Policy Of Coexistence Research Articles

The Factor of Trade in the Diplomatic Relations Between Nupe People and the Ilorin Emirate

Several scholars who wrote on migration have put forward many reasons why people move from one place to another. These include but not limited to political, social, cultural and religious factors. Scholars of Nupe history have recorded several push and pull factors that were responsible for the Nupe migration into places around the world. However, little or no attention has been placed on the factor of trade in the Nupe migration into Ilorin. This paper therefore, intends to examine the place of trade in the Nupe diplomatic relations with the people and authority of the Ilorin Emirate. These among other things relate to identification and appreciation of values of the relations between Nupe and the Ilorin Emirate. Since this study is on the relations of the two cosmopolitan communities, it will be useful in pointing sources of mechanism valuable to sustain effective policy of peaceful co-existence, crisis management and global peace. This study adopted historical research method, which involved the use of archival materials, oral evidences, and text content analysis. The study concluded that trade (with involvement in activities such as caravan trade, agriculture, currency production etc.) played prominent roles in the Nupe migration, integration and diplomatic relations into Ilorin Emirate.

The Factor of Trade in the Diplomatic Relations Between Nupe People and the Ilorin Emirate

Several scholars who wrote on migration have put forward many reasons why people move from one place to another. These include but not limited to political, social, cultural and religious factors. Scholars of Nupe history have recorded several push and pull factors that were responsible for the Nupe migration into places around the world. However, little or no attention has been placed on the factor of trade in the Nupe migration into Ilorin. This paper therefore, intends to examine the place of trade in the Nupe diplomatic relations with the people and authority of the Ilorin Emirate. These among other things relate to identification and appreciation of values of the relations between Nupe and the Ilorin Emirate. Since this study is on the relations of the two cosmopolitan communities, it will be useful in pointing sources of mechanism valuable to sustain effective policy of peaceful co-existence, crisis management and global peace. This study adopted historical research method, which involved the use of archival materials, oral evidences, and text content analysis. The study concluded that trade (with involvement in activities such as caravan trade, agriculture, currency production etc.) played prominent roles in the Nupe migration, integration and diplomatic relations into Ilorin Emirate.

Impact of COVID-19 pandemic on business operations of Taiwan High Speed Rail and 7-Eleven stores

Governmental non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) and concerns regarding COVID-19 infection greatly affected population mobility during the COVID-19 pandemic. This study analyzed the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on the business operations of Taiwan High Speed Rail (THSR) and 7-Eleven stores in Taiwan. We collected data from COVID-19 Mobility Reports published by Google, the Our World in Data website, and the monthly financial reports of THSR and 7-Eleven stores. The findings revealed that the mean population mobility at transit stations decreased by over 50% during the pandemic. Changes in population mobility were significantly associated with the reproduction rate (7-day rolling average) and with the daily number of new confirmed cases per million people (7-day rolling average). The operating income of THSR was significantly associated with the decrease in population mobility at transit stations. The monthly and annual operating income of THSR in 2020, 2021, and 2022 (during the pandemic) were significantly lower than those in 2019 (before the pandemic). THSR’s monthly operating income was lowest compared with the 2019 value during the Alpha variant period (89.89% lower). No significant correlation was noted between the operating income of 7-Eleven stores and population mobility. Moreover, no significant differences were discovered between the monthly and annual operating incomes of 7-Eleven stores in 2019 and those in 2020, 2021, and 2022. Implementation of the policy of coexistence with the virus by the Taiwanese government began in May 2022, and from May 2022 to October 2022, the monthly income of 7-Eleven stores was higher than that in 2019 whereas the monthly income of THSR began lower than and then slowly increased to the level in 2019. In conclusion, the operating performance of THSR was closely related to population mobility and government NPIs, whereas the operating performance of 7-Eleven stores was less strongly affected by NPIs. These stores increased their operating income by providing e-commerce and delivery services; they thus remained popular in the community.

