Policy In Britain Research Articles

O bill Palmerston e o Império do Brasil

On August 24, 1839, the British Parliament passed the Palmerston Act as part of its global crusade against the smuggling of Africans to America. The measure, which signaled a radicalization of Britain's anti slave trade policy, classified the trade of Africans as trafficking, authorizing the country's navy to seize Portuguese vessels suspected of engaging in this activity. Based on the premise that the dispute between Portugal and Great Britain did not solely influence the fate of these countries, this article aims to analyze how the Brazilian press reacted to the Palmerston Act, especially in Rio de Janeiro. Additionally, the text intends to examine the consequences of this act for the future of the slave trade to the Empire of Brazil, particularly in its political dimension.

How do we make trade policy in Britain? How should we?

AbstractSince Brexit, the UK has been responsible for its own trade policymaking rather than inputting into the collective policy of the European Union. This paper starts by sketching how that policy has been developed and implemented and how it is turning out. Overall, it is not very complimentary about the UK Government's efforts and so it then moves on to consider how we might do better. One dimension of this is how trade policy could be made more inclusive in formulation. I propose three (sets of) institutional reforms: increasing Parliamentary (and other) scrutiny of the government's trade policy plans; after examining how the UK public thinks about trade policy, it asks whether (how) one should take into account public attitudes to trade policy issues; finally, it argues for creating an independent source of advice and analysis on trade policy. It concludes by noting that while recent history has been disappointing, trade policy by any government would be improved by the reforms recommended.

РУССКО-ЯПОНСКАЯ ВОЙНА 1904-1905 ГГ. В ОТРАЖЕНИИ БРИТАНСКОЙ ПРЕССЫ

The article examines the position of Great Britain during the Russian-Japanese war. At the end of the 19th century, the balance of power in the international arena was changing. This is due to the desire to strengthen the positions of Germany, the USA, Italy, Japan, to preserve and strengthen their position as the leading powers of Great Britain, France and Russia. At the beginning of the 20th century, Britain's geopolitical interests shifted to the Far East against the background of socio-economic and political changes after the death of Queen Victoria. The Far East became one of the priorities of Britain's colonial policy in the framework of rivalry with other powers in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The British perceived any penetration of any power into this region as a threat to their geopolitical interests. The UK is increasing its support for Japan in order to contain Russia and Germany, which is increasing its influence in the Far Eastern region. During the Russian-Japanese war, Great Britain tries to adhere to the policy of "brilliant isolation", maintaining formal neutrality and not entering into an open armed conflict with Russia. Great Britain's support for Japan in the war with Russia was facilitated by the fact that the Japanese promised equal economic rights for all powers in the Far East. The UK has used various forms of support for Japan. Including military, financial and information assistance. The article pays special attention to the sentiments of Western society, the coverage of the peace negotiations in the British press during the Russian-Japanese war. The British government acted cautiously, trying to maintain its pre-emptive position in the Far East, skillfully maneuvering between the policy of containment and the search for allies in the framework of advancing its interests.

Public Service Media in the Platform Era: The Cases of Britain, Denmark, and Greece

Public service media (PSM) are grappling with structural shifts in the audio-visual sector, notably the shift of audiences towards over-the-top (OTT) or subscription video-on-demand (SVOD) services. They have also heavily invested in online platforms, adapting their policies to engage digital users on their video-on-demand (VOD) platforms. This paper assesses PSM policies in Britain, Denmark, and Greece, examining initiatives regarding adaptation to the digital era. It explores whether they implement new strategies to expand their digital reach. Data from policy documents and interviews with BBC, DR, and ERT leading executives inform the analysis. Findings showed varied responses among PSM organisations, influenced by market dynamics and the evolution of broadcasting traditions.

Beneath the insuperable barrier: accumulation, state managers and climate policy in Britain

ABSTRACT This article presents the first archival case study of the drivers of UK climate policy and the creation of the UNFCCC. I contribute to the literature on the green state and green capitalism, firstly by arguing that existing approaches do not fully capture the state’s and most importantly policymakers’ position in capitalism. Secondly, there remains scope for more refined empirical examination of policymakers and how they navigate the contradictions of environmental policy. I address these weaknesses by analysing newly declassified British governmental documents through form-analytic Marxism, demonstrating the drivers behind the Thatcher government’s climate policies and push for an international convention. I argue that policymakers occupy the site of the state’s contradictory pressures, and thus find themselves ‘beneath the insuperable barrier’ as their commitment to accumulation and capitalist logics supersedes their drive to design ambitious environmental measures. This reveals fundamental tensions with policymakers’ ability to address the climate crisis.

