Polish Diplomat Research Articles

Polish-Austrian Relations at the End of the Cold War in the Light of Polish Diplomatic Sources

Przyjęte metody badań historycznych miały za zadanie odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy państwa wschodnie sąsiadujące z Austrią, ograniczone swym systemem gospodarczym i politycznym, mogły liczyć na pomoc w zakresie inicjowania reform politycznych. Dysproporcje pomiędzy demokratycznym Zachodem i komunistycznym Wschodem wpływały na Wiedeń niekorzystnie. Przyjęta teza badawcza dotyczy możliwości i skali zaangażowania Austrii na rzecz reform gospodarczych w Polsce. Austriacy uznali, że równomierny rozwój wschodnich sąsiadów służył rozwojowi Drugiej Republiki i konsekwentnie go wzmacniali. Austria wielokrotnie potwierdzała chęć pomocy Polsce, nie tylko humanitarnej, ale także dyplomatycznej i gospodarczej, bez konieczności negatywnej oceny działań władz komunistycznych. Dlatego charakterystyka Austrii w polskich dokumentach dyplomatycznych i oficjalnych komunikatach prasowych z lat 1985–1989 to obraz sojusznika i partnera. Przykładem skrzętnie wykorzystywanym przez polskie władze było oficjalne stanowisko Austrii i jej negatywna ocena sankcji gospodarczych nałożonych na Polskę przez Zachód. Narracja została podzielona na dwa okresy. Pierwszy dotyczy lat 1985–1986 i relacjonuje odradzanie stosunków po wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego w Polsce. Drugi etap dotyczy wspólnych działań w latach prowadzących do przełomu i „jesieni ludów”. Polityka rządu austriackiego wzmocniła funkcjonujący reżim i przedłużyła rozkład polskiego systemu politycznego. W nieoficjalnych rozmowach reformy gospodarcze w Polsce oceniano w Austrii jako powierzchowne i przewidywano załamanie gospodarcze, mogące mieć katastrofalne skutki dla całej Europy. Władze polskie wykorzystywały wpływy i pozycję neutralnej republiki do realizacji własnych celów, zwłaszcza do legitymizacji swoich rządów. Bilans stosunków dwustronnych w końcowym etapie zimnej wojny okazał się dla obu krajów niekorzystny.

Albanija tokom 1939-1944. prema poljskim diplomatskim dokumentima

On April 7, 1939, Italy's invasion of Albania marked a significant escalation in Benito Mussolini's imperialist aspirations. This invasion, driven by Mussolini's expansionist policies, swiftly resulted in the conquest of Albania. The country's strategic importance to Italy had long been recognized, making it a target for Italian territorial ambitions. The invasion precipitated the rapid departure of King Ahmet Zogu from Albania, as Italian forces quickly established control over the country. This event underscored Albania's vulnerability to external powers and its susceptibility to being manipulated for geopolitical gains. In this study, I aim to provide insights into the events surrounding Albania's occupation during World War II, drawing from Polish documents of the time. Polish diplomats and ambassadors were extensively informed about the situation in Albania and were able to offer objective perspectives, often emphasizing Poland's lack of political interest in the region. Additionally, the analysis incorporates data obtained from popular Polish newspapers of the era, which published articles and featured numerous photographs, providing valuable context to understand the political dynamics in Albania during this period. The role of the Polish ambassador in Rome, Wieniawa Długoszewski, was pivotal in informing Italy's connections about the invasion of Albania.Through diplomatic channels, Długoszewski facilitated communication regarding the unfolding events in Albania, contributing to a better understanding of the situation among allied nations. Following Italy's occupation of Albania, King Ahmet Zogu sought refuge in various countries, including a visit to Warsaw in July 1939. This visit, documented through studies and photographs from the time, sheds light on the diplomatic efforts and interactions between Albania and its allies during this tumultuous period. Additionally, key documents such as Ahmet Zog's letter to Wladyslaw Sikorski, the Polish Prime Minister in London, and Antoni Balinski's correspondence regarding Britain's stance towards Zogu provide valuable insights into the diplomatic maneuvers undertaken by Albania and its allies. Despite efforts to gather comprehensive information, certain gaps remain, such as the absence of a report from a Polish officer who was part of the British mission in Albania. This underscores the challenges in fully understanding Albania's situation post-Italian occupation and during Nazi Germany's subsequent annexation. The impact of World War II on Albania was profound, leading to significant political, social, and economic upheavals. The invasion by Italy and subsequent occupation, followed by Nazi Germany's annexation, plunged Albania into a period of turmoil and conflict. The partisan warfare that ensued, led by communist factions under the direction of Enver Hoxha, further intensified the country's struggles. The aftermath of the war left Albania fundamentally transformed, with the establishment of a communist regime led by Enver Hoxha, which endured for decades. The war's legacy left an indelible mark on Albania, shaping its governance, society, and economy for years to come.

