mean that it is an exclusively South American phenomenon. Influential individuals or entities around the world equipped with ample resources, financial means, influence, or political clout could deploy these assets to target individuals or organisations they perceive as threats to their interests. By examining the potential legal ramifications that may arise from rigid adherence to legal requirements, this study aims to underscore the crucial importance of legal protection as a topic requiring meticulous deliberation. Lawfare presents formidable challenges in theory and practice, making it essential to comprehend its implications fully. Understanding and addressing this issue can safeguard democratic values and protect fundamental rights.

Expansion of Russia-China Duo in Asian Region and the Future of Democracy

The world has become multi-polar with the emergence of Russia and China into the forefront of world politics toward the beginning of the twenty-first century. Within a couple of decades, they have acquired considerable economic and military might. As part of fulfilling their expansionist ambitions both Moscow and Beijing have succeeded in establishing political and economic grips in many parts of the world including Africa and Asia. Apart from possessing economic and political clout, they have been offering an alternative model of governance instead of liberal democracy championed by the West. Critics claim that this phenomenon is detrimental to the future of democracy. However, the alternative models of governance along with their underlying principles seem to be more acceptable to many national governments across the globe. They consider them suitable and pragmatic for the local environment. The Asian region has become a pivotal area of the expansion of Russia and China. The West also tries to build a democratic coalition in the region to check the progress of Russia and China. Against this backdrop, the present paper discusses the impact of increasing Russian and Chinese footprints in the contemporary period on the prospect of democracy in the Asian region with a special focus on Central and East Asia. The paper is divided into two major sections. The first part will discuss the impact of China on democracy and the second section with deal with the Russian influence. Keywords: Democracy Promotion, Russia, China, Neo-Liberalism, Central Asia, East Asia

The High Commissioner on National Minorities: Persona and Quiet Diplomacy

This main focus of this article is to elaborate on the personal dimension of the mandate of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities. Using interviews with the HCNMs, other interlocutors and studies on HCNM’s conflict prevention practice, the article profiles the individual and professional backgrounds of the six past and present HCNMs: Max van der Stoel, Rolf Ekéus, Knut Vollebaek, Astrid Thors, Lamberto Zannier and Kairat Abdrakhmanov. It looks at some of the common and distinct elements of the HCNMs’ experience in a so-called mutual accommodation between the post and the post-holder’s personality and background over the last three decades of existence of the institution (1993-2023). How one takes ownership of the mandate and the persona created? How does one operates including through the quiet diplomacy approach? The paper finds that the political clout and the profile of the post-holder matter in upholding a strategic approach to conflict prevention that captures the critical connections between the security and human dimensions of conflict prevention. At the same time, it acknowledges that the evolving political and security environment demands adaptations and that there are there are limits to what one person may achieve without a cooperative and supportive environment. A key challenge remains, however, regarding making use of existing possibilities for the HCNM to engage and relatedly, the willingness or capacity of the post-holder to take calculated risks in order to focus on the HCNM core mandate of conflict prevention.

Chinese Economic Statecraft in Southeast Asia and Its Uneven Impact in Laos and Cambodia

This paper examines how China has successfully translated its economic might into political clout in Laos and Cambodia. The country’s role as a major trading partner, foreign investor, and provider of aid to both countries has contributed substantially to their national development. This massive influx of Chinese investment and aid has also yielded positive results, as both countries have demonstrated a more accommodating attitude toward Beijing on a variety of issues. However, Chinese economic statecraft has had differing degrees of influence on the foreign policymaking of Laos and Cambodia, particularly with regard to their foreign policies toward Vietnam, a critical secondary state in Southeast Asia. While Cambodia has been less hesitant to bandwagon with China, Laos is still seeking to balance between China and Vietnam. This paper argues that Laos and Cambodia’s existing perceptions of Vietnam dictate in part how they respond to China’s economic inducements and affect the outcomes of Chinese economic statecraft.

The Primacy of National Policies in Navigating the Local-Global Nexus: A Case Study of the Plastic Crisis

Against the backdrop of the escalating plastic crisis, exacerbated by human activities and posing a significant public concern, this study seeks to evaluate the role of various policy-making levels in environmental intervention. The core subject of investigation is the integral function of national lawmakers in spearheading effective environmental policy strategies while contextualizing the coordination of local and international policymakers. Using practical policy examples as primary tools for analysis, the study delves into the dynamics between the three tiers of policy-making and gleans evidence underlining the centrality of national players. Results indicate that while local and international policies offer solutions, they are often impeded by inherent policy limitations. National policies, powered by vast resources and political clout, emerge as pivotal, capable of overhauling plastic production, consumption, and disposal mechanisms. The research concludes that to holistically address the plastic crisis spawned by market failures, a blend of governmental intervention, primarily driven by national policymakers, and complemented by local and international cooperation, is imperative. Additionally, the future necessitates not only a reduction in plastic use but also the pursuit of viable plastic alternatives to combat pollution comprehensively.

