ABSTRACT This article examines the recent student protests in Serbia through the lens of official narratives articulated by the leading political representatives. The protests have gained public support by mobilizing toward a broad-based call for political change. To analyze this development, we concentrate on the narratives propagated by the president and state officials, employing a theoretical framework of competitive authoritarianism alongside methodological insights from the notion of securitization. By framing the student-led movement as a threat to national stability – at times invoking language of terrorism – the regime has sought to galvanize its base by deploying a divisive discourse that pits ‘Us’ (patriots and regime supporters) against ‘Them’ (traitors, foreign agents, and terrorists).

The article aims to discuss social policies in the context of the intensification of ultraneoliberalism in Brazil since 2016 and the consequences for the configuration of Social Welfare Policy and the world of work. The analyses carried out were based on a critical and dialectical theoretical framework, through a bibliographic study with reflections on the contemporary Brazilian scenario and the repercussions of State action in the scope of social policies, in the world of work and consequently in the lives of the population in a situation of social vulnerability. The results showed that there is a regressive scenario for social policies, with deepening inequalities of class, race/ethnicity and gender, historically and socially constructed in the Brazilian reality, with significant limits for democracy and citizenship. Regarding the new trends of exploitation of the working class in the ultraneoliberal context, destructive processes are underway, increasingly perverse and precarious, with the offer of labor force under any conditions and at any cost for the extraction of surplus value; This scenario includes the new information and communication technologies that have been absorbed by social assistance policy in the execution of services, programs and projects and that promote the exclusion of a large portion of the population in a situation of social vulnerability due to their lack of access to digital tools. That said, understanding the current format of social policies in contemporary times is essential to analyze how economic and political changes impact the way in which people access essential services and promote greater social inequality.

The article explores the life and career of Archbishop Varlaam Shyshatsky against the background of transformations in Ukraine at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries. The study aims to identify key trends in the interpretation of his figure in Ukrainian historiography. The study is grounded in the principles of historicism, objectivity, and systematic analysis, combining critical, comparative, and prosopographical approaches. Scientific novelty. The article attempts to analyze the state of Ukrainian historiography concerning the study of Varlaam Shyshatsky’s activities in the context of social and political changes in the Ukrainian lands at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries. Attention is drawn to the variety of interpretations offered by researchers regarding the archbishop’s actions and views. Conclusions. The figure of Varlaam Shyshatsky represents a logical reflection of the historical, political, and cultural processes that unfolded in Ukraine at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th centuries. His activity as an archimandrite has been of particular interest to historians studying the Orthodox Church, religious education, and the intellectual elite of that period. As a lecturer and rector of the Pereiaslav Collegium, the Novhorod-Siversky Theological Seminary, and the Volhynian Theological Seminary, Shyshatsky is presented in academic studies as a key figure in the founding, administration, and intellectual influence of these institutions. Historians have variously portrayed him as a defender of Orthodoxy in Right-Bank Ukraine, an opponent of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and of the Union, and as a proponent of an independent Ukrainian Church.This multiplicity of interpretations highlights the complex identities of the Ukrainian elite within the political and religious space of the Russian Empire. As a descendant of Cossacks and an Orthodox clergyman, Varlaam Shyshatsky was a representative of the Ukrainian elite of the late 18th and early 19th centuries who operated within the realities of the Russian Empire. His life, therefore, like that of many Ukrainian intellectuals of that time, calls for reinterpretation through the prism of multidimensional identity, which could manifest itself both in loyalty to the empire and in adherence to the ideas of autonomy, as an expression of social and/or religious interests.

This article explores populist cinema in Poland after the Second World War, in the context of changes in Polish politics. Of particular interest is the period after 2015, when the term ‘populism’ entered into wide use in Poland and when we observe the production of a large number of films which can be described as ‘antipopulist’, mainly by female directors. The article focuses on two such films, directed by Agnieszka Holland: Spoor/Pokot (2017) and Zielona granica/Green Border (2023), trying to dissect their ideology. It argues that Holland in these films uses strategies associated with socialist realism, to discredit her ideological opponents, most importantly conservative Catholic provincials.