Che and Maoism

ABSTRACT Even though Ernesto Che Guevara and Mao Zedong were two of the most influential Marxist revolutionaries of the twentieth century, there have been practically no attempts to explore the intellectual relationship between Guevara’s Marxism and Maoism. Yet an examination of Guevara’s writings, speeches and interviews reveals that several of the assumptions and postulates that constitute the core of Maoist political theory also represent fundamental components of Guevara’s theoretical perspective. These include the belief that a society can skip developmental stages on the road to socialism; an emphasis on the importance of remoulding people’s values and attitudes; opposition to the conventional division of labour; the prioritization of moral incentives in building socialism and communism; and condemnation of the policy of peaceful coexistence with imperialism. Despite these similarities, it would be an error to consider Guevara a Maoist, given his rejection of some of the theses and practices characteristic of Maoism.

Toward a Global History of Latin America’s Revolutionary Left ed. by Tanya Harmer and Alberto Martín Álvarez

Reviewed by: Toward a Global History of Latin America’s Revolutionary Left ed. by Tanya Harmer and Alberto Martín Álvarez Álvaro Ramírez Harmer, Tanya, and Alberto Martín Álvarez, editors. Toward a Global History of Latin America’s Revolutionary Left. U of Florida P, 2021. Pp. 301. ISBN 978-1-68340-169-8. Toward a Global History of Latin America’s Revolutionary Left is an in intriguing book that sheds new light on the Revolutionary Left, a movement that emerged in the 1960s in Latin America characterized by armed struggle, revolution, national liberation, anti-imperialism, and anti-capitalism. In the Introduction, the editors, Tanya Harmer and Alberto Martín Álvarez, lament the neglect in historical writing regarding this faction and place part of the blame on conservative national tendencies of Latin American historiography and the peripheral role historians have assigned to Latin America in recent histories of the globalized world. Therefore, Harmer and Álvarez underscore the need for new, more inclusive historical accounts elucidating the transnational interconnections which the Revolutionary Left maintained with similar movements in the international arena. The present compilation is a big step in that direction. The book is comprised of two sections. Part I, “Latin America’s Revolutionary Left in the Age of the Tricontinental,” spotlights the relations Cuba cultivated with the Soviet Bloc, China and Latin America. To this end, Michal Zourek’s “Czechoslovakia and Latin America’s Guerrilla Insurgencies,” emphasizes the important logistical support this Eastern Bloc country offered the Castro regime through Operation Manuel, set up to facilitate Latin American revolutionaries trained in Cuba to travel back to their home countries, thus revealing Czechoslovakia’s key role in fomenting Cuban-style revolution in Latin America. In “Revolutionary Diplomacy and the Third World,” Blanca Mar León gives a detailed account of the Cuban efforts to hold in Havana the First Tricontinental Conference in 1966. She highlights the skillful diplomatic maneuvering that went into acquiring the support of key Third World leaders and to fend off old-guard politicians, such as Lázaro Cárdenas, who were trying to derail the Cubans. In the “The Brazilian Far Left, Cuba, and the Sino-Soviet Split, 1963,” James G. Hershberg guides us through the internecine relations of the [End Page 313] Revolutionary Left in Brazil in 1963. We follow the machinations of the rivalry that ensued between Luis Carlos Prestes and Francisco Julião due to their opposing methods of obtaining the triumph of communism in Brazil; the first promoting the peaceful coexistence policy backed by Moscow, the second calling for armed revolt in the guise of the Cuban Revolution promoted by Castro and Beijing. The disarray of the Marxist movements operating in Brazil is made obvious. They come across as wanting to be players in a political chess game but are shown to be nothing more than peon pieces moved by the hand of Cuba, Moscow, and China. Other global connections are accentuated in the book’s second part, titled “Latin America’s Revolutionary Left and Europe.” Gerardo Leibner weaves an excellent argument in “The Italian Communist Party between ‘Old Comrades in Arms’ and the Challenges of the New Armed Left.” He notes the fine line the Italian Communist Party had to walk as it maintained tenuous relations with Latin American communist factions who vied for its support, which the PCI withdrew after Che’s guerrilla tactics began to radicalize young Italian groups who had broken off from the PCI. Leibner marks an interesting reversal in the flow of political influence: to use Emir Rodríguez Monegal’s words, it was “el retorno de las carabelas,” as young, European radicals adopted tactics perfected in Latin America, much to the chagrin of the Old Left who proposed a policy of peaceful coexistence and a legal political road to power. In “The Influence of Latin America’s Revolutionary Left in Europe,” Eduardo Rey Tristán delineates the significant role of European publishers Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, François Maspero, Nils Andersson, and Klaus Wagenbach in the dissemination of New Left ideology emanating out of the Algerian War and Cuban Revolution on both sides of the Atlantic. Focusing mainly on the publishers’ background, Rey Tristán establishes them...