The Emergence of Regional Industrial Policy in Britain: The Case of Wales, 1939 to 1947

From the 1940s to the 1970s, British governments steered manufacturing businesses to peripheral regions designated as needing more employment. This approach was delivered through a Regional Policy that deployed industrial location controls and financial incentives. Effectiveness varied over time but was dramatic in the mid-1940s, when it boosted the regional stock of secondary manufacturing to the extent that its legacy remains visible today. The literature describes how this Regional Policy was a peacetime policy, albeit one formulated during the war. This article, however, proposes that the most successful phase of Regional Policy was an extension of wartime policies governing regional manufacturing businesses producing munitions. It uses a case study of Wales to make two arguments. One is that the Regional Policy associated with the postwar period began to be implemented before the war had ended. The other is that the Board of Trade pursued the policy through repurposed wartime governance mechanisms within an economy that remained subject to onerous state controls. The case outlines a short but consequential burst of assertive state involvement that shaped business activity throughout much of regional Britain, echoing Philip Scranton and Patrick Fridenson’s arguments concerning “the state always being in” given its role in shaping markets, business behavior, and regulations.

:The Winding Road to the Welfare State: Economic Insecurity and Social Welfare Policy in Britain

:<i>The Winding Road to the Welfare State: Economic Insecurity and Social Welfare Policy in Britain</i>

Coordinating monetary and fiscal policies in Britain during the French Wars (1793–1821)

Abstract Relying on new quantitative and qualitative data, we analyze how the United Kingdom financed the French Wars (1793–1821). We show that policy makers adjusted monetary and fiscal policies in four regimes. 1) tax-smoothing; 2) suspending the gold standard, real bills, war taxation; 3) the Bank of England's price support of government securities; 4) return to the old order. Under the price support regime, the Bank of England maintained the market value of public short-term debt by purchasing large amounts of it. Our findings suggest that in this context fiscal news shocks rather than fluctuations in the money supply caused inflation.

The racialisation of sexism: how race frames shape anti-street harassment policies in Britain and France

Femonationalism, that is, the use of women’s rights rhetorics to further racial stigmatisation and promote nationalism, has been of growing interest to social scientists on European contexts. While previous studies have provided insights on the racialisation of sexism in gender equality policymaking, there is still a limited understanding of how policy frames in particular national contexts can either exacerbate or mitigate femonationalism in the making of anti-gender-based violence policy. In particular, how do frames on race and racism impact the framing of anti-street harassment policies and, by extension, the ability to prevent femonationalism? The article explores this issue by comparing the cases of France and Britain through empirical data with policymakers and activists intervening in policymaking against street harassment in France and Britain. Findings suggest that, even though French state actors claim their colour-blindness allows them to avoid a racist framing of the problem, it actually enables it. This in turn favours a racialised framing of street harassment and leads to an inability to address the potential risk of racial targeting in the criminalisation of street harassment. Conversely, the acknowledgment of racism in Britain favours an intersectional framing of street harassment and leads to greater consideration of the risk of racial targeting. By analysing how race repertoires unfold in policy pre-adoption phases, the article therefore suggests that nationally embedded assumptions about race have a significant impact on the framing of anti-gender-based violence policy and, in turn, on femonationalism.

Catherine of Braganza during the Popish Plot and Exclusion Crisis: Anti‐Catholicism in the Houses of Commons and Lords, 1678–81*

AbstractThis article evaluates how Catherine of Braganza was scrutinised in parliament during the Popish Plot and Exclusion Crisis, 1678–81. During this period, politicians used Catherine as a political pawn to try and pressurise Charles II to secure the line of succession, which included proposals that he should divorce her and remarry, in order to secure the line of succession away from his Catholic convert brother, James, duke of York. The article focuses on how Catherine's 1661 articles of marriage became central in parliamentary debates following the Popish Plot scandal, and the extent to which politicians considered how far they could control Catherine's Catholic household without breaching the articles, or aggravating Portugal. The colonial assets of Tangier and Bombay (acquired by Britain upon Catherine's marriage to Charles), are given serious attention in understanding decisions made by parliament during this period, as removing Catherine as queen threatened to jeopardise Britain's foreign policy relationship with Portugal, as well as its trade networks and aspirations for colonial enterprises. This article, therefore, revisits Catherine of Braganza's reputation and character through the lens of the Popish Plot and Exclusion Crisis, and how Catherine's place in the Popish Plot narrative influenced England's international relationship with Portugal.

