Policy In Central Asia Research Articles

Biden’s U.S. Foreign Policy in Central Asia: Military-Political Aspect

Biden’s U.S. Foreign Policy in Central Asia: Military-Political Aspect

Turkey’s policy in Central Asia

Turkey’s policy in Central Asia

Turkey’s policy in Central Asia: results and prospects

Turkey’s policy in Central Asia: results and prospects

The British policy in Central Asia

The British policy in Central Asia

MONGOLIA AND THE REPUBLICS OF CENTRAL ASIA

The article examines the state of relations between Mongolia and the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan). The author assesses main constraints of Mongolian-Central Asian economic cooperation, as well as steps to strengthen various elements of interstate partnership. Another part of the research is the study of Ulaanbaatar’s attempts to develop new theoretical approaches to the strengthen Mongolian policy in Central Asia in the context of the observed growth of global geopolitical and geo-economic tensions. It is obvious that in the current conditions Mongolia’s needs to expand the range of international partnerships becomes a serious challenge, requiring the authorities of the republic to make important political and foreign economic decisions in the short term.

The Perspectives of the U.S. Foreign Policy in Central Asia

The Perspectives of the U.S. Foreign Policy in Central Asia

Эволюция политики КНР по взаимодействию со странами Центральной Азии в сфере безопасности

The geopolitical and geostrategic position of Central Asia and, in particular, oil and gas reserves, the potential of transit and communication routes have led to a new round of interest of the leading world powers in the countries of the region. At the same time, for the People’s Republic of China, which is usually considered as the main “creditor” of the Central Asian countries, interaction with the states of the region in the field of security becomes a priority. This article identifies changes in the PRC’s approaches to ensuring security in the states of Central Asia by studying the rhetoric of officials representing the relevant Chinese departments, as well as taking into account the chronology of the signing of relevant agreements between the Chinese side and the countries of the region, establishing and changing interaction formats. In addition, the content and scope of China’s military and military-technical cooperation with the countries of Central Asia are analyzed from 2001 to 2023. Concerning the data presented, a conclusion is made about the main regional factors that influenced the evolution of the PRC’s policy in the region in the field of security. Based on the proposed logic of the work, the author identifies several stages of the PRC’s policy towards building interaction with the countries of Central Asia. At the initial stage of interaction, China’s policy in Central Asia was determined by the need to protect its own borders and limit the spread of the “three forces of evil” from Central Asia to Chinese territory. In 2009–2010 the PRC is becoming an important economic partner of the countries of Central Asia, and the basis for the goal setting of its security policy is the protection of its transport, energy, infrastructure (or generally economic) projects. In the future, most of these projects will be complemented and expanded as part of the implementation of the Belt and Road initiative in the region. Since 2019 the PRC has added to the format of interaction with the countries the component of bilateral anti-terrorist exercises, which it conducts under the auspices of its own campaign “Cooperation‑2019”. At the present stage, the interaction of the PRC with the Central Asian countries in the field of security is formed under the influence of the “China + Central Asia” format, where there are no external players like Russia or India and Pakistan.

Analysis of Japan’s Central Asia Policy in the Context of the Russia-Ukraine War from the Perspective of Functionalism

Analysis of Japan’s Central Asia Policy in the Context of the Russia-Ukraine War from the Perspective of Functionalism

U.S. policy in Central Asia in the context of confrontation with Russia and China

Central Asia, unlike the Asia-Pacific region, is not the main arena for the Sino-American confrontation. However, the geographical determinant - the region is surrounded by China, Russia, Iran and Afghanistan - predetermined the local nature of Washington's policy aimed at realizing American interests in the neighboring states of Central Asia. This paper examines the US policy in Central Asia at the present stage in the economic, humanitarian and security dimensions.

CONTEMPORARY PROCESSES IN CENTRAL ASIA AND CHINA'S DIPLOMACY IN THE REGION IN THE ERA OF UPGRADED COOPERATION

In this academic article, an attempt is made to present the perception of Chinese scholars on the development of contemporary processes in Central Asia and the policies of foreign states and unions in the region in the context of changing international and regional dynamics. The research results shed light on the existing perceptions within Chinese academic circles regarding the current state and trajectory of Central Asian countries' relations with foreign actors, ongoing geopolitical changes, the process of strengthening intra-regional cooperation, and a significant shift in China's foreign policy in Central Asia.

