Political Camp Research Articles

“Anti-monument: The Way to a Forgotten Historical Event”. Participation as a Tactics for Creating New Memory

In this text, I will address historical memory as an ethical obligation and a means of intervening in the process of social change, with a particular emphasis on the problem of excluding women from main historical narratives. My analysis is set in relation to the marginalized historical episode of the political camp for women in Goli Otok and Sveti Grgur. I will explore how tactics of socially engaged artistic practice can effectively bring this forgotten historical episode into public focus and integrate it into institutional frameworks. Special attention will be given to the concept of the anti-monument as an innovative critical approach to the memorialization practices of violent heritage. The anti-monument involves the public in the process of memory transmission, allowing everyone to seek information and respond according to their own interest, and by building their own memory, become carriers of memory, and take responsibility for the future. For the purpose of this paper, I will refer to the case study “850 Women for 850 Women”, which I initiated and have been leading since 2021 within the artistic project “You Betrayed the Party Just When You Should Have Helped It”, as a concrete example of participatory building of a collective anti-monument and repositioning towards memory. This participatory practice indicates how artistic interventions can actively transfer memory from the past through present collective action into the future. The paper provides insight into ways artistic tactics establishes connection with marginalized histories and strengthens collective memories with the idea of historical justice and inclusion.

Exploring the Polarization of American Elites Based on the Analyses of Candidates’ Statements During the 2020 Presidential Election

ABSTRACT The article consists of three parts. The first contains a theoretical analysis of the phenomenon of US political polarization and discusses the main approaches to its explanation, primarily through the prism of the influence of political elites. The authors note a logical contradiction in the existing concepts, which postulate the existence of an “asymmetry” in the influence of elites on polarization in the United States, arguing that the contribution of the Republicans is more destructive than the contribution of representatives of the Democratic Party. The authors find the growth of political polarization, regardless of party preferences (while noting the importance of elite behavior as one of the central factors of political polarization). The second part examines the phenomenon of affective (or emotional polarization), based on the socio-psychological rejection of representatives of an alien political camp. Based on the results of a network analysis of a two-modal network consisting of pre-election messages and topics selected by the authors themselves, the author notes that all candidates, without exception, are prone to emotional affect as part of their election campaign. The third part is devoted to the study of positional (or ideological) polarization, in which the author, on the basis of Latent Dirichlet Allocation analysis, divides the corpus of campaign messages of candidates into separate topics and, through a comparative analysis, finds a significant distance from “bipartisan” topics (i.e. from the political center) among all candidates.

Exemplar-based ingroup projection: The superordinate national category is associated more strongly with ingroup than outgroup political leaders

We studied mental representations of social categories in the context of political groups nested within national identities. Extending previous works derived from the Ingroup Projection Model, which had investigated category representations based on prototypical attributes, we examined category representations based on prototypical exemplars, focusing on group leaders. We hypothesized that the mental representation of the superordinate, national, category is more strongly associated with the mental representation of ingroup political leaders than outgroup political leaders. We tested our hypothesis in three preregistered experiments, looking at two different national-political contexts and using diverse methods. In Studies 1 (N = 145) and 2 (N = 103), both conducted in Israel, we found that participants explicitly associated the national category with leaders of their own political camp more than with leaders of the rival political camp. In Study 2, we further found that participants were more likely to falsely remember that ingroup relative to outgroup political leaders were paired with the national category (versus their political wing). In Study 3 (N = 381), conducted in the USA, we found using an implicit measure of association (ST-IAT) that Democrats and Republicans sorted stimuli, representing political leaders, faster when the national category (represented by American symbols) was paired with the ingroup rather than the outgroup category. Implications for theoretical accounts of ingroup projection, as well as for the understanding of political polarization and intergroup leadership, are discussed.