This article explores the role of Indonesia’s royal house of Yogyakarta in the development of a site called Ambarrukmo. Originally a royal garden retreat, Ambarrukmo has undergone two significant phases of urbanization: the construction of an international hotel during Indonesia’s immediate post-independence period, and the more recent construction of a large-scale mall. These commercial development projects have been used by the Sultan to defend its royal status in a context of political change. Urbanization processes that are elsewhere neatly accounted for as singular effects of neoliberal globalisation are here realised through the convergent aspirations of national government and a regional monarchy. The Sultanate’s role challenges dominant, western-centric understandings of city building agency, which emphasise the state, the market and civil society.

Abstract: This essay suggests that, since the mid-twentieth century, innovations in the ways historians make sense of the past both reflect and respond to significant changes in politics, economics, and society. It also argues that although historians cannot resolve the present crisis, they can contribute to make it legible. This is not because of what they know but thanks to the skillset they rely on to reconstruct and interpret the past: attention to context and evidence, shifting perspectives, openness to debate.

This research examines the methods and approaches to teaching geography in Libya, focusing on the shift from the traditional approach to the contemporary educational perspective, within the context of the structural and educational challenges facing Libyan education as a result of political and social changes. This research sought to answer the main question: How can modern teaching methods be employed in geography in accordance with contemporary educational trends at the primary and intermediate levels in Libya? The research adopted a descriptive-analytical approach, reviewing educational literature and previous studies, and analyzing the reality of geography teaching in Libya. It concluded that traditional teaching methods, based on rote learning and memorization, are still prevalent in many schools, leading to poor academic achievement and low motivation to learn. In contrast, modern methods such as project-based learning, cooperative learning, blended learning, inquiry-based learning, and brainstorming offer broader opportunities for developing spatial reasoning and scientific analysis skills, and enhance student interaction with their environment. The research also demonstrated that implementing modern methods requires a shift in educational philosophy from a teacher-centered to a learner-centered approach, with educational technology serving as a medium for integrating knowledge and practice. It further emphasized that improving teacher competency and developing curricula and infrastructure are essential prerequisites for activating these methods in Libyan schools.

ABSTRACT The death of Mahsa Amini in September 2022 sparked one of the most significant protest movements in Iran’s recent history, marked by the global rallying cry #WomenLifeFreedom. This paper investigates the role of Twitter (now X) in shaping the most popular and high-engagement discourse during the Mahsa Amini movement. We analyze 78,088 popular Farsi tweets (>1000 likes) from 10,308 users and examine the political orientations, user types, tweet tones, and content strategies that characterized the movement’s digital discourse. The findings reveal a dynamic interplay of anti-regime, reformist, and pro-regime actors, with diverse engagement patterns ranging from personal storytelling to state-sponsored disinformation campaigns. While anti-regime activists utilized Twitter to mobilize support and amplify dissent, pro-regime entities employed sarcastic and hostile tones to undermine the movement. The study highlights the dual nature of Twitter as both a tool for grassroot resistance and a site for state propaganda and surveillance. This research contributes to understanding digital activism in authoritarian contexts by exploring how Iranian users navigated repression and censorship to sustain momentum. This movement underscores the transformative potential and inherent challenges of social media as a battleground for political resistance and systemic change.

Political regime change and firm bribery

Power-sharing regimes are often misleadingly studied as democracies even when they are a part of authoritarian or hybrid regimes. This article contrasts power sharing without democracy in the national self-determination context—with all four pillars, largely constitutionalised and territorialised—with non-democratic but incomplete, informal and flexible power sharing in ethnic and ideological conflicts. It claims that power sharing facilitates peace and stability under both democracy and authoritarianism; however, problems arise in hybrid regimes and with political change. Evidence is provided from the comparative historical analysis of power sharing without democracy in communist Yugoslavia and postcommunist Bosnia and North Macedonia.