Phygitally Smarter? A Critically Pragmatic Agenda for Smarter Engagement in British Planning and Beyond

In Britain as elsewhere, planning systems are entering a “digital turn.” However, the emerging conversations around PlanTech in policy, industry, and research yield contrasting views about the promises of digital technology and “data-driven” decisions to enhance and embed public participation in the planning system. With faster, data-driven processes capable of engaging more people in more diverse ways, PlanTech offers to revolutionise planning systems. However, empirical evidence demonstrates low citizen trust in government and web-based technologies, democratic and participatory deficits, the complexity of the planning system and its opaque technocratic terminology, multi-layered digital divides, and other socio-technical factors that hinder effective and inclusive public consultations in planning. This article provides a preliminary, high-level research agenda for public consultations across Britain’s three nations that centres around a critical pragmatic design, deployment, and evaluation of blended/“phygital” (simultaneously physical and digital) information-rich ecologies of smart engagement. A review of selected national policy in Britain provides initial insight into the emphasis (or lack of) put on the adoption of digital tools within the planning process of each British nation. In doing so, the research sets out a conceptual model that complements existing models for participatory planning by adopting Beyon-Davies’ unified conception of information, systems, and technology. The conceptual model presented sets out seven Is of information-rich phygital ecologies and three interdependent “pillars” for smart engagement that enable one to gaze both deeply and broadly into opportunities for smart engagement through and beyond PlanTech.

The direction of gender equality policy in Britain post-Brexit: towards a masculinised Westminster model

ABSTRACT This article examines gender equality policy in Britain, pre-and post-Brexit. Through a gendered analysis of European Union (EU) directives over forty years, we examine which policies have been key to Britain’s gender equality agenda. We find that the EU’s gender equality framework has been particularly integral to the advancement of ‘class-based’ policies, which seek to ameliorate inequalities that arise from the sexual division of labour. Taken together, we argue that the impact of Brexit risks directly rolling back these class-based gains. This is as a result of a shift away from a more consensual style of policymaking at the supranational level, towards a top-down, adversarial and masculinised Westminster Model, which marginalises women from decision-making fora. As it stands, advancements in gender equality policies are unlikely to be regained in the current political climate due to the absence of the stimulus of the EU for domestic gender equality reform.

The Ukrainian dimension of Britain's foreign policy amid the Russian special military operation

The article looks at the UK's foreign policy in Ukraine against the background of the special military operation of the Russian Federation. The author examines historical prerequisites for Britain's involvement in the conflict, in particular, reveals the process of forming a model of the state's behaviour in the international arena and shows how bilateral relations between London and Kiev have developed. The study also determines the significance of the events in Eastern Europe for the UK as a power with global ambitions. The scientific research program of realism is used as the theoretical basis of the article, with the historical—genetic method, discourse analysis and problem node decomposition used as its methodological basis. While conducting a research, an attempt was made to systemise all the goals and interests that the United Kingdom pursues. It was concluded that London takes part in the crisis in Ukraine indirectly for several reasons that are national, regional, and global in nature. All the efforts of the political leadership are aimed at diverting attention of British subjects from domestic political issues, strengthening the position of the state on the European continent and not allowing the Russian Federation to fulfil its strategic tasks, thereby creating new opportunities for itself elsewhere.

Britain's policy towards Afghanistan In light of the treaty of 1905

شهد تاريخ افغانستان في القرن التاسع عشر ومطلع القرن التالي تنافساً استعمارياً بين القوى الكبرى انذاك ؛بريطانيا وروسيا وبعض القوى المحلية كايران يمثل جزءاً من صراعها الكبير على المستعمرات , ومناطق النفوذ. ولأن افغانستان تتمتع بموقع جغرافي واستراتيجي مهم فقد احتلت مكانة بارزة في المخطط الدفاعي البريطاني الذي كان يهدف الى تكوين حاجز متماسك من المناطق القريبة من الهند , درة التاج البريطاني , يصعب على روسيا وغيرها اختراقه . من هنا تتبعت هذه الدراسة سير العلاقات البريطانية مع افغانستان , ومحاولات بريطانيا المحافظة على الحاجز الافغاني بضمان تفوقها على بقية المنافسين لها . ومن اجل ذلك دخلت في معترك الاحداث الداخلية الافغانية خلال عقود القرن التاسع عشر , وتنوع هذا التدخل بين العمل العسكري والعمل الدبلوماسي للسعي من اجل ضم افغانستان الى صفها في صراعها مع روسيا التي شكلت سياستها التوسعية في شمال افغانستان تحدياً خطيراً للمصالح البريطانية , مستغلة ظروف افغانستان الصعبة لمد نفوذها اليها لتكون على مقربة من الممتلكات البريطانية في الهند , وتشجيعها للحكام الايرانيين على احتلال الامارات الافغانية .

