Policy Cohesion Research Articles

SOCIAL MEDIA GOVERNANCE VIA AN “ANEMIC” POLICY REGIME? HOW BOUNDARY SPANNING, COMPETING ISSUE DEFINITIONS, LACK OF COHESION, AND ADMINISTRATIVE FRAGMENTATION IMPEDE REGULATORY REFORM

Across the globe, lawmakers have enacted a range of reforms targeting the operation of large digital platforms. Within the United States, however, the push to regulate platform companies—specifically, social media—has faltered. Neither standard interest group politics, nor partisan deadlock, nor the clash of liberal versus conservative ideologies adequately account for this situation. Drawing upon historical sources, an examination of political-ideational foundations, and an empirical analysis of recent Congressional hearings, this paper argues that an “anemic” policy regime has emerged for governance of the social media sector in the United States over the past two decades. Key attributes of this regime—its boundary-spanning nature, competing issue definitions, lack of policy cohesion, and administrative fragmentation—combine to impede the capability for problem-solving on the topic of regulatory reform.

Fostering a democratic and socially just energy transition: How do Ombudspersons in Europe frame energy poverty?

This exploratory research examines how 20 Ombudspersons in Europe frame their understanding of energy poverty and energy justice, and explores the potential link between their framing and the prevalence of energy poverty in their respective countries. The countries exhibit varying levels of energy poverty and energy injustices influenced by factors such as income poverty, housing deprivation, electricity monopoly, social protection strength, and government effectiveness. The framing of energy poverty by Ombudspersons in Europe has a grading character. Apart from Ombudspersons that do not mention any energy injustice, the least ambitious framing category is ‘consumer right’, followed by the more ambitious category of ‘social vulnerability’, while the highest level of ambition is reached when Ombudspersons explicitly mention ‘right to energy’ or energy poverty. Ombudspersons framing energy poverty as a consumer right discuss policy cohesion and institutional lock-ins that impact energy poverty. Those who view energy poverty as a question of social vulnerability consider the vulnerable groups' needs. Ombudspersons who explicitly mention energy poverty or the ‘right to energy’ perceive access to basic services as a right, where violations of rights impact dignity. There is a partial correlation between how Ombudspersons frame energy poverty and the prevalence of energy poverty and energy injustices in their respective countries. In cases where energy poverty is a significant issue, the Ombudspersons usually analyze it, but it is absent from their work in countries where energy poverty is a minor issue. The Ombudsperson is an emerging actor to foster a democratic and socially just energy transition.

The policy-planning capacity of the American corporate community: corporations, policy-oriented nonprofits, and the inner circle in 1935–1936 and 2010–2011

AbstractUsing a combination of network analysis and descriptive statistics, this study examines the extent to which six important and longstanding policy-oriented nonprofit organizations — foundations, think tanks, and policy-discussion groups — were connected via their directors with the 250 largest corporations in the United States in 1935–1936 and 2010–2011. The results demonstrate that the six nonprofit organizations included in the study were well integrated into corporate networks in both periods, and had an even greater integrative role in 2010–2011 than they did in 1935–1936. This finding supports the hypothesis that policy-oriented nonprofit organizations allow the corporate community to develop proposals, and to reach consensus, on major policy issues. This hypothesis is further supported by an overview of existing studies that illustrate the success of these organizations in shaping policy outcomes on a range of issues. Based on the overall results, the longstanding claim that corporations influence government primarily or solely at the “interest-group” level can be supplemented by the conclusion that policy-oriented nonprofits support a policy-planning process that links the corporate community to government on general issues. In addition, the findings cast doubt on the claim that the corporate community has lost its capacity for policy cohesion in recent decades, due primarily to a “fracturing” caused by a decline in bank centrality. Since general policies have been created within the policy-planning process since at least the mid-1930s, the decline in bank centrality is irrelevant to the corporate community’s ability to formulate general policy proposals.