Citizenship and new urban realities

Cities have always been the place where 'diversity' has settled, within a substantial ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic identity. The author's emphasis on the need for a cultural policy on migration and welcoming not in 'moral' terms but in relation to a mutual interest between different peoples and cultures. A policy which highlights 'diversity' and allows for peaceful coexistence and sharing, provides the basis for what can be called a policy of coexistence, or a strategy for coexistence. Such a policy can only be the result of a collective debate and effort which can propose new ideas of citizenship.

Thre Strengthening of the Right-Wing Political Vector in Germany in the Second Half of the 1920s and Early 1930s and the Winding Down of the Rappal Policy

The article discusses the process of gradual strengthening of the right political flank of the Weimar Republic and the growth of anti-Soviet rhetoric by the end of the 1920s and the beginning of the 1930s. On the basis of archival materials, the desire of German conservatives to consistently curtail the policy of peaceful and fruitful coexistence with the USSR is demonstrated. Attention is paid to issues of criticism of cooperation in the military and political spheres, the desire to create an anti-Bolshevik bloc of European countries, and anti-Soviet diplomatic steps. The growing influence of the right-wing radical NSDAP towards the end of the Weimar Republic contributed to the strengthening of this trend and to the rejection of the principles of the Rapallo.

Constructing Peaceful Coexistence: Nehru’s Approach to Regional Security and India’s Rapprochement with Communist China in the Mid-1950s

ABSTRACT In the mid-1950s, Jawaharlal Nehru advanced an alternative approach to regional security, pursuing it enthusiastically. He held that employing diplomacy in accord with the ‘Five Principles’ of peaceful coexistence, regional governments could establish ‘areas of peace’ and achieve ‘collective peace’. China played an essential role in this process, becoming the lynchpin of Nehru’s regional strategy. Although mindful of China’s potentially subversive role in Asia, Nehru downplayed such misgivings, urging Beijing’s commitment to the Principles. By doing so, he endeavoured to ‘create an environment’ where China would find it increasingly difficult ‘to break away from the pledges given’. Furthermore, by supporting China’s participation to the 1955 Bandung Conference, he wished to end Beijing’s isolation and transform India’s giant neighbour into a stabilising regional force. This analysis revisits Nehru’s policy of peaceful coexistence, making a fresh contribution to the study of Cold War India’s external relations. In addition, it explains how such a policy, crucially centred on Sino-Indian rapprochement, took shape and appeared, at least briefly, to make progress and deliver on Nehru’s expectations.

Precarious solidarities: ‘poisonous knowledge’ and the Academics for Peace in times of authoritarianism

Based on the case of Academics for Peace (BAK) in Turkey, this article reveals the conditions and trajectories that constitute precariousness and solidarity in the academic context of Turkey and the United Kingdom. Reflecting on a self‐ethnographic narrative, the main focus of the article revolves around the question of how to live an academic life when what we do and what we produce is perceived by both the public and the state as acts of potential threat to the integrity of nations and the well‐being of societies. What types of solidarity and forms of vulnerability and resilience emerge from these situations? How might the production of knowledge be transformed into a means and a place of solidarity? In the context of these questions, the article continues the search for possibilities that could emerge from precarious conditions and lead to another ethics or policy of coexistence in/outside the academic world.