*Corresponding author: suwandi.sumartias@unpad.ac.id E-ISSN: 2289-1528 https://doi.org/10.17576/JKMJC-2024-4002-01 Portrait of Hate Speech Propagators' Behaviour in Indonesia Twittersphere: A Comparative Virtual Ethnography Study

Political life in Indonesia today cannot be separated from the social media platform Twitter (X) because it is often used to express opinions freely. Unfortunately, a handful of parties misused the freedom of communication and expression offered by Twitter (X) to spread hate speech. One of the biggest phenomena is “Cebong” and “Kadrun”. This research examines the characteristics of hate speech spreaders in the political context of "Cebong" and "Kadrun". This study employed virtual ethnography to interpret the phenomenon of political hate speech on Twitter (X) in May 2022. The hate speech made by "Cebong" and "Kadrun" can be concluded as two hostile political camps. They argued with each other to show their identity as supporters of one of the camps and aimed to bring down the opposing political camp. The tweets made by “Cebong” were dominated by arguments classified as arguments by analogy; meanwhile, "Kadrun" was dominated by discovery arguments: arguments from cause to effect. The manipulation strategy carried out by "Cebong" is dominated by connotations, and "Kadrun" is dominated by specific warrants and connotations. The fallacy expressed by "Cebong" is dominated by persuasive definitions; meanwhile, "Kadrun" is dominated by hasty generalizations. These findings could be suggestions for creating a healthier ecosystem in the digital public sphere in Indonesia. Twitter (X) users should be more aware of reporting content that indicates hate speech. By knowing the characteristics of hate speech and the characteristics of hate speech spreaders, Twitter users can stop the spread of hate speech. Keywords: Cebong, Kadrun, hate speech, propagators, Twitter.

교사의 존재와 의무의 비(非)대칭성에 대한 검토와 문제의 진단

This thesis deals with the cause of the fall of the teachers’ right, which was revealed by a series of teacher deaths, from the complex perspective of the cause and diagnosis, rather than falling into the trap of turbid political camp logic. In other words, by shifting the discourse of the fall of teaching authority to the dimension of pedagogical reflection, the philosophical issue of the teacher's existence(Lehrer-Sein) was examined and the cause of the problem was diagnosed through the contrast with the social reality, In order to understand this problem, this article first attempted to conduct a philosophical preliminary examination of the relationship between the existence and duty of teachers, and as a result, it was confirmed that its existence and duty are excessively dominated by teleological-ontological philosophical discourse. Existence and duty are in a non-symmetry relationship due to heterogeneity and semantic imbalance that are not conceptually similar to each other. As I believe that this problem is closely related to various changes in social reality, I analyzed it focusing on four core themes: the collapse of modern teacher Image, the dilemma of educational correctness, the contradictory consequences of functionalization and legalization of life world(Lebenswelt) like school, and the anti-intellectualism trend of society.

Actual and Perceived Partisan Bias in Judgments of Political Misinformation as Lies

In times of what has been coined “post-truth politics,” people are regularly confronted with political actors who intentionally spread false or misleading information. The present article examines (a) to what extent partisans’ judgments of such behaviors as cases of lying are affected by whether the deceiving agent shares their partisanship (actual bias) and (b) to what extent partisans expect the lie judgments of others to be affected by a bias of this kind (perceived bias). In two preregistered experiments ( N = 1,040), we find partisans’ lie judgments to be only weakly affected by the partisanship ascribed to political deceivers, regardless of whether deceivers explicitly communicate or merely insinuate political falsehoods. At the same time, partisans expect their political opponents’ lie judgments to be strongly affected by the deceiving agents’ partisanship. Surprisingly, misperceptions of bias were also present in people’s predictions of bias within their own political camp.

The Russian Movement of the 1960–1980s

This article is dedicated to the phenomenon of the Russian movement in the second half of the 20th century — the successors of the political programs of pre‑revolutionary conservatives and post‑revolutionary emigrant conservative thinkers that emerged in the 1960s in the USSR. In this sense, the Russian movement, mainly consisting of dissidents and having an anti‑communist orientation, is contrasted with the so‑called legal Russian party, which attempted to connect the values of pre‑revolutionary Russia with the Soviet period and see it as an organic continuation and embodiment of the former. The history and activities of the All‑Russian Society of Cultural and Historical Heritage and its members I. V. Ogurtsov, V. N. Osipov, and their self‑published journal “Veche”, as well as A.I. Solzhenitsyn and I. R. Shafarevich, are examined. The ideology of the All‑Russian Society of Cultural and Historical Heritage is analyzed, including its attitude towards revolution, economic positions, critique of Marxism‑Leninism, foundations of the desired Christian‑social corporative system, and program of Christianizing society. The key milestones in the history of the journal “Veche” and the almanac “Moscow Collection” are presented. The role of priest Dmitry Dudko in the development of the Russian movement is reviewed. Special attention in the article is given to A.I. Solzhenitsyn, whom the author considers the most influential and key figure in the Russian conservative movement of the second half of the 20th century. The ideological content of the collection “From Under the Rubble” is examined, with Solzhenitsyn and Shafarevich being the central authors. The author concludes that the organizational destruction of the Russian movement in the Soviet Union in the late 1970s and early 1980s predetermined the course of Russian history, paving the way for liberal‑Western forces preparing for the restructuring and radical reforms of the 1990s. As a result, during the critical period for the country from 1987 to 1993, the Russian movement did not produce any universally recognized leaders who could offer an alternative to the liberal course of the country. Nevertheless, the intellectual developments of the Russian movement in subsequent decades have been in demand within the conservative political camp and continue to be so to this day.