EU의 공동외교안보정책과 우크라이나 전쟁

This paper seeks to anlayze whether the Capability-Expectations Gap (CEG) of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy has been narrowed after the War in Ukraine broke out on 24th February 2022. It compares in the components of the CEGs before and after the war. Christopher Hill defines the capability as being composed of the resources (economic and diplomatic), policy instruments and policy cohesiveness.
 Before the war, Brexit left the EU’s economic power dwindled by 2.17% point from 15.7% to 13.62% in world output. Policy instruments have seen some changes, as the EU could manage to give military as well as economic aid to Ukraine for the first time. Although the EU is not a military alliance, EU leaders could reach agreements on sending military equipments in the face of Russian aggression. Policy cohesiveness refers to the ability to reach agreements and implement such ones among differing national policy preferences. Hungary remained opposed to banning Russian oil and gas imports to the last moment, thus gaining exemption from the EU’s sanction until the end of 2023, at least a year later after such sanction entered into force.
 With regard to expectations from within and without of the EU, citizens in Europe have wanted the bloc to play a more active role in major international affairs such as in the Ukraine War. The EU also could follow through many sanctions in close consultation with the United States, which has led Western efforts in giving aid to Ukraine.
 EU’s international role is likely to grow in the process of mediating the war, as the war is probably to last another a year or two. It will also shoulder significant burden to help Ukraine reconstruct after the War.

상위가치로서 ‘전략적 자율성’과 통상정책을 통한 구현

This paper seeks to anlayze whether the Capability-Expectations Gap (CEG) of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy has been narrowed after the War in Ukraine broke out on 24th February 2022. It compares in the components of the CEGs before and after the war. Christopher Hill defines the capability as being composed of the resources (economic and diplomatic), policy instruments and policy cohesiveness.
 Before the war, Brexit left the EU’s economic power dwindled by 2.17% point from 15.7% to 13.62% in world output. Policy instruments have seen some changes, as the EU could manage to give military as well as economic aid to Ukraine for the first time. Although the EU is not a military alliance, EU leaders could reach agreements on sending military equipments in the face of Russian aggression. Policy cohesiveness refers to the ability to reach agreements and implement such ones among differing national policy preferences. Hungary remained opposed to banning Russian oil and gas imports to the last moment, thus gaining exemption from the EU’s sanction until the end of 2023, at least a year later after such sanction entered into force.
 With regard to expectations from within and without of the EU, citizens in Europe have wanted the bloc to play a more active role in major international affairs such as in the Ukraine War. The EU also could follow through many sanctions in close consultation with the United States, which has led Western efforts in giving aid to Ukraine.
 EU’s international role is likely to grow in the process of mediating the war, as the war is probably to last another a year or two. It will also shoulder significant burden to help Ukraine reconstruct after the War.

User fee removal for the poor: a qualitative study to explore policies for social health assistance in Iran

IntroductionRemoval of user fee for vulnerable people reduces the financial barriers associated with healthcare payments, which, in turn, improves health outcomes and promotes health equity. This study sought to provide policy strategies to reduce user fee at the point of service delivery for the poor in Iran.MethodsThis is a qualitative study carried out in 2018. The purposive sampling method was applied, and 33 experts with relevant and valuable experiences and maximum variation to obtain representativeness and rich data were interviewed. Trustworthiness criteria were used to assure the quality of the results. The data were analyzed based on thematic analysis using the MAXQDA10 software.ResultsThe most important issue regarding financial protection against user fee for the poor in Iran is policy integration and cohesion. Differences in access to financial support for user fee coverage among different groups of the poor have led to inequalities in access and financial protection among the poor. The suggested protection policies against the user fee at the point of service delivery in Iran can be categorized into three main categories: 1) basic health social insurance instruments, 2) free health services to the poor outside of the health insurance system, and 3) complementary insurance mechanisms.ConclusionImplementing a cohesive social assistance policy for all disadvantaged groups is needed to address inequalities in financial protection against user fee payment among the poor in Iran. Reducing user fee through mechanisms such as deductible cap, stop-loss, variable user fee and sliding fee scale can improve financial protection and enhance healthcare utilization among the poor. A user fee exemption is not enough to remove barriers to access to service for the poor, as other costs such as transportation expenditures and informal payments also put financial pressure on them. Therefore, financial support for the poor should be designed in a comprehensive protection package to reduce out-of-pocket payments for healthcare services, and indirect costs associated with healthcare utilization.

DEVELOPING AND ANALYZING NEW WELFARE TYPOLOGIES BASED ON HEALTH CARE, LEAVE BENEFIT AND EDUCATION POLICY DOMAINS COVERING 16 EAST ASIAN AND EUROPEAN CAPITALIST COUNTRIES/REGIONS

Since Esping-Andersen [(1990). The three worlds of welfare capitalism. New York: Wiley] classified 18 capitalist countries into "three worlds of welfare capitalism", comparative studies of welfare have been dominated by his work and the responses to it. This paper focuses on two important responses. Firstly, there is a criticism that East Asian welfare regimes have not been given sufficient attention in the study by Esping-Andersen (1990). Secondly, analysts have doubts about the assumption that welfare regimes have a high degree of internal policy cohesion. To make contributions to these two responses, two analytical tasks are conducted. Firstly, new health care, education and leave benefits policy domains covering 16 East Asian and European capitalist countries/territories are built. Secondly, evidence generated from these policy domains is used to inform the discussion of two arguments: (i) there is a lack of essential conditions for East Asian countries/territories to form their own unique category of welfare regime in the areas of education, health care and leave benefits; and (ii) welfare regimes have a high degree of internal policy cohesion.