Genesis of Muslim Culture and Co-Existence in Mughal Era

Muslim rule in India (1526-1707) is considered a golden chapter in the history of the culture of this region. Muslims established the Mughal Empire in India which was contemporary to the Safavid Empire in Iran. Massive migration to India occurred due to the wealth and grandeur of the Mughal court. Mughalstransformed every sphere of the Indian culture. Their Central Asian background created an aroma in the native culture and with the amalgamation of two; Mughals gave new dimensions to Muslim civilization in India. The cultural aura of Mughals affected every sphere of Indian social life. New ways of dining wereintroduced. Muslims established new industries of clothing and textile. New forms of beautification were launched. Cultural feasts and festivals were regularly celebrated. Music and dance touched the heights of glory. Royal painting studio laid new styles of Indian painting. This culture gave space to every communityto become its part. In the visual arts, the adaptation of local modes to the Mughal cultural environment involved a change of their ethos from religious devotion to secular entertainment. This paper focuses on the reinterpretation of Indian culture under the sway of Mughals. Every historian and scholar spells ink on the political and economic aspects of Indian history in medieval times. However, this work analyzes the cultural and social image of Muslim civilization which was developed under the policy of co-existence. Certain aspects of other cultures were also adopted by Mughal rulers under the policy of “Peace for All.”

Mao and the Sino–Soviet Partnership, 1945–1959 by Zhihua Shen and Yafeng Xia

Reviewed by: Mao and the Sino–Soviet Partnership, 1945–1959 by Zhihua Shen and Yafeng Xia Olavi Arens Shen, Zhihua, and Yafeng Xia. Mao and the Sino–Soviet Partnership, 1945–1959. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2015. The authors provide a well-researched volume on a crucial decade-and-half period in Chinese history that centers on the relationship of Mao Zedong and the Peoples' Republic of China with the Soviet Union. Zhihua Shen and Yafeng Xia, who previously have written extensively on the subject matter, have used both Chinese and Russian archival material for the study and have critically assessed existing western literature on the topic. At Yalta, Stalin obtained concessions from Roosevelt at the expense of China as the price for the Soviets entering the war against Japan. Among the concessions were the Chinese Changchun Railway (Chinese Eastern Railway), Dalian (Dairen), and Lüshun (Port Arthur). As a result of joint US and Soviet pressure, the Chinese Nationalist government of Jiang Jieshi was forced to agree to the concessions when it signed the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Alliance (1945). Shortly after the proclamation of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Mao visited Moscow, where he was able to renegotiate with Stalin a new Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance in which Stalin renounced Russia's traditional points of interest in Manchuria. In return, Stalin gained Chinese recognition for the independence of Outer Mongolia. In an interpretation that I have not encountered previously, the authors suggest that Stalin's interest in Korea and his authorization of Kim Il-sung's plan to attack South Korea played a role in Stalin's decision to concede control of Manchuria to China. During the Korean War, Chinese intervention was supported by massive Soviet aid in the forms of military equipment and Soviet air force units to provide air cover [End Page 222] for Chinese forces. The war cemented the Sino-Soviet alliance. However, the figures the authors cite (that the Soviet air force shot down 1,097 enemy planes and that Soviet anti-aircraft downed 212, while Soviet losses amounted to 335 airplanes and 120 pilots) are questionable (p. 87). The heyday of Sino-Soviet cooperation occurred during the early years of Nikita Khrushchev, who was willing in 1954–1958 to aid Chinese economic development in a major way. Soviet aid in credits amounted to $1.3 billion (other sources say $2.65 billion). A major part of the aid was military—through advisers and equipment, the Soviets enabled China to build a navy and an air force. The aid eventually included the initiation of a peaceful nuclear energy program in 1954 that blossomed when Khrushchev agreed to provide aid for a Chinese nuclear weapons program (1957). In 1958, Khrushchev had second thoughts and pulled back the aid. The authors do not see the 1956 Secret Speech by Nikita Khrushchev and Mao's reaction to it as the beginning of the rift between the two nations (Mao said of the speech that Stalin was 30 percent wrong and 70 percent right). Indeed, the Chinese played a role in helping the Soviets pacify Eastern Europe in 1956. Mao was becoming an increasingly important political actor in the world communist movement. The relationship between the two began to deteriorate after the Moscow Conference of 1957. Personality played a role. Mao clearly felt superior in intellect to Khrushchev. Khrushchev was the head of a recognized great power that conducted world diplomacy with the United States and espoused a policy of peaceful coexistence and peaceful competition with the capitalist countries. Mao's Peoples' Republic of China was still unrecognized by many states, including the United States. Because of China's history of struggle and civil war, Mao saw revolutionary struggle against world capitalism as natural. At this point, Mao foolishly embarked on the Great Leap Forward and the Peoples' Commune Movement, which were advertised as distinctly Chinese shortcuts to communism. The failure of these approaches only embittered Mao toward the Soviets. Foreign policy issues with regard to Taiwan and India exacerbated tensions even further. Mao horrified the Soviets and the East Europeans by nonchalantly dismissing the destructiveness of nuclear war...