Forest Reserves as Frontiers of Indigeneity: Semai Orang Asli Investments of Work, Cultural Use, and Identity in the Bukit Tapah Forest Reserve

ABSTRACT At less than one percent of Malaysia’s total population, the Orang Asli (Peninsular Malaysia’s Indigenous Peoples) lack political clout; state nonrecognition of their land rights constitutes a fundamental reason for the economic and social ills faced by their communities. This article examines the protection of Semai Orang Asli customary territories from a cultural heritage perspective. Drawing on a study of traditional place-names and oral history, it describes how forests, other than existing as the Semai ancestral domain, continue to be the lifeblood of Semai culture and economic production. The paper examines state-owned forest reserves and the role these play in Semai cultural continuity, including traditional livelihoods such as agroforestry and swidden agriculture. Forest reserves are on the frontier of resource extraction and forest conservation in Malaysia; however, because these comprise the customary territories of Orang Asli, they also signify the frontier of forest-dependent Indigeneity. The paper weaves a narrative of Semai forest dependence, and concludes with a discussion of the prospects for a World Heritage Cultural Landscape (WHCL) designation as a possible avenue for protecting Semai customary territories.

İRAN'IN ERMENİSTAN VE AZERBAYCAN POLİTİKASI: JEOPOLİTİK REALİTELER VE KARŞILAŞTIRMALI ANALİZLER

ABSTRACT
 The Second Karabakh War that led to Armenia’s defeat as a result of Azerbaijan’s victorious counter-offensive dubbed as “Iron Fist” was not just a war fought between the two countries, but also a deciding factor of the new geo-political situation in the South Caucasus region. It is beyond a doubt that there are countries reluctant to accept these new geo-political realities that are trying to destabilize the situation and Iran is one of these states. Despite the Azer¬baijani people’s being part of the Islamic civilization and the country’s historical and cultural proximity to Iran, the Iranian state has placed an emphasis on gaining significant leverage of influence in the region, prioritizing Armenia in its quest for a strategic ally. Moreover, on many occasions, Iran has backed Armenian military aggression against Azerbaijan either openly or covertly. Azerbaijan has sought to comply with the principles of good neighborliness, considering the current geo-political situation, instead of taking a tough stance against Iran. At the same time, Azerbaijan has established bilateral political, economic and cultural ties with Iran. Nevertheless, Iran moved to expand its relations with Armenia, keeping in mind its concerns over “the Azerbaijan Republic’s unification with the territories in northern Iran densely populated by Turkish”. From Iran’s viewpoint, Armenia fulfills the emerging task of protecting western and northern Iran from the influence of the Turks. On the other hand, capitalizing on the Armenian community’s political clout in the United States and Europe meets Iran’s interests. As for Armenia’s reasoning, it considers Iran as a country capable of revitalizing its economy and its approach to bilateral relations remains unchanged. Other factors contributing to the strengthened Iranian-Armenian relations included Turkey’s growing geopolitical influence in the region, and Azerbaijan’s close relations with Turkey. Although new geo-political realities emerged in the South Caucasus region during and after the 44-day war, Iran has been attempting to destabilize the situation ever since due to its reluctance to accept the facts. Unsurprisingly, ample evidence is available concerning Iran's cooperation with both Armenia and the separatist entity, as well as its involvement in joint illegal activities in the Azerbaijani territories that were under Armenian occupation for nearly 30 years. Azerbaijan liberated its territory from the Armenian occupation as a result of the 44-day Patriotic War, which led to the emergence of new geo-political realities in the South Caucasus. Evidently, Iran is utterly perturbed over this situation, given that the new geo-political environment inceases the influence of Azerbaijan and Turkey in the region as part of their cooperation. Furthermore, the strengthening of a strategic alliance between Turkey and Azerbaijan and the expanding cooperation and integration in the Turkic world in general come into play. Overall, Turkic unity is an underlying cause of Iran's inability to grasp the current geo-political realities in the region. Iran definitely perceives Turkic unity as a threat. Therefore, it has consistently backed Armenia instead of supporting Azerbaijan, and this is currently the case as well. Although Iran certainly reserves a sovereign right to pursue its own policy and establish close ties with Armenia, taking sides, supporting this country and making defiant accusations significantly questions Iran’s attitude of good neighborliness toward Azerbaijan.