Regulating and Taxing the Big Tech Companies: A Slippery Slope for Africa?

There has been a growing concern across the globe on the activities of Big Tech companies and the platforms they deploy. This Paper reviews the United States and European experiences, while also providing an African perspective. It is unclear how Africa should proceed with its regulatory oversight of the Big Tech companies and subsequently tax them appropriately. Doubtlessly, the African continent lacks the policy cohesion of Europe, the cross national enforcement capabilities of the United States or even the capacity to monitor that actual activities on these platforms. Therefore, this Paper is of the view that Africa must segment the activities of the Big Tech companies based on both the thematic functions of their platforms and the regulatory areas they impact in the countries they operate in. In the end the key question, which is also an expression of a deep seated fear, is on whether this path can be a slippery slope that will capsize even the fringe advantages and usefulness of these platforms on the African digital ecosystem. Keywords: Big Tech, Regulatory, Platforms, taxation, technologies, communications DOI: 10.7176/EJBM/13-20-12 Publication date: October 31 st 2021

Water, Energy, Food, Waste Nexus: Between Synergy and Trade-Offs in Romania Based on Entrepreneurship and Economic Performance

Boosting the externalities across the water, energy, food, and waste (WEFW) sectors is challenging, especially considering tightening constraints such as population growth, climate change, resource-intensive lifestyles, increased waste production, sanitary crises and many others. The nexus approach supports the transition to a more sustainable future because intersectoral trade-offs can be reduced and externalities exploited, making imperative for decision makers, entrepreneurs, and civil society to simultaneously engage, with respect to all the components of the nexus. This research addressed intersectoral synergies and trade-offs in the case of the WEFW nexus in Romania, judging from the perspectives of entrepreneurial activity and economic results. The objective of this research was to explore the nexus in-depth by statistically analyzing the financial and economic indicators reported by active enterprises at county-level, based on the Romanian Ministry of Public Finance data. Research results describe the effects of the policies implemented in the fields of WEFW sectors. At the same time, attention was paid to the quality of the entrepreneurial activity, analyzed from the perspective of economic performance. This paper fills a research gap regarding the WEFW nexus by resorting to an economic and entrepreneurial performance assessment in order to find sectoral pathways toward policy cohesion in Romania. Findings suggested the existence of major trade-offs among sectors, owing to the fact that each county has a different development degree.

Zambia cervical cancer control program resource mapping – Leveraging support to achieve the 90-70-90 elimination target

BackgroundZambia has one of the highest incidence and mortality rates of cervical cancer at 65.5 and 43.4 per 100 000 respectively. In line with efforts of the cervical cancer elimination strategy the Zambia national cervical cancer sub-committee undertook a resource mapping exercise of projected spending on the prevention and control program. The aim was to elicit the available resources over a prospective 4-year period and compare it to the projected costs. Materials and methodsA 4-step approach was used for this activity. This included creation of tool adapted for the local program, orientation of stakeholders to the tool, population of the tool by stakeholders and collation, comparison and reporting of submitted data. Comparative analysis to the cervical cancer control costing report 2019–2023 was conducted. ResultsFifty-nine percent of resources in the stipulated period were allocated to prevention efforts. Isolated with diagnostic, treatment and palliation (14 %) the prevention allocation increased to 81 %. Community and stakeholder engagement was 5 % whilst technical assistance and health information were 12 % and 9 % respectively. The dispensation to research was the lowest at 0.7 %. For health system levels, secondary and primary levels were projected at 40 % and 12 % respectively following the central allotment of 45 %. Community and stakeholder engagement took up 3 %. The secondary prevention to tertiary intervention ratio was 4:1 in the projection compared to approximately 2:1 in the actual budgeted costs for the same period, showing a two-fold discordance. ConclusionTo achieve the accelerated elimination of cervical cancer as a public health problem policy cohesiveness is necessary. This can be facilitated with continuous stakeholder involvement in planning, implementation and review. Policy summaryIn order to accelerate the elimination of cervical cancer as a public health problem policy cohesiveness is vital and this can be achieved by continuous stakeholder involvement in planning, implementation and review.