The evolution of the idea of world revolution in Soviet politics (the rise and collapse of the world socialist system)

Turning socialism into a system on a global scale was the Soviet Union’s highest point for policy of a revolutionary renewal of the world. By the mid 1950s the ever mounting difficulties compelled the Soviet leadership to make a turn toward normalcy; i.e. to acquiesce to a partial scrapping of some of their revolutionary doctrines and moving on to a policy of peaceful co-existence with capitalism. Yet, the spiraling of the world-wide socialist system into crisis was picking up. There occurred some loosening of the hegemony of the Soviet Communist Party accompanied by a drastic politico-ideological polarization within the world communist movement. In fact, the course on advancing the world revolutionary process and simultaneously the policy of peaceful co-existence were clashing with each other constantly. By the mid 1980s the race against capitalism had been lost, whereas the effects of western soft power had been steadily growing. Perestroika and glasnost helped free the minds of the masses but did not resolve the crisis of the Soviet system. This opened the way to a series of bourgeois revolutions and the disintegration of the USSR and of the world socialist system.

Политика большевистского руководства по отношению к Германии (1918—1919 гг.)

The Bolshevik toward Germany, the relationship between the Communist Party of Soviet Russia and the German Social Democracy, which came to power as a result of the First World War is analyzed in the article. The issue of the geopolitical interests and ideological orientations of the Bolshevik leadership and the German socialists is considered, and disagreements between various currents in Marxism on internal and foreign issues are examined. The problem of the dualism of the of the CPSU (b) in the first years of power, the contradiction between the theoretical attitudes to the revolution and the practical need of the Soviet state for carrying out a policy of peaceful coexistence is raised, and the strategy and tactics of the Bolsheviks are analyzed at a time when their government turned out the emerging Versailles system of international relations. The activity of the Communist International on the expansion of political influence in the world and the search for allies for Soviet Russia are traced. The topicality of the problem under investigation is conditioned by the need to develop long-standing historical ties between the Russian and German states, to study the mechanisms for establishing good-neighborly relations and the desirability of improving them at the present stage. The author concludes that, despite theoretical differences, the national interests of Germany and Russia forced both Marxist parties to converge, which ultimately contributed to the conclusion of the Rapallo Treaty and the transition to political and economic cooperation between the two countries.

La incorporación de la política pública de seguridad y convivencia en la agenda gubernamental de Medellín 1990-2005

La situación de violencia que ha caracterizado a Medellín desde finales del siglo XX e inicios del XXI ha sido objeto de atención pública por parte de las autoridades locales y nacionales. El objetivo del artículo es analizar, desde el enfoque de política pública propuesto por Kingdon (1994; 2010), cómo se configuró la política pública de seguridad ciudadana y convivencia en la agenda pública y de gobierno con el fin de menguar la situación en la ciudad durante el periodo 1990-2005. La investigación es de tipo cualitativo y descriptivo, así como la metodología adoptada es fundamentalmente análisis documental de bibliografía especializada. Entre las principales conclusiones se reconoce la relevancia de la confluencia de todas las corrientes, a saber; actores, problemas, soluciones y ventana de oportunidades, para la incorporación o redefinición de una política pública.