On the Eve of the “Great Game”: Specifics of the Russian Empire’s Policy in Central Asia in the 18th to the First Half of the 19th Centuries

The article offers an analysis of the issues related to the policy of the Russian Empire in Central Asia during the 18th to the first half of the 19th centuries. Despite the seemingly thorough examination of this aspect of Russian foreign policy, there are still issues that want further investigation, clarification, or are subject to debate, particularly with regards to the period leading up to the mid-19th century. The article delves into the causes, chronological parameters, and participants of the Great Game, the methods employed by the parties to the conflict, the reasons for Russia’s relatively slow incursion into this region, as well as the attitude of the rulers of Central Asian states and the local populace towards the Russians and the British.
 The authors conclude that initially, England’s main competitor in Central Asia was not Russia but France; the inception of the geopolitical conflict between Russia and UK should be dated back to 1800–1801, with its most active phase beginning in the 1830s. It’s also highlighted that the strategies employed by Britain and Russia bore similarities, combining both overt and covert diplomacy with the use of military force.
 This article is aimed at educators and students interested in international relations in the Asian region from the 18th to the first half of the 19th centuries.

The Main Factors Underpinning Turkey–China Relations: The ‘Turkic World’ Narrative and Its Implications for Future Relations

This article analyses how shifts in the international system and Turkish domestic factors determine the current relations between Turkey and China. They are combined with changes in the international system and Turkish domestic economic, political and ideological factors. The Uyghur issue, Turkey’s new activism in Central Asia, and the ‘Turkic narrative’ are analysed in the context of bilateral relations. The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War brought the ‘Turkic narrative’ to a new level and gave new impetus and confidence to Ankara in forging a new assertive foreign policy in Central Asia, which could be a challenge for Beijing in the future.

The EU Foreign Policy in Central Asia: Structural and Relational Dimensions

The EU foreign policy in Central Asia pursues both structural and relational objectives. In contrast to the 1990s, the EU no longer prioritizes the transition and modernization of countries from the region but focuses on their resilience. Compared to the policies of China, Russia, or the US, the EU exerts a more limited influence on its partner countries that varies across domains and issue areas. While the Union is losing the structural power competition in this region, it nevertheless maintains its ambition to be and act as a pole of the international system. The EU conducts its dialogue and cooperation with the Central Asian states mainly in a multilateral “region-to-region” format. At the same time the Union adopts differentiated approaches towards individual countries. Many observers assert that as an international actor, the EU is more trusted than other major powers in Central Asia. It aims to support the independent development of the sovereign Central Asian countries, contributing significantly to the emergence of some degree of regionalization in this part of the world. It is on this perceived benevolence that the EU can capitalize.

Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Central Asia: An Unfolding of Regionalism and Soft Power

The end of the Cold War brought about new challenges and opportunities for
 Turkey in redesigning its foreign policy. The independence of the Central Asian
 countries, with which Turkey shares common cultural, historical, and linguistic
 features, prompted Turkey to rapidly adapt to the new environment in the post-
 Cold War world order. After three decades, Turkey’s engagement with the Central
 Asian republics has gradually increased and reached a level at which Turkey
 is capable of effectively combining its soft and hard power capabilities within
 regional parameters. This article critically analyzes 30 years of Turkish foreign
 policy in Central Asia with a focus on its regionalism and soft power elements. We
 argue that Central Asia has provided a unique opportunity for Turkey to reshape
 its foreign policy on regional terms by utilizing its soft power resources for the
 first time, the experience later serving as a model for other regions.

BALANCED POLICY OF THE EU IN CENTRAL ASIA

This article is devoted to the relations between the European Union and the Central Asian republics. It discusses a number of internal and external factors that may affect the development of bilateral and multilateral relations. These factors force the European Union to pursue a balanced policy in the region. The success of the Union's policy in Central Asia depends on the stable maintenance of this balance. In this sense, the author likens the European Union to a tightrope walker performing a grand spectacle. The relations between the EU and Central Asia have a peculiar history and development trends. The mutual relations of the Central Asian countries with the European Union differ from relations with other international organizations. Author pays a special attention to the current state and proposes to upgrade these relations through enhancement of externally and internally balanced policy.

The Central Asian Direction of French Foreign Policy (1992-2022)

From the moment of the collapse of the USSR to the present days France showed interest in building relations with the countries of Central Asia in a wide range of areas of interaction. France was one of the first European states to recognize the independence of the new republics. The article is aimed to expand knowledge about French policy in Central Asia and the factors that determine the interest of Paris in the Eurasian region. In the context of the transformation of the world order and global geopolitical tensions France's capabilities are narrowing which encourages Paris to pursue a proactive foreign policy on the Central Asian track. At the same time the place of France's ideological and value rhetoric in its foreign policy in the Central Asian countries is gradually occupied by economic reasonability. France's interests in the region are focused on energy resources and Afghan issues. France's efforts are aimed at reducing the dependence of Central Asian countries on Russia and China. It is concluded that France is strengthening the economic dimension of its foreign policy in Central Asia with an emphasis on expanding cooperation with the two leading countries of the region - Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan.