Diplomatic archives: the Polish segment (1918–1991) in the Ukrainian archives

The purpose of the article is to comprehend the essence of the concept of “diplomatic archive” and to review documents, which were created in the activities of Polish diplomatic and consular institutions and/or are related to the development of Polish-Ukrainian interstate relations, preserved in state archives in Ukraine. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, determinism, and special scientific methods of scientific heuristics, information analysis, and source criticism. The scientific novelty of the study is determined by a comprehensive analysis of the composition and content of the Polish segment in “the Ukrainian diplomatic archive” – documents generated in the activities of Polish diplomatic missions and consulates in UNR/UkrSSR and materials on surveillance of Polish diplomats in the UkrSSR during 1918–1991. Conclusions. The Polish segment in the Ukrainian diplomatic archive is not a complete set. These are documents related to contacts of the Polish mission with the authorities and institutions of the host country: drafts and texts of treaties and conventions; authorization documents of the heads of Polish diplomatic missions and consulates; official correspondence of the highest state level; documents generated in the course of activities of Polish diplomatic missions and consulates in the host country; documents related to the implementation of consular functions; audiovisual documents; materials of special services’ supervision and materials of party control over the activities of Polish diplomatic missions and consulates. It seems important to create a common archival and information base on the composition and content of Polish and Ukrainian diplomatic archives.

Diplomatic archives: the Polish segment (1918–1991) in the Ukrainian archives

The purpose of the article is to comprehend the essence of the concept of “diplomatic archive” and to review documents, which were created in the activities of Polish diplomatic and consular institutions and/or are related to the development of Polish-Ukrainian interstate relations, preserved in state archives in Ukraine. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, determinism, and special scientific methods of scientific heuristics, information analysis, and source criticism. The scientific novelty of the study is determined by a comprehensive analysis of the composition and content of the Polish segment in “the Ukrainian diplomatic archive” – documents generated in the activities of Polish diplomatic missions and consulates in UNR/UkrSSR and materials on surveillance of Polish diplomats in the UkrSSR during 1918–1991. Conclusions. The Polish segment in the Ukrainian diplomatic archive is not a complete set. These are documents related to contacts of the Polish mission with the authorities and institutions of the host country: drafts and texts of treaties and conventions; authorization documents of the heads of Polish diplomatic missions and consulates; official correspondence of the highest state level; documents generated in the course of activities of Polish diplomatic missions and consulates in the host country; documents related to the implementation of consular functions; audiovisual documents; materials of special services’ supervision and materials of party control over the activities of Polish diplomatic missions and consulates. It seems important to create a common archival and information base on the composition and content of Polish and Ukrainian diplomatic archives.

Private Correspondence of the Polish Diplomat J. S. Łoś with the Hierarchs of the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church

Private Correspondence of the Polish Diplomat J. S. Łoś with the Hierarchs of the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church

A ‘Potemkin Reality’: Bolshevik Preparations for Visits of Polish Diplomats and Officials to Soviet Institutions and Enterprises in the 1930s

On the basis of materials from post-Soviet and Polish archives the author discusses attempts to show Soviet reality in as good a light as possible by hiding the traditional communist disorder that were taken by the Bolsheviks in relation to Polish diplomats and consular officials and tourists in the 1930s as well as provides the answer to the question of what their perception of the mystification under way was. As Soviet materials attest, until the mid-1930s the Soviets strove to show foreigners the ‘Soviet paradise’ in a positive light. They expended much energy in that regard. The greatest undertaking was the visit of the French politician Édouard Herriot, but as the data provided in the present article, this practice was also used, to a lesser extent, in relation to other foreigners. A profound analysis of the archival base allows the author to state that employees of the Polish Foreign Service in the Soviet Union did not allow themselves to be swayed by the propagandistic images showed them by their Soviet hosts.