Foreign Direct Investment and the Effect on a Developing Economy

This study examined the effect of foreign direct investment on a developing economy. The study employed multiple regression models to estimate the relationship that exists between sectorial inflow of foreign direct investment and Nigeria economic growth. Augmented Dickey Fuller Test, Johansen Co-integration test, normalized co-integrating equations, parsimonious vector error correction model and pair-wise causality tests were used to conduct the investigations and analysis. The findings of the result reveal that foreign direct investment in the agricultural sector have positive but no significant effect, foreign direct investment in the manufacturing sector have positive and significant effect, foreign direct investment in the mining and querying sector have negative but no significant effect, foreign direct investment in the transport and communication sector have positive and significant effect while foreign direct investment in the oil and gas sector have positive and significant effect on Nigeria real gross domestic products. The study concludes that the oil and gas sector have the greatest impact on Nigeria economic growth followed by manufacturing, agricultural, transport and communication sectors while mining and quarrying reduces gross domestic product. Nigerian policy makers should design sectoral policy reforms with the intention of creating an enabling business environment, improve infrastructure, address issues of insecurity in the north and south that hinder foreign direct investment in mining and quarrying sectors. Furthermore, there is the need to strengthen policy cohesion with regards to foreign direct investments to ensure that mining and quarrying sectors perform as well as the oil and gas sector.

Analyzing UK’s Biogas from Waste Scheme Through the Lens of Circular Economy

The biogas from waste has emerged as a realistic and reliable renewable energy proposition and can deliver social-economic benefits when integrated with local communities. In the last decade, the biogas sector in European countries has seen unprecedented growth due to favorable policy supports and perceived social-economic benefits. Among different biogas producing schemes, waste to biogas using anaerobic digestion is considered most environment friendly due to minimum carbon leakage and positive waste resource recycling impact. Many countries, including the UK, envision creating a circular economy utilizing Biogas from Waste (BfW) recycling potential. This paper aims to analyze the state of the UK’s BfW scheme through the lens of circular economy and discern areas that need attention to usher BfW potential in supporting a circular economy. The paper also discussed key challenges and barriers to create a local circular economy using the BfW scheme. Based on the analysis, it is observed that the BfW scheme in the UK is currently impeded due to lack cross-sectoral policy coherence, and far from contributing to a circular economy. Additionally, the UK's waste to energy concept is concentrated around incinerator-based systems without much attention on improving resource efficiency and waste recycling. This paper makes three recommendations to improve prospects of the BfW scheme in the UK (1) decentralized approach in the BfW scheme development, (2) considering bio-waste and digestate as value streams, and (3) creating a policy cohesiveness across multiple departments.

LE ELEZIONI DEL 1994

Le elezioni del 1994 sono state il risultato finale della crisi dei partiti di massa del XX secolo. Esse hanno portato alla formazione di un sistema politico bipolare di prima-past-the-post. Il sistema dei partiti è diventato completamente diverso dal precedente. La novità principale fu la vittoriosa "entrata nella mischia" di Berlusconi che innovò profondamente i modelli della politica italiana. Si presentava come un leader carismatico a diretto contatto con gli elettori grazie a un sapiente uso della televisione. Il partito da lui fondato, Forza Italia, si identifica con la sua persona e non esisterebbe senza di lui. È un partito personale. Questo ha segnato un salto di qualità nel processo di personalizzazione della leadership che caratterizzerà il sistema politico italiano da quel momento in poi. Berlusconi ha vinto anche perché è stato il primo a capire che - con il nuovo sistema elettorale a scrutinio unico - lo scontro sarebbe stato tra destra e sinistra, senza possibilità di partiti centristi, e che sarebbe stato necessario costituire coalizioni elettorali. Ha così formato un'alleanza con la Lega del Nord e il MSI senza alcun riguardo per la coesistenza politica dell'alleanza. Il bipolarismo italiano acquisirebbe così la caratteristica negativa di coalizioni fragili ed eterogenee, non essendo il sistema elettorale adatto a limitare la frammentazione dei partiti. Il sistema politico diventerebbe fortemente conflittuale a causa della mancata legittimazione dei due fronti politici.