Внешнеполитический имидж Эстонии как страны-члена Европейского союза в контексте укрепления евроскептицизма

The author explores the transformation of Estonia’s foreign policy image in the context of a systemic crisis. A significant strengthening of the Eurosceptic political camp in Estonia, destabilizing the Euro-optimistic reputation carefully formed since the country regained its independence in 1991, leads to the formation of a negative foreign policy image of Estonia both in Brussels and inside the state. The study examines the image policy of Estonia in the European Union. The purpose of the article is to study the transformation of Estonia’s foreign policy image as a European Union member during the strengthening of hard Euroscepticism in this state. The problems of Estonia’s image in Brussels are becoming increasingly relevant due to the presence of Eurosceptic Conservative People’s Party of Estonia in the government coalition in 2019–2021. A system-functional approach has been used to study Estonia’s foreign policy image as an integral system, which consists of a number of interconnected elements. The research uses the scientific method of system analysis, comparative method, which allowed to compare the foreign policy image of Estonia at different chronological stages; genetic method, which helped to investigate the genesis of the Estonia’s foreign policy image, reveal its content and show the stages of its transformation; case study method, which allowed to explore a self-sufficient and unique Estonian case. The research is based on the theory of image in international relations. In order to identify the elements that influence the formation of the modern foreign policy image of Estonia, the author uses the method of content analysis. As a result of Eurosceptics’ presence in the government coalition the positive image of the country in European Union underwent significant erosion and partial destruction.

When politics meets dating: how moral concern, utopianism, and communication competence predict willingness to date across the political divide

Political orientations are increasingly relevant to romantic relationships. Self-categorization theory suggests that individuals prefer partners with the same political views. However, few studies have identified the factors associated with willingness to date or not to date across the political divide. Using survey data from 416 single participants from Hong Kong, the study found that older, female, and participants who were politically neutral or yellow were less willing to date across the political divide. Furthermore, a greater belief in politics–morality equivalence (i.e. regarding people from the opposite political camp as morally different from themselves) was associated with less willingness to date across the divide; this association was more negative among people with higher communication competence. At the same time, among people with a higher level of communication competence, utopianism (i.e. believing ideal worlds may exist) was positively associated with such willingness. The results demonstrate that communication competence has a paradoxical influence on willingness to date across the political divide, which challenges the assumption that communication can bridge the divide between people who hold different views.

Stanje in notranja razmerja v slovenskem naprednem (liberalnem) taboru na pragu 2. svetovne vojne

The article provides an outline of the development of the internal relations and divisions in the Slovenian progressive (liberal) camp in the years just before the Second World War and upon its start. After falling from power in 1935, the progressive camp was weak and internally fragmented. At the same time, the range of groups and ideological orientations found under the “progressive” umbrella was extremely wide as it extended far to the left and right sides of the political spectrum. The youth, in particular, were distinctly ideologically differentiated and radicalised. Some of them were highly susceptible to radical political approaches and moved towards fascism and communism. Especially when viewing the wider ideological camp, it is thus partly justified to posit a process of disintegration. At the same time, at least the core part maintained a consciousness of belonging to a common political camp, which was reflected by renewed connections between parties and groups on the eve of the war.

Women in science: myth, harsh reality, or advantage.