Political implications of the activities of TNCs: Current trends and impact on the concepts of power, legitimacy and sovereignty

Amidst dramatic transformation of international relations, both traditional and new actors are undergoing major changes. The multinational corporations (MNCs), which have dramatically strengthened their positions in the world economy and politics since the middle of the 20th century due to favorable economic environment, as well as their ability to quickly convert considerable material, financial, intellectual and institutional resources into political clout, are no exception. All this points to the need to address MNCs as full-fledged political entities and examine their impact on traditional actors in a changing international context. The first section examines various approaches to conceptualization of the evolution of MNCs as actors of world politics. It also identifies the specifics of their position within the framework of the contemporary international relations system. The author focuses on such trends as digitalization, growing influence of companies with a platform business model, increasing engagement of corporations in addressing global issues, scaling up investments in the host countries’ infrastructure through new formats of public-private partnership, as well as growth in the number of state-owned TNCs. The second section examines the activities of TNCs as political actors in contemporary international relations from two angles. On the one hand, it considers the TNCs’ operations in terms of power, legitimacy and sovereignty that is how these categories manifest themselves in the activities of corporations and their interactions with other actors and society. On the other hand, it poses the question about how various trends in the development of TNCs, in turn, affect the content and essence of these categories. The author concludes that cooperation with TNCs offers national states new economic, social and political opportunities. At the same time, corporations are becoming increasingly autonomous, which can have a serious impact on conventional ideas of power, legitimacy and sovereignty, up to the erosion of the state monopoly on legitimate violence. The latter may have a serious impact on conventional ideas of power, legitimacy and sovereignty, up to the erosion of the state monopoly on legitimate violence. There is thus a pressing need to further study various types of TNCs, their functioning and interactions with individual countries, as well as the impact of new technologies, in particular, artificial intelligence on corporate activities.

Lawyers Writing History: The Politics of the Past of the United Restitution Organisation (URO) from 1948 to the 1980s

This article explores the Geschichts- and Vergangenheitspolitik, or politics of the past, of the United Restitution Office/Organisation (URO) in the post-war years and asks how it impacted on the early historiography of the Holocaust. I demonstrate that the URO leadership took a conscious decision to publicly downplay the role of its organisation in German reparations to maximise its legal and political clout behind closed doors. While this strategy was beneficial for many of URO's clients, above all in the 1950s and 1960s, this self-marginalisation prevented the organisation from becoming a significant voice in the public debates about German moral guilt and its consequences in the 1970s and 1980s. One reason for this development was generational. The URO was an enterprise driven by a particular cohort of German-Jewish lawyers for whom it provided an opportunity to personally ‘come to terms’ with the interruptions of their pre-1933 careers and the persecution during the Third Reich. In the post-war period, their legal expertise as well as their intimate knowledge of the German language and customs allowed them to act as transnational citizen diplomats, successfully mediating between the different parties and interest groups, governments and non-governmental lobby groups. For most of these Jewish jurists, their practical experience with their German peers, politicians and the administrators of the German Wiedergutmachung led to an increasing scepticism and ultimately disappointment – despite the undisputedly impressive results that they obtained for their clients.

Super Atlanticist in the EU? Vilnius Between Washington and Brussels

When in the early 2000s, the European Union prepared to take in a host of Central and Eastern European countries, some policy observers were quick to assert that the newcomers, given their staunch Atlanticism, would increase the US political clout in the EU’s corridors of power. Sceptics, on the other hand, pushed back by contending that with the deepening of the EU integration process, the foreign and security policies of Central-Eastern Europe would eventually align closer with Brussels. This article, using Lithuania as a case study, seeks to reflect on how these competing hypotheses have panned out in practice. The analysis concludes that Lithuania, despite being institutionally anchored in the EU, has sought to retain its special relations with Washington, thus occasionally causing some disruption to the EU’s consensus. Stated differently, it has exhibited the behaviour of a super atlanticist. Lithuania, the United States, the EU, Alliances, Super Atlanticism

Shifting Waters: The Challenges of Transitioning from Freshwater to Treated Wastewater Irrigation in the Northern Jordan Valley