Surveillance of the Polish Diplomat Jan Karszo-Siedlewski by Soviet Counterintelligence, 1932–1937

Abstract The history of communist crimes in the USSR has been well elucidated. Nonetheless, a still under-investigated group of archival materials are files of the Soviet counterintelligence. One of its tasks was the surveillance of the foreign diplomats and consular representatives operating on the territory of the USRR. Even after the fall of the USSR and the opening of the archives, access to the materials of the communist special services was and is very difficult. The situation changed not very long ago. Open access to materials of the former GPU/NKVD/KGB was possible in Ukraine. In the Branch State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine in Kyiv is a file continuing materials from the surveillance by the Soviet counterintelligence of the Polish diplomat Jan Karszo-Siedlewski, who was among others the head of the Polish consulates general in Kharkiv and Kyiv in 1932–1937. In this way, material that had been entirely inaccessible for researchers will be discussed in the present article.

Interview with Izabela Matusz

Izabela Matusz (Warsaw, 22 September 1974) is a Polish diplomat.
 She serves as Ambassador of the European Union and Head of the Delegation to Panama since 1 September 2022.
 She joined the Polish Foreign Service in 2002. Between 2013 and 2017, she served as Ambassador of Poland to Peru, concurrent for Bolivia and Ecuador. She also served at the Embassies of Poland in Argentina and Spain.
 While at Headquarters in Warsaw, she worked in the Department of the Americas, Department of Economic Cooperation and the Cabinet of the Minister.
 She holds a MA degree in Economics and International Relations from the SGH Warsaw School of Economics and a Postgraduate degree from the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Warsaw.

ФАКТОР КОММУНИСТИЧЕСКОЙ РЕВОЛЮЦИИ В ГЕРМАНИИ В СОВЕТСКО-ПОЛЬСКИХ ОТНОШЕНИЯХ В 1923 ГОДУ

The article raises the little-studied topic of the influence of the proletarian revolution in Germany, prepared in 1923 with the active support of the Comintern and the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), on relations between Poland and the USSR. The author relies on unpublished archival materials, first published and introduced into scientific circulation, revealing these events in a new light, declassified in the post-Soviet period. The work shows how, despite the presence of radical proposals that threatened a new large-scale war in Europe, the leadership of the RCP(b) chose a more pragmatic approach. Given the military power of the Polish state, Moscow decided to dispense with threats and intimidation that distinguished the Soviet approach to Poland from its policies towards Lithuania and Latvia in order to achieve the lifting of Warsaw's severe restrictions on transit between Germany and the USSR. In response, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) agreed to make a number of concessions, primarily on economic and financial issues, including the payment of 30 million rubles in gold to Poland, to which Warsaw was entitled under the Riga Peace Treaty and was actually sabotaged by Moscow. In addition, the USSR was ready to allow the transit of Polish goods to Persia. This plan did not work, since Poland was aware that the lifting of restrictions on transit between the USSR and Germany increased the chances of revolution in Germany, which threatened Poland with communist countries encircling it. In addition, by the time the Soviet mission arrived in Warsaw with the above-mentioned proposals, there was no longer much sense in insisting on such an exchange with strong opposition from Polish diplomats, since plans to organize a proletarian revolution in Germany had failed.