ABSTRACT In the last decade, a consensus has emerged that we are now witnessing a global democratic decline. The democratic backsliding consensus is also extended to the African continent. Reflecting global trends, African incumbent leaders have strategically used the law and courts to control the contestation for power and participation, and also used sovereigntist claims to shield themselves from external scrutiny and pressures. But, three decades into the continent's multiparty era, politics in the region reflect a status quo: Democratic levels have largely remained the same since the 1990s. Seeking to explain this equilibrium of partial democratization, we revisit the arguments of “democratization by elections” and link the focus on elections to the study of social movements. Addressing cases that have experienced episodic challenges of autocratization, we argue that the routinization of elections has contributed to building democratic resilience against the autocratic ambitions of incumbents. Competitive elections provide a formal mechanism for translating the demands of social movements into political change, fostering greater accountability and institutional adaptability. Our analysis shows that social movements emerge in response to these episodic challenges of autocratization and that they – in doing so – strategically borrow from past movements while employing symbolic resonance to mobilize and sustain participation.

The incorporation of China into the capitalist world-system required political, social and economic changes. Although existing studies on incorporation and comparative historical sociological research have provided numerous analyses of nineteenth-century Chinese social transformations, they lack a detailed, comprehensive account of the economic classes that emerged during the period of incorporation. This study categorizes the economic classes that emerged during China's long nineteenth-century incorporation into the capitalist world-system into domestic and international levels and analyses their impact on China's economic development. This study's contributions are as follows: first, unlike existing studies on China's incorporation or comparative historical research, this study considers the economic classes created by China's incorporation into the capitalist world-system in the nineteenth century; and second, this study enables an actor-based (or class-based) approach to China's economic changes and development path during and after its incorporation.

ABSTRACT The detailed observations of British Consul J. E. Blunt, encapsulated in his ‘Report on the Effects of the Russian Invasion of Roumelia’, assisted by Edmund Calvert and Frederick R. J. Calvert, constitute a primary source that captures the scale of demographic, economic, political and social changes experienced by the strategically important Kazanlak district in 1877 during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878. Blunt and his assistants documented the population displacements, housing destruction, agricultural devastation, and widespread economic collapse triggered by the war. This article presents and integrates Consul Blunt’s original observations in 1877 with insights and analysis, contributing to a nuanced understanding of how imperial strategies were enacted into local level, producing profound demographic and social transformations. Through examining these interconnected dynamics, the study illuminates the complex relationship between military actions and their lasting impact on civilian populations, particularly in sensitive strategic zones such as the Kazanlak region.

Cuba's Three Autocratic Transitions: From Revolutionary Regime to (Post)Totalitarianism and New Authoritarianism?

Paulo Freire has influenced and continues to influence numerous studies by some of the world's leading educators, providing a revolutionary portrait of new ideas and developments in education that can influence the possibility of social and political change. The authors consider diverse fields such as feminism, ecology, media, and individual freedom in the search for new ideas that can inform the fundamental practice of education and promote a more humane civil society. However, can we consider the theoretical benefits of Freire's thought in current education? Freirean thought is present in the construction of this theoretical base, but it is not evident how Freire's legacy interferes with the philosophical and ideological formation of other current educational thinkers. Thus, this study aims to understand how Paulo Freire's philosophical thought dialogues with other important thinkers in world education today. The intention is to draw a parallel between Freirean thought and renowned intellectuals such as bell hooks, Peter McLaren, Antonio Nóvoa, and Henry Giroux, Michael W. Apple, and observe whether the combination of these approaches contributes to the discussion and evolution of education. This theoretical research will seek in bibliographic sources the educational correlations of Freire with other theorists.