Jordan’s water scarcity prompted a national plan whereby treated wastewater is utilized to amend agricultural irrigation water so as to reallocate freshwater to urban/domestic uses. The policy, however, has engendered farmers’ resistance in the Northern Jordan Valley (NJV), causing a stalemate in putting new infrastructure into operation. This research investigated the socio-economic causes of farmer resistance and contestation, and examined the government’s institutional approach to overcome the challenges. We found that the perceived risks of wastewater reuse such as salinization and restrictions from international markets figure prominently in the farmers resistance. As yet, farmers have managed to avoid the shift to treated wastewater use by using the political agency of elite farmers who control the Water Users Associations. These same farmers have adopted informal water access practices to overcome freshwater shortages. At the same time, small producers who don’t have possibilities to access extra water and with less political clout seem more willing to irrigate with treated wastewater. We conclude that understanding the heterogeneous context in which the envisioned wastewater users operate is key to predicting and solving conflicts that arise in treated wastewater reuse projects.

The Italian Americans’ pro-fascist lobby in the United States: Continuities and discontinuities with the liberal regime

Studies have highlighted the role of fascism in shaping Italian immigrants in the United States and their progeny into a pressure group that influenced Washington's foreign policy to the benefit of Italy. That interpretation has drawn primarily on Italian Americans’ mobilization to prevent the US Congress from passing sanctions against Mussolini's regime during the Ethiopian War and to financially support that colonial venture. Yet, fascism initially hesitated to resort to Italian Americans’ lobbying potential. The exploitation of their political clout implied the newcomers’ acquisition of US citizenship and their children's disavowal of their parents’ nationality. This course of action apparently conflicted with the retention of the immigrants’ allegiance to the homeland and, consequently, met the opposition of Fascist ideologues in Italy and of leaders of the fasci in the United States. Furthermore, contrary to conventional scholarly wisdom, Mussolini's regime conceived nothing new when it urged Italian Americans to mobilize politically and forged them into a pro-Fascist lobby. Rather, it replicated a strategy that Vittorio Rolandi Ricci, the last Liberal ambassador in Washington, had already envisaged.

Distortion of Information in Politics: Based on the Work of Paul Ekman <i>Telling Lies</i>

Conceptual analysis of the mechanism of information distortion in the political domain of public life and the issue of lies in politics undertaken in this study stems from the work of the American psychologist, Professor Paul Ekman Telling lies (1985). As the research question raised concerns about the cultural determination of these phenomena in politics, the authors attempted to determine whether deception and lies in public life depend on cultural background. In his work, Ekman presents the interconnection between personal meanings, emotional perception, self-censorship, features of human memory, metaphors, and narratives with the manipulation of public opinion. The paper indicates factors that may affect the study of intentional distortion of information and increase the possibility of error. The methods proposed in Telling Lies coupled with vivid examples enable us to identify patterns of political lies and investigate the meaning of lies as a specific cultural strategy. Specifically, this essay compares Ekman’s arguments with the ideas of the cultural and historical approach of Soviet psychology, as well as with the ideas of prominent foreign authors concerning the acceptability of using lies in certain political cultures. In particular, the authors are interested in considering political metaphor and group thinking in studying reasons goals, and results of employing lies to create political clout. According to research, personal meaning is closely related to group values and meanings. Based on the example of American foreign policy in the second half of the 20th century, it is shown that across cultures there are some manipulation techniques and patterns. Accordingly, the authors conclude that intentional and unintended deception is typical of politicians despite their cultural background.

Quarantined judicial expansion: The environmental legal entrepreneurship of Chinese courts, procuratorates, and NGOs

AbstractAlthough judicial empowerment has become increasingly common worldwide, the expansion of judicial powers in authoritarian countries faces persistent obstacles, such as institutional dependence, lack of political clout, and the repression of civil society. Through empirically examining three cases of environmental legal entrepreneurship under China's new public interest litigation (PIL) system, this study aims to reevaluate the patterns and limits of judicial expansion under authoritarianism. It finds that Chinese judges, prosecutors, and NGOs have been able to leverage the PIL system and their respective institutional advantages to substantially expand judicial oversight on eco‐environmental protection. However, the state has established boundaries for such legal entrepreneurship in terms of subject matter, institutional autonomy, and geographic reach, effectively confining them within political spheres considered unthreatening to the regime. Such quarantined judicial expansion shields relevant actors from authoritarian governments' tendency to suppress legal mobilization and thus may be a more viable form of judicial expansion in nondemocratic settings.