Cartographic sources on Finland in Polish documents prepared for the Paris Peace Conference

Abstract The article reinstates an understanding of cartography far beyond that of a strictly geographical discipline, primarily concerned with the depiction of space in various aspects of societies. Using the example of several manuscript maps preserved in Polish documents left over from the Paris Conference, depicting the area of the Finnish state that was being established, the author illustrates the role of the map as a tool helping to shape the political entities of European societies and bringing to light various premises related to their threats or security, but also indicating development opportunities for these new state organisms. The author’s subject is Finland, aspiring to be a state at the beginning of the twentieth century, seeking alliances and the support of closer and further neighbours. By discussing surviving (and lost) maps, the author adds to the knowledge of the involvement of Polish diplomats in Paris in Finnish affairs.

Untold Stories of Polish Heroes from World War II

Untold Stories of Polish Heroes from World War II

The Model of a Polish Diplomat and Its Evolution From the 16th to the 21st century, in the Context of Education, Axiology, Professionalism and Socialization

The contemporary model of a Polish diplomat is the result of a long evolution. The first mentions of the topic date back to antiquity and the Middle Ages. It was not until modern times, however, that more interest was vested in this issue. In Western Europe, Niccolo Machiavelli, Torquato Tasso, Abraham de Wicquefort, François de Callierrès, Harold Nicolson, and others have commented on this topic. In Poland, Jakub Przyłuski, Krzysztof Warszewicki, Wawrzyniec Piaseczyński, Stanisław Miński, Tadeusz Morski, Adam Czartoryski – and currently Jerzy M. Nowak, Roman Czyżycki, and Bogdan Grzeloński – have discussed the virtues and vices of diplomats. Their remarks provide a sufficient basis for developing a model of a diplomat and following its evolution over the span of five centuries. To achieve this goal, I utilized my proprietary method of pattern research, analyzing the four components of genealogical, personality, professional, and social conditions. The first is related to one’s birth, which can lead to a comprehensive education, good physical condition and inherited wealth. The last one was important in the past, but of no importance now. The second concerns the personal predispositions of a diplomat, in which effectiveness initially took precedence over morality, but morality is now on par with effectiveness. The next set of determinants relates to professionalism, which entails a great responsibility for the position of the state in the international arena and for the fate of one’s fellow citizens. Thus, it is more than a profession, as it constitutes a kind of mission and service to one’s country. The last component – social conditions – determines the relationships with members of the diplomatic corps, which is especially important today, now that diplomacy has become a team sport. Such a pattern remains difficult to follow, both for past and present generations. However, it is still a desired object of aspiration meant to transform into actual patterns.

Populist Foreign Policy and its Consequences: The Case of Poland Under the Rule of The Law and Justice Party

The rise of populism makes it necessary to study its influence on international relations. This concerns in particular the new members of the EU and NATO in Central Europe, which have witnessed a “democratic backsliding” since 2010. The analysis of Polish foreign policy under the rule of Law and Justice brings important insights into that issue. Polish authorities have critically assessed the achievements of Polish diplomacy since 1989 and Polish diplomats, have been considered to be elitist and cosmopolite. Polish foreign policy looks for enemies, rather than for partners – both at state (Russia, Germany) and non-state level (immigrant-refugee threat). Polish authorities are critical in particular towards the EU, which is considered to act in favour of Germany and France and against Poland’s sovereignty. A growing isolation of Poland is to be counterbalanced by a reliance on politically irrelevant (Hungary) or distantly remote partners (United States under Donald Trump). The foreign policy of Law and Justice is largely ineffective: relations with most European partners have deteriorated, because of its isolation and deterioration of democratic standards Poland has become more vulnerable to Russian pressure and finally since the electoral victory of Joe Biden, Poland cannot count any more on the support of the US. 

Миротворча місія Антанти під головуванням Ж. Бартелемі (20 лютого – 3 березня 1919 р.)