George R. Boyer. The Winding Road to the Welfare State: Economic Insecurity and Social Welfare Policy in Britain.

George R. Boyer. <i>The Winding Road to the Welfare State: Economic Insecurity and Social Welfare Policy in Britain</i>.

Connecting Risk Management Theory and Practice on the Frontline of Climate Change Adaptation and Disaster Risk Reduction: The Experience of the West Yorkshire Fire and Rescue Service in the United Kingdom

Risk management is fundamental to the pursuit of climate change adaptation, particularly in public sectors, through integrated cross-sectoral policies and government planning. This integration with Adaptation to Climate Change and Disaster Risk Reduction is a way of transforming policies into local actions. Climate emergencies are explored as a potential risk to one public sector, the Fire and Rescue Services, due to the increase in the frequency and intensity of climate-related incidents (floods and wildfires). The research assesses Britain's national policies on climate adaptation, which have developed significant environmental research and legislation since 1997: the Civil Contingencies Act (2004), Climate Change Act (2008), Climate Change Risk Assessment (2012) and periodically the National Risk Register for Civil Emergencies. From interviews with West Yorkshire firefighters, integrated community risk management is critical for gathering quality-assured data to implement positive change in public sectors, consolidating Climate Change Adaptation and supporting Disaster Risk Reduction. Although multi-agency community engagement is suitable for understanding local vulnerabilities, the frequency of incidents dictates investments and limited resources are barriers for action.

Colonial Britain's Convict Labour Policies and the Cape Colony, 1806-1899

This article evaluates how convict labour alleviated labour shortages experienced in the Cape Colony from 1806 to 1899. It explores and evaluates Britain's significant impact on labour policies followed in the Cape Colony and focuses on the imperial government's role in developing legislation and procedures regarding management and transportation of convicts. It also considers the influence of nineteenth century policies of convict control in Britain, and the application of these policies and labour regimes in the Cape Colony. The article describes convict transportation, anti-convict agitation by Cape colonists and the economic significance of convict labour and public works projects. Finally, the convict lease system - the practice of hiring convicts to mines and to farmers - and Cape labour legislation's role in increasing the convict labour force through criminal sanctions will be examined.

British exports and foreign tariffs: Insights from the Board of Trade's foreign tariff compilation for 1902

AbstractThis research note contributes to the debate over whether British exports were elastic to foreign tariffs before the First World War. In doing so, this study is the first to make econometric use of the commodity‐ and country‐disaggregated foreign tariff data that Britain's Board of Trade compiled for the year 1902. Contrary to previous literature, British exports were indeed elastic to foreign tariffs across a range of manufactured commodities, with a conservative estimate of the elasticity being 3.1, which is not low by modern standards. Counterfactually, if foreign countries had emulated Britain's policy of free trade in manufactures in 1902, a partial‐equilibrium estimate is that British exports would have been 57 per cent higher. If the trade‐liberalizing trend of the mid‐nineteenth century persisted into the late‐nineteenth century, then much of the late‐Victorian deceleration of British exports would have been avoided.

J. R. Seeley in Japan, 1880s–1940s

AbstractThis article explores how the late nineteenth-century British historian J. R. Seeley was ‘used’ in Japan. The focal points are three translations of his The expansion of England, published in 1899, 1918, and 1942. By placing each translation in context, I attempt to clarify the ideological moves made by those who produced the translations. In the context of the first translation, Seeley was a historian who offered a vision of Japan's future. In the second context, however, he became a lens through which present-day British policy could be understood. In the third context, he became an unintentional detractor of Britain's past colonial policies in India. Through a comparative examination of these three translations, this article uncovers both the ‘potential’ of Seeley's imperial history, which anglophone reception of his work had not exhausted, and the ‘creative’ aspect of translation, thus contributing to intellectual history on both the local and global levels.

On the response to the financial crisis of 1914: The Bank of England's discount policy

This work investigates the Bank of England's policy response to the London Financial Crisis of 1914, triggered by the outbreak of the Great War. By using daily data on discount operations drawn from the Bank of England's historical archive, we empirically test whether the Central Bank played the role of lender of last resort or it restricted credit. Our results suggest that, during 1914, the Bank of England did not change its policy in terms of bills’ discounting. Even though the discounter identity might have been a determinant of Bank's lending decisions (as in Flandreau and Ugolini, 2011 and 2013; Anson et al., 2019a), our evidence suggests that, throughout 1914, the Bank of England operated as a lender of last resort according to the Bagehot rules.