To initiate discussion on women in science, we begin with Gerald Edelman's definition: "Science is imagination in the service of the verifiable truth," which underscores "verifiability," truth reached by evidence, as the pathway science charts to Truth. "Verifiability" is named after the Roman Goddess Veritas, the daughter of Cronos and the mother of Virtus, suggesting that mythology viewed science as embodied by a female, embedded in its historical time, and aimed to breed values. We contemplate three perspectives on the topic and discuss their potential risks. The Veracity (Veritas) Perspective holds that science is impartial to the gender, race, political camp, or religious affiliation of its practitioner and from this perspective "women in sciences" is an oxymoron; science is, essentially, genderless. We argue that this perspective is misleading. Becoming a scientist requires education, resources, encouragement, training, role models, time, and funding, and the lack of such provisions banned women from the gates of Truth. The Harsh Reality perspective brings data presenting a grim picture. From 1902 to 2022 only 3.6% of Nobel Prizes in sciences were awarded to women and percentages of women in top academic positions are a third or lower across the US and Europe despite earning about 50% of PhDs in sciences. We contemplate internal and external reasons for this reality. Finally, the Potential Advantage position asks whether women may have unique sensitivities in the road to cumulative knowledge. We base our discussion on 20th century philosophical models that call to move from the metaphysical and abstract to the daily and contextual in the acquisition of knowledge and on research describing the distinct neural pathways to motherhood and fatherhood. We conclude by highlighting our unique historical time and the emergence of novel topics in neuroscience through the work of female and male scientists; interaction synchrony, inter-brain communication, and social and affiliative neuroscience.

Książę Adam Jerzy Czartoryski i jego stronnicy w świetle historiografii ukraińskiej

Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski and his political camp in the light of Ukrainian historiography In 1937, the Warsaw historian Marceli Handelsman published a work entitled Ukraińska polityka ks. Adama Czartoryskiego przed wojną krymską [Ukrainian politics of Prince Adam Czartoryski before the Crimean War]. So far, this book has been used by historians as the primary source of information on the Ukrainian issue in the views of the Hotel Lambert’s leader. The author of this text has decided to collect Ukrainian works referring to the topic inaugurated by Handelsman. Unfortunately, no larger study has been prepared on the Ukrainian side. However, a number of articles and encyclopaedic notes showing Prince Adam and his Eastern policy (especially during his stay at the court of Tsar Alexander I Romanov) has been published. Ukrainian authors paid much more attention to Czartoryski’s associates, who tried to put his ideas into practice. Ukrainian researchers wrote mainly about Michał Czaykowski (Sadyk Pasha) organizing the Cossack troops in the Ottoman Empire, about Hipolit Terlecki striving for the union of the Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches, and finally about the ethnographer and writer Franciszek Duchiński clearly separating Ukraine from Russia in his writings.

Książę Adam Jerzy Czartoryski i jego obóz polityczny wobec grekokatolików

Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski and his political camp towards Greek Catholics The article aims to describe the actions of Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski and his friends of the same political group directed towards Greek Catholics. Prince Adam Jerzy, firstly religiously indifferent, came into contact with Uniates’ problems at the beginning of the 19th century, as a curator of Vilnius Scientific Society. In that period he was a protector of Uniate Bazylian Convent. As a representative of authorities of the Kingdom of Poland he aimed to engage Uniates in development of people’s education. New opening for Czartoryski’s activities started with the Great Emigration after the failure of the November Uprising. As a leader of Hotel Lambert Prince Czartoryski observed with a great worry the liquidation of the Church Union in Russian partition. Several times he intervened by Pope Gregory XVI in favour of the persecuted people of Uniate Church. Apostolic Capital was then receiving journals, letters, and other proofs for Russian repressions. In 40s and 50s of the 19th century Czartoryski’s agents were involved in issues of Uniates living in Russian and Austrian partitions. Some examples of these actions were: giving the Roman Catholic Church Madonna del Pascola to Bazylian Convent, opening of Uniate Collegium and placing Galician clerics in Apostolic Capital. Moreover, initiatives for Greek Catholics among Polish immigrants were supported and also the foundation of the Greek Catholic Church in Bulgaria was backed up.