Introduction. At the present stage, Ukraine is in the active process of building its own statehood. This process is based on relations with other states and international organizations and institutions. In this context, it is extremely important to develop the issue of peacekeeping missions during the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918-1919. After all, the experience of the past is invaluable for Ukraine in the current realities of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the activities of international institutions in its cessation. Purpose. On the basis of previous works of Ukrainian and Polish scholars, archival materials, periodicals and memoirs of contemporaries of those events to comprehensively cover the structure, main tasks and activities of the second mission of J. Barthelemy in Eastern Galicia. Methods. The authors of the article use a systematic approach and the principle of historicism, which allows them to comprehensively reproduce all aspects of the second mission of J. Barthelemy. The reliability and completeness of the information was ensured by the methods of source and historiographical analysis and synthesis. Results. The article considers the activities of the second Entente peacekeeping mission in Eastern Galicia under the leadership of French General Joseph Barthelemy, analyzes the reasons for its emergence and the consequences of diplomatic work for both sides of the Polish-Ukrainian military conflict of 1918–1919. important instructions on the further penetration and strengthening of the positions of the Entente in the Galician region. In addition, the mission was to develop measures to combat the revolutionary movement and socialist ideas in the newly created states of Eastern Europe. Its equally important task was to study the circumstances of the Polish-Ukrainian conflict, to assess the prospects for the use of Polish and Ukrainian troops in the struggle against Bolshevik Russia. Originality. The state of scientific development of the problem indicates the urgency of its comprehensive study and the need to attract new sources to cover peacekeeping missions led by French General J. Barthelemy in the context of the Entente’s decisive influence on resolving the Polish-Ukrainian military conflict of 1918–1919. Conclusion. It is traced that the characteristic feature of the mission headed by J. Barthelemy was its pro-Polish orientation, formed under the influence of a large-scale and professionally organized propaganda campaign by Polish diplomats. It is noted that the mission of J. Barthelemy not only did not reconcile the parties involved in the war, but on the contrary, incited each other. At the same time, she promised the Ukrainians the political support of the Entente, and the Poles the Drohobych-Boryslav basin, which was in the hands of the Ukrainians. It is clear that such recommendations made it difficult to wait for a truce. &nbsp

Leon Wasilewski at the Treaty of Riga Negotiations: to the Centenary of the Peace of Riga (1921)

The article is dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Riga (1921), discussions about the significance of which do not stop today. What significance did this treaty have for the history of Europe, and especially for its political architecture of the interwar period? What were the consequences of this agreement for Poles, Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians? Estimated of the agreement signed a hundred years ago still differ – some believe that the document then established the borders of Poland almost within the Second Partition of Poland (1793) was the defeat of the then Polish elite, others – that it was an expression of the real state of affairs. This article focuses on the course of Polish-Soviet negotiations during the signing of the treaty, the struggle within the Polish delegation between supports of two state geopolitical concepts (National Democracy “incorporative” and “federal” J. Pilsudski) and establishment of the Eastern border of the Polish state. The well-known Polish diplomat and politician Leon Wasilewski played one of the key roles during these negotiations, and the study of his activities will help to clarify several controversial points during the negotiations. The Treaty of Riga (1921) put an end to the Polish-Bolshevik war, defined the Polish border in the East and the same time cancelled the Petliura-Pilsudski Agreement, which testified to the defeat of the federalist program of J. Pilsudski. Further, the Polish government’s policy towards national minorities later proved to be almost discriminatory, weakening the Polish state from within. For Ukraine and Belarus, this agreement proved to be a national catastrophe, depriving them of the prospects of statehood. This peace can be called a “situational compromise”, which in the short term solved the problem of ending the war, but did not solve any of the geopolitical problems of Poland: neither guaranteed security nor guaranteed the stability of Poland’s Eastern border. The violation of this peace by Soviet Russia was a matter of time, as it happened in 1939

Un messaggio per i posteri. La tomba di Stanisław Miński nella Basilica di Sant’Antonio a Padova

The article deals with the first burial in the tomb crypt built under the altar of the natio polona in the Basilica of St. Anthony in Padua. Stanisław Miński, a Polish state dignitary and diplomat who was passing through Padua on his way from Naples, was the one buried here. The tombstone, removed only in the first half of the 20th century, contained information about the laying of Miński’s body to rest in the place where church services associated with Poland and Poles were performed. For over three centuries, the tomb attracted the attention of pilgrims from Poland coming to Padua, reminding them not only of the outstanding Polish diplomat, but also of the natio polona, which, in the 16th and early-17th centuries, constituted a large and distinctive group of ultramontani, that is, those who came from beyond the mountains, most of whom had come to study at the flourishing university. In the article, little-known documents concerning the burial are gathered; these documents are kept in the Paduan archives and had been collected by the clergy and secular administration of the Basilica. Via the analysis of these documents, the cultural context in which the decision against bringing Miński’s body to Poland is reconstructed. The role of the institution, constituted by the administration of St. Anthony’s Basilica operating under the name of Veneranda Arca di Sant’Antonio, which grants permission to lay the body in the Basilica, is also established.