This study explores the concept of constitutional identity and its safeguarding mechanisms, focusing on Indonesia through a cross-national comparison. As nations grapple with the tension between maintaining unique constitutional identities and responding to global influences, Indonesia faces the challenge of preserving its foundational principles while adapting to social, political, and technological changes. Using a legal comparative approach, this research examines the constitutional frameworks of countries like Germany, Turkey, and the United States, alongside Indonesia, to identify key mechanisms that protect constitutional identity. The study finds that while Indonesia has strong constitutional foundations through Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution, it faces significant challenges in ensuring their relevance amid political polarization, globalization, and rapid technological advancements. The novelty of this research lies in its proposal for a flexible, inclusive legal framework that balances international obligations with local constitutional values, alongside strategies to enhance judicial independence and public participation. These findings offer a critical perspective on strengthening Indonesia’s constitutional safeguarding mechanisms and provide recommendations for improving legal frameworks to maintain national unity in a rapidly changing global landscape.

Technology has become an essential tool in the fight for women's empowerment. By improving access to education, enabling economic independence, supporting health and well-being, and promoting social and political change, technology is helping women break barriers and create better lives for themselves. As technology continues to evolve, its potential to empower women will only increase, paving the way for a more equal and just society for everyone.

Climate change poses significant risks to climate-sensitive sectors in Tanzania, underscoring the need to mainstream adaptation measures such as climate services through effective governance mechanisms that enhance resilience. Climate services, which translate climate information into actionable decision-making, have become critical tools for preparedness and vulnerability reduction. However, their integration into political processes, particularly electoral platforms, remains underexplored. This study investigates how climate services are articulated, prioritised, or omitted within the political party manifestos of Tanzania across three general election cycles: 2015–2020, 2020–2025, and 2025–2030. Guided by agenda-setting theory and principles from the Global Framework for Climate Services, the research employs qualitative content analysis of party manifestos, complemented by expert perspectives gathered during the 2025–2030 election cycle. The analysis focuses on three major political parties that shape national electoral competition and policy debates in mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar: Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), Alliance for Change and Transparency – Wazalendo (ACT-Wazalendo), and Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA). Findings reveal uneven integration of climate services across parties and election periods. CCM demonstrates incremental progress, increasingly embedding climate change within its development agenda, though its approach risks being supply-driven, limiting user relevance and uptake. ACT-Wazalendo shows the most substantive advancement, embedding climate services comprehensively in its 2025–2030 manifesto through proposals for district-level climate service centres, enhanced information systems, and user-centred approaches. In contrast, CHADEMA’s 2020–2025 manifesto acknowledges climate resilience but omits climate services entirely, and its absence from the 2025 election restricts longitudinal comparison. Overall, the study highlights growing but inconsistent political recognition of climate services in Tanzania. It underscores the need for stronger political commitment, institutional capacity, and evidence-based advocacy to ensure climate services are mainstreamed within governance and development agendas, thereby strengthening national resilience to climate risks.

Using an original dataset of 91 years of the Fire Brigades Union’s journal, The Firefighter , we use text mining to analyse changes in how the union discusses class. We show that where class was once a central discourse within the union, it is now rarely mentioned. We attempt to show why this has occurred, connecting these results to the broader debate in sociology concerning whether class identities are declining. We argue that while class remains a core part of the union’s organisational identity, the decline of class rhetoric results primarily from political change. In particular, we argue that the progressive marginalisation of traditional working-class political rhetoric by the Labour Party has strongly influenced how unions talk about social class. We argue that these findings have important implications for our understanding of class politics in contemporary Britain and the role of class identities in union renewal.

This article analyses the Europeanisation of Lund University from the mid-1980s until Sweden joined the European Union in 1995. At Lund University, internationalisation had long been high on the agenda but had not had any clear geographical focus. This was to change in the second half of the 1980s, particularly in 1987–1988, when the new emerging European market in research and higher education contributed to a discursive Europeanisation and a desire to become part of various forms of European cooperation. European engagement increased even more in Lund in the wake of the dramatic political changes following the fall of the Berlin Wall. Many leading representatives at Lund University believed that the institution’s geographical location, far from Stockholm but close to Copenhagen and the northern parts of the Continent, predisposed Lund to European cooperation. During the first years of the 1990s, European visions were partly turned into reality in Lund, but it also became clear that there were practical and bureaucratic obstacles along the way.