Policy cohesion and post-recession economic imaginaries: manufacturing discourse in the Chicago metropolitan region

ABSTRACT This paper examines the proliferation of the Chicago metropolitan region’s post-recession regional economic development initiatives, and a consequent shift towards manufacturing-centric development programmes among regional planning bodies and public–private institutions. This phenomenon provides important insights about the post-recession economic development policy terrain in mature city-regions and the politics of economic development imaginaries. While there has been justified celebration of a new creativity in urban and regional economic development and industrial policy in the geographical literature, the Chicagoland case indicates that defensive actions, meant to recode older, disciplinary attitudes towards the region’s labour pools and lobbying from region’s industrial capitals, are an important element of the region’s post-recession policy coordination. What is dubbed herein as ‘manufacturing discourse’ in Chicagoland originates in institutions endogenous to the region’s industrial capitals and represents a longer term project of maintaining a specific type of socio-spatial fix as the predominant mode of crisis response among the region’s governance bodies, civil society and fractions of capital. In turn, it is argued that geographers and urban scholars need to theorize properly about the link between ‘soft’ economic imaginaries and the protection of power centres within city-regions, particularly amid state rationality crises and bursts of policy experimentation.

Examining policy cohesion for cervical cancer worldwide: analysis of WHO country reports

IntroductionCervical cancer is controllable through appropriate interventions such as vaccination, screening, treatment, early diagnosis and palliative care. The greatest burden of cervical cancer lies in low-income countries (LIC) where most of these services are missing or developed asymmetrically. Indeed, it is important to have not just an expansion, but a symmetric and concordant development of each service. Therefore, policies of countries should be aligned to provide concordant services and achieve the best outcomes with available resources. This is called ‘policy cohesion’ and for the first time in literature we will analyse cervical cancer policy coherence in all the 194 WHO member states.MethodsThe study is based on the 2017 WHO Non-Communicable Disease Country Capacity Surveys (NCD CCS). Although the survey covers multiple non-communicable diseases, in this report we will only discuss those results pertaining to cervical cancer, analysing the cervical cancer policy cohesion of 194 WHO member states, divided by WHO region and World Bank income group.ResultsHuman papilloma virus vaccination exists in 53% of countries. 76% of countries offer cervical screening: among these countries, treatment, early diagnosis guidelines and palliative care are missing in 13%, 13% and 40%, respectively. In the African region, this discord is even more profound: 32%, 17% and 60%, respectively.ConclusionEspecially in those settings where resources are limited, early detection guidelines, treatment and palliative care should be implemented along with secondary prevention strategies. Symmetric development of concordant cervical cancer services maximises cervical cancer control efficacy.

Recent U.S. and International Assessment of Baltic Security Developments

Objectives<i>Examining analysis of Baltic security developments from U.S. government and military resources, scholarly journal articles, and multinational public policy research institute assessments.</i>Methods<i>Analyzing content and rhetoric within these resources to learn how those producing these materials view Baltic security developments and their viewpoints on how the U.S. and its allies should respond to these developments focusing on increasing Russian regional assertiveness.</i>Results<i>Provides interpretations of Baltic security developments, Russian Baltic policy, and U.S. and NATO responses ot these developments in materials produced by U.S. civilian and military policymakers and multinational scholarly analysis. Includes performance assessments of U.S. programs including the European Deterrence Initiative and potential Russian military activity in the Baltics as reflected in varying reports by the U.S. Government, military, and multinational public policy research institutions.</i>Conclusions<i>Recommends U.S. and NATO countries recognize a new Cold War exists with a revisionist Russia. Advocates continuing NATO military exercise, upgrading civilian and military infrastructure protection, and enhancing U.S. and allied preparedness. Urges ongoing and candid dialogue between NATO and Russia to keep this situation from erupting into war. Insists the U.S. and its allies adroitly respond to Russian attempts to influence and manipulate public opinion toward Moscow. Expresses concern that U.S. partisan division over 2016 Russian interference in U.S. presidential election makes achieving greater Baltic policy cohesion difficult. Advocates warning Russia of devastating consequences of attempts to militarily invade or subvert Baltic countries.</i>

Policy mixes and overcoming challenges to innovation in developing countries: Insights from a mixed methods study of South Africa’s manufacturing sector

Although innovation policy mix as an analytical framework has been widely used and reported for developed countries, its application to developing countries has been minimal. In this study, an exploratory sequential approach has been followed in order to initially profile the policy mix in South Africa and then develop an understanding of how the policy mix could be rebalanced, and hence be more effective, in addressing the requirements within its manufacturing sector. The characterization followed the typology as used by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development in order to allow a cross-case comparison with two other countries (India and Canada). This analysis has concluded that South Africa’s policy mix is dominated by supply-side measures which support early stage research with more limited assistance for market development. Rebalancing the innovation policy mix towards the use of more demand-side instruments, combined with generic rather than population targeted policies, could address these deficiencies and improve the prospects for the sector. It is further proposed that the methodology be routinely applied in developing countries, particularly as a means of ensuring policy cohesion and synergy.