Turkish educational policy in Central Asia

The article examines Turkey’s influence in the Central Asian region through educational policy in the context of the concept of “soft power”. In addition, Turkey’s interest in the development of the Central Asian region is demonstrated which is due to the fact of the Turkic peoples residing there. Turkey attaches great importance to forging relations with post-Soviet countries, in particularly in the field of education. The author addresses the usage of educational policy influence tools such as creation of lyceums and attracting applicants to Turkish universities. A major increase in quotas for foreign students, dual degree and exchange programs is stated. The author suggests algorithmic approaches to improve the image and increase Turkish education attractiveness through tourism and culture. As the result, the author determines the vectors of Turkey’s future development and draws conclusions on Turkey’s influence potential on the post-Soviet countries.

Religious and Political Factor in Iran's Foreign Policy in Central Asia

This article highlights the role of the religious factor in Iran's foreign policy in Central Asia. In order to determine the priority directions of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the stages of formation and development of foreign policy towards Central Asia were analyzed. The significance of the concept of "Shiа crescent" (Shiа triangle) has been studied as the main direction of Iran's foreign policy and its reflection in cooperation with the countries of Central Asia and the Middle East. In the foreign policy of official Tehran in relation to the countries of the region, the reasons for rejecting the idea of "exporting" the revolution and the reasons for reorientation to a pragmatic policy were also analyzed. Iran's approaches to solving security problems in Central Asia have been studied. Special attention was paid to the strategic importance of Iran for Central Asia, at the present stage, common interests and directions for the development of economic relations between Iran and the Central Asian states were highlighted. In the 90s of the last century, Iran, using religious rhetoric, tried to lay the foundation for a policy towards the countries of Central Asia. It can be said that the countries of the region found themselves in such a difficult situation as the choice between a secular regime and a religious renaissance. Despite the confessional differences with the countries of the region, it should be noted that Iran sought to support political Islamic groups in the region. Key words: Iran, Shiism, Central Asia, religious factor, exporting the revolution, Islam.

“Turkomstaris, in View of Its Inactivity, Due to Lack of Funds Will Be Destroyed....”: to the History of the Formation of Scientific and Cultural Policy in Soviet Central Asia in the First Half of the 1920s

After the October coup d’êtat of 1917, formation new authorities began, which were supposed to develop and implement the policy of the new power in the field of science and culture. On the territory of the former Russian Turkestan (Turkestan ASSR as part of the RSFSR), this process was complicated by the fact that the new policy had to meet the expectations of the local Muslim population, respectively, the measures taken had to guarantee its loyalty. Not least in the development of policy in the field of science and culture, in particular, in the field of restoration of historical and cultural monuments, is to be pointed out, that the world scientific community followed their fate. The scientific community represented by the Permanent Turkestan Commission of the Russian Academy of the History of Material Culture (PTC RAIMK) under the directorship of Academician V. V. Bartold claimed a leading role in determining the directions of scientific and cultural policy in Soviet Central Asia. The struggle for influence on the Turkestan institutions responsible for policy in the field of science and culture, in particular, for the restoration of architectural monuments, primarily Turkkomstaris, which functioned under the People’s Commissariat for education of the TASSR and had its own branches, ended in failure for representatives of the scientific environment. The PTC RAIMK was disbanded, the decisive word always remained said by the central authorities, which, lacking professional competencies, were guided solely by political considerations in the development of scientific and cultural policies in Central Asia. The model of scientific and cultural policy in Central Asia developed by the mid-1920s, was generally characteristic for the periods of large-scale reforms throughout the country: science remained subordinate to state authorities and did not have decisive powers.

Иран мен Орталық Азия елдерінің көліктік-логистикалық саладағы ынтымақтастығы (1990 – 2022 ж.ж.)

The article analyzes the main interests of Iran in Central Asia. There are also considered content and influence of energy, transport, and logistics factors on Iran’s strategy regarding cooperation between Tehran and Central Asia. The authors pay special attention to projects in the field of energy and communications. The article ends with the conclusion that the main areas of cooperation between Iran and the Central Asian region are the formation of transport infrastructure according to the concept of the international transport corridor «North-South», as well as the production and export of energy, gas, and oil. The Iranian side’s forecasts related to the implementation of a number of large-scale transport and logistics projects raise the question of the need to make adjustments to its policy. Little has been written or discussed the IRGC’s policy in Central Asia, and it appears to have been less active in the region. The resumption and tightening of US sanctions have put Iran’s economy in a difficult position. In such cases, significant difficulties arise in the implementation of large infrastructure projects, both due to the lack of the necessary amount of funding and due to various geopolitical conditions. In recent years, Iran’s strategy has remained very cautious and controversial. On the one hand, Tehran is trying to strengthen the regional energy partnership, regardless of US interests and pressure. In this regard, Iran is strengthening bilateral cooperation in the field of energy with the OAU countries. The lifting of sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran in January 2016 opened a new stage of development.