Ziemie Zabrane w angielskojęzycznej prasie związanej ze stronnictwem księcia Adama Jerzego Czartoryskiego w początkach emigracji

“The Taken Lands” in English-language press related to the political camp of prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski at the begining of exile The article is based on three English-language press titles published in the early 1830s in Great Britain by Polish emigrants and British supporters of the Polish case related to the political camp of Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski. These are: “The Hull Polish Record,” “The Polish Exile,” and “Polonia or Monthly Reports of Polish Affairs”. The main aim of the article is to recreate the image of the so-called “Ziemie Zabrane” (The Taken Lands) – i.e. the former Polish provinces incorporated directly into the Russian Empire after 1795. These were the lands of today’s Lithuania, part of Latvia, all of Belarus and the right-bank of Ukraine. The authors of the several articles devoted to this issue presented – in their writings – the history of these lands from the Middle Ages, their fate during the partitions until the November Uprising, the course of which in Lithuania and Ukraine was described in more detail. There were also reports of repressions that fell upon the inhabitants of these lands after the defeat of the uprising. On the pages of the surveyed press one can also find reports on the state of the economy of these lands, trade and water routes; biographies of famous people born in these areas and many descriptions of their tourist and sightseeing values. In each of these cases, the authors of the texts tried to emphasize the ties between these lands and their inhabitants with the rest of the Polish territory and convince the potential readers that they constitute its integral part, which should be included in it in the event of the reconstruction of the independent Polish state.

Identifying Behavioral Factors Leading to Differential Polarization Effects of Adversarial Botnets

In this paper, we utilize a Twitter dataset collected between December 8, 2021 and February 18, 2022, during the lead-up to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. Our aim is to design a data processing pipeline featuring a high-accuracy Graph Convolutional Network (GCN) based political camp classifier, a botnet detection algorithm, and a robust measure of botnet effects. Our experiments reveal that while the pro-Russian botnet contributes significantly to network polarization , the pro-Ukrainian botnet contributes with moderating effects. To understand the factors leading to these different effects, we analyze the interactions between the botnets and the users, distinguishing between barrier-crossing users, who navigate across different political camps, and barrier-bound users, who remain within their own camps. We observe that the pro-Russian botnet amplifies the barrier-bound partisan users within their own camp most of the time. In contrast, the pro-Ukrainian botnet amplifies the barrier-crossing users on their own camp alongside themselves for the majority of the time.

Identifying Behavioral Factors Leading to Differential Polarization Effects of Adversarial Botnets

In this paper, we utilize a Twitter dataset collected between December 8, 2021 and February 18, 2022, during the lead-up to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. Our aim is to design a data processing pipeline featuring a high-accuracy Graph Convolutional Network (GCN) based political camp classifier, a botnet detection algorithm, and a robust measure of botnet effects. Our experiments reveal that while the pro-Russian botnet contributes significantly to network polarization , the pro-Ukrainian botnet contributes with moderating effects. To understand the factors leading to these different effects, we analyze the interactions between the botnets and the users, distinguishing between barrier-crossing users, who navigate across different political camps, and barrier-bound users, who remain within their own camps. We observe that the pro-Russian botnet amplifies the barrier-bound partisan users within their own camp most of the time. In contrast, the pro-Ukrainian botnet amplifies the barrier-crossing users on their own camp alongside themselves for the majority of the time.

Pismo szefa sztabu Obozu Zjednoczenia Narodowego do przewodniczącego okręgu łódzkiego Obozu dotyczące członków grupy „Jutro Pracy”

The decomposition of the political camp of Józef Piłsudski after 1935 led to the increasing influence of supporters of stronger cooperation with nationalist groups, which concluded with the creation of the Camp of National Unity in 1937. The Camp was composed (among others) of a group of nationalist members of the ruling political camp, the so called “Jutro Pracy” group. After a period of harmonious cooperation, the number of clashes between leaders of the Camp and the group’s members led to the latter’s exodus from the Camp. In response to this exit, the chief of staff, and a supporter of totalitarianism, colonel Zygmunt Wenda, published a missive describing actions that should be taken by the leaders of the Camp in this situation. The analysis of content of the missive and parallel political events leads to a conclusion that the consolidation declared by political leaders of the Camp was only a facade, and differences of opinion within the ruling group were clearly visible.