Produce Rx Programs for Diet-Based Chronic Disease Prevention

To explore the ethical and policy implications of produce prescription (Rx) programs, PubMed, Embase, and Scopus databases were searched for peer-reviewed literature on existing Rx programs in February 2018. A review of the literature identified 19 articles published on produce Rx programs; all were included in the review. Inclusion criteria were interactions between a medical professional and patient in a health care setting where a prescription for the consumption of fruits and vegetables was provided. Programs were further classified by whether patients were recruited based on eligibility criteria such as low socioeconomic status, diet-related condition, and the type of referring physician. An ethical matrix was then used to evaluate well-being, autonomy, and fairness from the perspectives of adult and child patients, patient families, participating local farmers, physicians, and government assistance programs. Patients with low income were subjects of 14 articles; 13 studies identified populations with diet-related health conditions such as diabetes or hypertension. Only 9 studies examined both health conditions and low socioeconomic status. An ethical analysis indicated that despite reducing financial burdens and increasing food choice, Rx programs might have unintended psychosocial consequences on participants with low income. Health care professionals benefit from employing a partnership model of care, building trust, and emotional intelligence. Participating farmers benefit from an enlarged customer base but might experience greater financial burdens. Some produce Rx programs could use existing government assistance programs (ie, Medicaid in medically underserved areas or the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, in food deserts), although disbursement may be cost inefficient and disorganized without policy cohesion at all levels of government. Future research must test a variety of produce Rx program designs to ameliorate tradeoffs between well-being, fairness, and autonomy. As pilots grow in scale, produce Rx programs must acknowledge the critical roles and perspectives of health care professionals and local participating farmers. Programs must also determine whether Rx incentives will use the existing government assistance programs to identify patients with low income, with diet-related health conditions, or with both.

Federal Criminal Law and International Corruption

The recent indictment of more than 40 individuals and entities in the FIFA corruption scandal demonstrates the expansive reach of the federal criminal law, raising important questions of extraterritorial jurisdiction and substantive law. This article argues that the existing law is sufficient to capture pervasive corruption in international organizations like Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) when their transactions reach domestic wires in the financial system. The principal charge in the FIFA case, for example, falls under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO). But the extraterritorial application of RICO is far from settled law, and the dramatic scale of the racketeering conspiracy will have profound implications for the substantive law, presenting problems of legal specification and challenging the transactional model of crime. One of the indictment’s predicate offenses, moreover, is a novel honest services fraud charge that implicates the very nature of fiduciary duties in the international marketplace. This article suggests that the law should extend fiduciary protections against commercial bribery in the international sphere so long as the values underlying those protections accord with collectively shared norms. Finally, this article advances a conceptual understanding, informed by theories of global governance and development, of why the law should countenance international corruption. Federal prosecutors are becoming increasingly concerned with the integrity of globally integrated markets, and global prosecutions may carry the potential to strengthen deterrence, policy cohesion among decentralized stakeholders, and reinforce international norms of conduct.

Improving the relevance and impact of international standards for global climate change mitigation and increased energy access

Substantial international cooperation will be required to meet the challenges of the 2015 Paris Agreement on Climate change and UN 2030 Sustainability Goals. International standards can be an important tool for providing structure and guidance in rapidly evolving energy efficiency (EE) and renewable energy (RE) markets, thus improving their positive effect on global climate and energy access goals.This paper presents the key findings and detailed analysis from a 2014 survey of 378 standards developers and policy makers in 37 countries conducted by the International Organization for Standardization's (ISO) Strategic Advisory Group on Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy Sources. This survey represents the first large effort by ISO to systematically seek external input in mapping policy and standardization needs in EE and RE markets.The survey identified eight key findings, most notably a disconnect between policy makers and standards developers as a potential barrier to developing effective and relevant standards. Specific steps are described to support greater engagement of policy makers during the early stages of standards development and improve standard making outcomes. Greater dialogue and better coordination is needed among standards, as well as between standards and related policies in order to achieve this potential and to make positive contributions to the broader goals of policy cohesion.