The “Lieutenant Generation” and the Traditions of MGIMO-University

As a new age in the history of Russia was started by the events of 2014, we, the MGIMO alumni pondered deeply both upon the history of our country and upon the history of alma mater. Thus, we see the coincidence of MGIMO's 70th anniversary and of the 70th anniversary of the victory in the Great Patriotic War as far more meaningful than just a reason for formal celebration. The establishment of the groundwork of the MGIMO corporate ethic: exigency and amicability, proactiveness and responsibility, openness to the outside world and firmness in defending one's positions - is inseparably connected with the years of the "lieutenant generation", with its first enrollments and first graduations. The main accomplishments of the lieutenant generation of MGIMO graduates took place in 1950's-1970's, in the period of the development and realization of the policy of peaceful coexistence and detente. The policy of peaceful coexistence revealed in full measure both the pursuit of peace and the sober realism based upon the global balance of power. The idea of peaceful coexistence may well be seen as a prototype of the concept of a polycentric world, formulated by the successors of the lieutenant generation at the turn of the XXI century. Hard times did not pass MGIMO by. Fortunately, though, among the merits of the lieutenant generation was the merit of bringing up another MGIMO generation, which preserved the school during the turmoil of the 1990's. In the 1990's-2000's drawing upon its initial traditions, MGIMO became a full-fledged university with manifold international ties both in the West and in the East. Studies dedicated to the Great Patriotic war occupy a particular place in the research activities of MGIMO scholars. These studies have not only historical but also a great educational value, drawing a wide student response and inspiring youth to engage in cross-generation dialogue.

Kommunistliku partei propagandastrateegiad ja “kodanliku televisiooni neutraliseerimine” Eesti NSV-s 1968–1988

Keywords: Soviet Union, Cold War, Estonian SSR, Finnish Television, Estonian Television, propaganda, media history, Communist Party, psychological warfare, ideological warfare. Immediately after Germany capitulated to the Allies in 1945, a new confrontation was born in international politics – the opposition between the United States of America and the Soviet Union, generally known as the Cold War. Relations between the two superpowers and their satellite countries saw highly tense periods threatening to culminate in a nuclear war, alternating with more relaxed times when the opposing parties wished to revise their overly intense attitudes for the sake of avoiding such a nuclear conflict. Although the policy of coexistence sometimes improved the relations between those two blocks, neither of them was willing to back off from their ideological positions. Soviet propaganda theorists believed that the ideological war would be won by the side having the most effective propaganda, and mass media was considered to be the most important weapon of that war. One of the battles of the propaganda war was held in a province of the Soviet Union on the shore of the Baltic Sea – the Estonian SSR – as Finnish television appeared to be a developing “center of bourgeois propaganda” directly across the border of that Soviet Republic, extending its reception area more and more. Finnish TV was viewable in the Estonian SSR beginning at the end of the 1960s and offered alternative, independent information with a very different selection and commentary compared to the Soviet Union’s own TV and radio programmes. Moreover, Finnish TV broadcast images of daily life in the West, which inevitably showed the overall welfare and abundance of goods in stores. This was cardinally different from what Soviet propaganda was conveying: capitalism being near collapse and socialist economy being highly progressive. This paper uses mainly archive materials to research the decisions made by the Communist Party to direct the battle against Finnish TV in the framework of the propaganda war. The researched period starts with the year 1968, when the formerly friendly cooperation between Estonian TV and Finnish TV was interrupted because Finnish TV had commented on the events in Czechoslovakia in a manner unacceptable to the Communist Party. The researched period ends with the year 1988, when the Communist Party officially called an end to the battle against Finnish TV. The results of the research highlight the factors that influenced the development of Soviet Estonian journalism, place those factors in the context of the Communist Party’s campaign against “bourgeois television”, and expand on what we know of the methods used by the totalitarian regime to mobilize journalism for war. The paper also provides an overview of the measures employed by Soviet propaganda to increase its effect and decrease that of the enemy’s: careful personnel selection for ideology agencies and improvement of training for ideology employees, coordination of collaboration between various ideology agencies, systematic monitoring of the enemy’s media and undermining its authority in the eyes of Soviet citizens, surveying the Soviet population as a target audience, technological attempts to stop Finnish TV’s signal from spreading into the Estonian SSR, improving the quality and content of Soviet television to compete with Finnish TV programs. The decisions and processes described in the paper indicate that new elements of the Soviet order of governing and society were constantly being implemented in the Estonian SSR, thus it can be said that that the ideological war had a significant role in Sovietizing the Republic. From 1968–1988 the Communist Party applied classical countermeasures of a propaganda war, for example attempting to retain control of information. In modern military terms, the measures taken against “bourgeois television” at the time can be called a party-led “psychological defense” with the purpose of keeping its citizens from being influenced by the information or propaganda of the enemy’s media channels. The large scale and complexity of the propaganda war are evidenced by the volume of secret instructions issued in the course of managing the war, and the volume of decisions, speeches, interviews, presentations, etc. published in the mass media. Ultimately, all the so-called complex measures in the media, cultural and educational institutions and other organizations and fields were intended to ensure the continuing power of the Communist Party and the governing order of the Soviet Union. Marek Miil (b. 1976) is a Ph.D. student at the Institute of Journalism and Communication, University of Tartu.