Wychowanie obywatelsko-patriotyczne na łamach czasopisma „Dziś i Jutro” w okresie międzywojennym

Dziś i Jutro (Today and Tomorrow) was a magazine for female youths that was published by the Ursuline Sisters. In 1919, the magazine was associated with the Union of Polish Ursulines; and in 1936, it was affiliated with the Roman Union of the Order of St. Ursula. The magazine was published until 1937, and its initiator was Sister Cecylia Łubieńska, later named superior general. The editors in chief were the following Ursuline Sisters: Julia Felicja Bronikowska (1925-1933), Zofia Zakrzewska (1933-1936), Jadwiga Szarska (1936-1937). The magazine was published in Kraków (1925-1936), and later in Poznań. It was a monthly publication; although from 1926-1927, an attempt was made to transform it into a biweekly. In total, thirteen volumes of this magazine were published.In this article, the content containing civic and patriotic values published in Dziś i Jutro was analyzed. Research has proven that this type of content was one of the main messages of the magazine. Civic and patriotic content was published more in the 1920s than in the 1930s. Additionally, lyrical and poetic texts, stories, novels in episodes, literary works, reports, speeches, and theatrical plays were also published. Their authors were university lecturers, writers, poets, artists, educators, and nuns, as well as students schooled by the Ursuline Sisters. The topics of the magazine contents varied, but the dominant topics were historical articles, biographies on distinguished Polish women, texts devoted to the heritage of Polish culture, folk traditions and customs, architectural monuments, nature, and native geography, social activities of youth organizations, and issues of Polish emigration. In these subjects, the value of good works for the motherland was often emphasized. This idea gained even greater importance in connection with the evolution of the Polish educational system towards the doctrine of state education that was introduced by the political camp of Marshal Józef Piłsudski. In the 1930s, the magazine also published articles related to the cult of Marshal J. Piłsudski. The analysis of the source material also showed the presence of other topics with civic and patriotic overtones that were related to economics, economic education, as well as the religious and moral formation of young girls.

Why we stopped listening to the other side: how partisan cues in news coverage undermine the deliberative foundations of democracy

AbstractRecent theorizing on deliberative democracy has put political listening at the core of meaningful democratic deliberation. In the present experiment (N = 827), we investigated whether news media can improve diverse political listening in the United States via a reduction in party cue salience. Although Republican (Democratic) participants showed a strong preference for listening to speeches given by Republican (Democratic) politicians when party cues were highly salient, this bias in selective political listening was reduced or even absent when news items provided no or only low-salience cues. Conditional process analysis indicated that (automatically activated) implicit and (overtly expressed) explicit party attitudes mediated this effect. There are important implications: Current journalism practices tend to exacerbate tribal us-vs-them thinking by emphasizing partisan cues, nudging citizens toward not listening to political ideas from the other political camp. A more helpful news-choice architecture tones down partisan language, nudging citizens toward more diverse political listening.

Where Did the Black Hundreds Disappear? Electoral Statistics as a Source for the Study of the National Identity of Ukrainian Peasantry at the Beginning of the 20th Century

The article traces the fates of the members of the Black Hundred organizations of Right-Bank Ukraine after the revolution of 1917. In 1905–1917, this region was one of the centers of the monarchist movement, and the Pochaev department of the Union of the Russian People was the most numerous black hundred organization in the Russian Empire. There is a lot of indirect evidence that after the overthrow of the monarchy, many Black Hundreds of the Right Bank found themselves in the ranks of Ukrainians and Bolsheviks, actively participating in various rebel detachments and gangs, but it is impossible to draw far-reaching conclusions based on such sources, most often of a memoir nature. To understand what happened to the former black-hundredists and in which political camp they found themselves, the author turns to electoral statistics. Comparing the data about the size of organizations of the Union of the Russian People in different settlements of the Kiev province in the 1910s with the results of the elections to the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly in 1917–1918 in the same localities, the author comes to the conclusion that the former black-hundredists did not vote for Russian nationalists and monarchists, but for the Ukrainian Social revolutionaries and occasionally for the Bolsheviks, that is, for the parties that promised a radical solution to the agrarian question. At the same time, the peasants who voted for the socialists because of the desire to divide the landowners’ land, did not support the party programs of the Ukrainian Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks on other issues, retaining elements of the black-hundred worldview. This is why during the Civil War “black-hundred sentiments” could be found both in the army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and in the Red Army.