Działalność Poselstwa RP w Oslo w latach 1946–1947

The activity of the Polish Legation in Oslo in the years 1946–1947 is one of the most important and, at the same time, one of the most difficult periods in the history of Polish-Norwegian relations. The introduction explains the reasons for such a late sending of a Polish representative, Mieczysław Rogalski, to Norway. Section I presents the biography of Rogalski as well as the experience he gained while working for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The next section describes the negative attitude that the Polish diplomat had during his contacts with the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Utenriksdepartementet), especially in relation to further repatriation of Poles, which was started in autumn 1945 by the liaison officers of the Polish government in exile. Section III presents the diplomatic successes Rogalski had in his relations with Norwegian politicians and also indicates how good his orientation in Norway’s foreign policy was. Finally, the last section contains a description of Legation problems regarding mutual exchange of decorations and orders between Poland and Norway, including in particular political activities connected with the organization of celebrations commemorating the victory at Narvik.

Bolesław Wieniawa Długoszowski – lekarz, generał, wolnomularz

This article discusses the life and activities of a Polish Army general, a doctor, diplomat and freemason, such as Boleslaw Wieniawa Dlugoszowski. After Poland regained independence, he became the personal adjutant of Marshal Jozef Pilsudski. After the outbreak of World War II, President Ignacy Moscicki appointed him as his successor, in case the office was vacated before peace was made. He is one of the most colourful figures in interwar Poland. He was known for his predilection for beautiful women, fast horses and loud fun. On the one hand, such a view of life caused unusual affection among some and undisguised aversion among others, especially among opponents of his political camp. He was also a writer, wrote poems, painted and maintained constant contact with the artistic community. For several years he was Poland’s ambassador to Rome, he was friends with many outstanding people not only in Poland, but also in the whole of Europe. After settling in the United States, he lived in New York. He was also a journalist and editor-in-chief of “Dziennik Polski” in Detroit. He died tragically in 1942, a few days before taking over the diplomatic post in Havana. He was remembered by his posterity as the author of many popular sayings, later widely quoted throughout the country.

Making Diplomacy through Culture: Mikołaj Sękowski, the Polish Envoy to Naples and Madrid in the Late Sixteenth Century

The article is devoted to the little known but interesting Polish diplomat Mikołaj Sękowski, the envoy to Naples and Madrid in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. The main purpose of the text is to complete Sękowski’s biography with new details, and to shed a different light on his activity, placing it within the context of the beginnings of public diplomacy. Through the analysis of documental and literary sources comprised principally between 1576 and 1588, the author argues that Mikołaj Sękowski had, for more than a decade, remained a stable and active source of information about Poland in Italy in Spain. Thus, he provided an additional and unusual element of ‘soft diplomacy’ to the Polish foreign service actions in Naples and Madrid, aimed principally at recovering the Neapolitan sums.

Sondowanie przeciwnika czy poszukiwanie sojusznika? Stosunki polsko-rosyjskie na przykładzie Koła Przyjaźni Polsko-Rosyjskiej w Paryżu w latach 1946–1953

The article deals with the Polish-Russian Friendship Circle operating in Paris in 1947–1953, associated with one of the most widely-read Russian émigré papers Russkaya Mysl’ (“Russian Thought”). Its editor and the president of the Circle was Vladimir Lazarevsky, a Catholic by religion, who gathered around himself a group of Russian propagators of ecumenism. The organisation’s vice-president was Władysław Pelc, the Polish diplomat involved in the Prometheism movement, who decided to get in contact with Russians. The author reconstructs the opinions of the analysed milieu and answers the question about the purposes of both parties engaged in the dialogue and results of their talks.