Estimates of genetically modified oilseed in shared farming machinery

Adventitious presence of genetically modified crops (AGMP) in their non-GM counterparts is an important problem in the EU, where a policy of coexistence between the two is being sought. The economic impacts of AGMP could be severe and could prevent the practical application of GM coexistence measures. To date, research has concentrated on the contribution of pollen gene flow as the major source of AGMP, while other sources have not been investigated. We have examined the potential for AGMP from the use of shared farm equipment and transport, which has previously been assumed to have a low contribution. Oilseed rape (OSR) was examined in a typical UK production regime including tillage, sowing, spraying, harvesting and grain drying. At each stage in the process, OSR in the machinery was measured and its potential for AGMP calculated. In sowing and grain drying, mustard grain was used as a proxy for GM grain and was measured during the processes by real-time PCR quantification to give estimates of GM dilution rates during the processes. The effects of cleaning and other mitigation methods were examined. Total potential AGMP was estimated at 1.47% when no mitigation was performed, and 0.08% when machinery was cleaned. The best measures for avoiding this type of AGMP are presented in the context of the specific UK agriculture examined in this study.

Una propuesta de elaboración de perfiles identitarios juveniles para el mejoramiento de Proyectos Educativos Institucionales

This research is presented as a contribution to the process of reformulation of the Institutional Education Project started in 2009 in Luis Cruz Martinez High School, from Calama city. It contributes by formulating an identity profile of the students, in order to meet the contextual and subjective requirements on school dynamics. The identity profile is created by identifying certain traits and youth characteristics of this particular High School's students, in addition to some of the interest variables in youth issues proposed by the Policy of Coexistence and school inclusion.

NIMBY or how do the rural neighbours respond to genetically modified (GM) crops? An exploration of the structure of reactions by inhabitants in rural communities in The Netherlands to the commercial cultivation of GM crops in their community

The debate on genetic modification (GM) is persistent, polarized and mainly involves organized groups at the national level. With the European Union’s new policy of coexistence, commercial cultivation of GM crops is expected by the Dutch Ministry of Agriculture, Nature and Food Quality within the next few years, especially maize (BT) and potato (Phytophthera resistance and starch production). This makes the debate relevant for those directly confronted with this cultivation: the inhabitants of local rural communities. In The Netherlands, stakeholders formulated coexistence rules to prevent problems between conventional, organic and GM farmers that grow their crops in the same limited land area. Little is known, however, regarding the perceptions of the non-farming inhabitants of rural communities (“the neighbours”) in the debate. This paper presents the results of a focus group-based argumentative analysis of whether (and how) the GM issues play a decisive role among non-farming inhabitants of four rural communities in the Netherlands. We analysed the arguments in relation to a conceptual model that describes the potential rise and dynamics from a pre-Nimby ambivalence towards an outspoken Nimby position. We observed that the GM debate was given very little priority relative to other national issues on the political agenda and that more social cohesion correlates with fewer arguments in the national debate. It is argued that this mechanism keeps the Nimby ambivalence in an undetermined mode, which in turn diminishes the chances of radical rural-based protest against local GM cultivation of crops.

The Ainu Today: Towards a Policy of Multicultural Co-existence

The Ainu Today: Towards a Policy of Multicultural Co-existence