From Yazd to Bombay—Ardeshir Mehrabān ‘Irani’ and the rise of Persia's nineteenth-century Zoroastrian merchants

AbstractThis article begins by surveying the commercial structure of nineteenth-century Yazd, centring on the economic activities of its Zoroastrian inhabitants. Next, we examine the house of Mehrabān, arguing that they were intermediate figures in Persia's transition from a pre-capitalist to an inchoate capitalist mode of production. Throughout the mid- to late nineteenth century, the Mehrabāns were significant socio-economic players and precursors for later generations of prosperous, worldly Iranian Zoroastrians. Ardeshir in particular epitomised the gradual emergence of an Iranian bourgeoisie in the urban centres of Persia, specifically Yazd. Concurrently, the rise of prominent members of the Mehrabān family was intimately related to their education, ‘cultural capital’, socio-economic connections, and business ventures in Bombay as well as their constantly developing political clout in Persia and India.

Betting on the Farm: Institutional Change in Japanese Agriculture

Japan’s rapidly aging agricultural sector has long appeared reluctant to change. This image was embodied by the organization of agricultural cooperatives JA (Japan Agriculture), the powerful spider in the web of the postwar agricultural support and protection regime, committed to using its political and economic clout to block any meaningful reform. In ‘Betting on the Farm’, Patricia Maclachlan and Kay Shimizu offer a fascinating new perspective on JA with an empirically rich and theoretically intriguing account of how local co-ops and their farmer-members have been changing JA and Japanese agriculture from within. This change is happening in the context of demographic decline and gradual market liberalization—the accumulated result of a series of reforms since the early 1990s that have substantially altered the regulatory landscape in which farmers and JA operate. Farmers gained more freedom to professionalize their businesses and market their products outside the cooperative network, supported by various government policies to promote structural change and entrepreneurial farming. This created pressure for JA and its less than 600 remaining local co-ops. Yet, local co-ops have not been passive bystanders in this process. Some have been successfully adapting to market signals to bind farmers to the organization, often starting long before the Abe administration directly targeted JA with an ambitious reform initiative in 2014. Other co-ops seem either unable or unwilling to adapt and—so the authors argue—run a higher risk that the entrepreneurial farm(er)s that are the future of Japanese agriculture will turn their backs on them. The book sets out to investigate what explains this divergent behavior.

The dynamics of the Republic of Serbia’s cooperation with China via the Belt and Road Initiative and the “Sixteen plus One” platform

ABSTRACT In this paper, we examine what factors played a determining role in creating new and dynamic bilateral relationships between the “sixteen” smaller European states and China, particularly the Republic of Serbia. Our research will notably examine the expressed capacity of the local actors in Serbia and their main drivers to accept and support China’s initiatives. A new chapter in cooperation with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) resulted from the one-sided PRC initiative. Vulnerable to the consequences of the global economic crises and neglected by Brussels, member states among the “sixteen” were attracted to China’s promise of market access for their products and investment. The Balkan states, severely affected by the civil war in the 1990s and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, were in an even grimmer condition and even further from substantial developmental assistance from Brussels. The domestic economic and somewhat political drivers were the main ones that existed with all the local agents and their willingness to engage. In the case of Serbia, there were also powerful peace and security issues. Additional drivers come from international relations, and major power rivalries became increasingly apparent with the rise of project numbers and values and China’s growing political clout over the included countries.

Military Ideology and Foreign Policy: A Constructivist Examination of the IRGC'S Ideological Influence

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) pervades most aspects of life in post-revolutionary Iran. Ostensibly the regime’s security organisation, the IRGC’s political clout and economic heft enable it to extend its influence beyond security and into foreign policy. This study employs a constructivist perspective, casting light on the key elements of the IRGC’s identity, notably its religious discourse. In doing so, it develops our understanding of how the organisation’s beliefs and values affect the foreign policy agenda of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article draws on IRGC press statements, ideological training materials and its constitutive charter in conjunction with an analysis of the organisation's behaviour to delineate an image of an organisation staunchly loyal to the total imperium of the ‘House of Leader’, and which buttresses the regime with its militant, violent and religiously hardline outlook. Working to promote rather than define Ayatollah Khamenei’s system of Islamic governance, the IRGC’s role is closer to that of enforcer and implementer than of autonomous agent of foreign policy. This article contributes to the wider literature on constructivist idealism by highlighting the importance of ideas as relational and performative elements of foreign policy.